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EVERYMAN. 
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ITO-GOBYTHYJJDE 


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HISTORY 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  DUTCH 

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g^RISE-OF 
THE-DUTCH 
REPUBLIC. 
AHISTORY 
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/VVf/  Edition,  March  1906 
Reprinted^  May  1906 


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BREAD  STREET  HILL,  E.G.,   AND 
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THE  RISE  OF  THE  DUTCH 
REPUBLIC 


CHAPTER    IV 

Assumption  of  affairs  by  the  State  Council  at  Brussels — Hesitation  at  Madrid — Joachim 
Hopper — Mai-administration — Vigilance  of  Orange — The  provinces  drawn  more 
closely  together — Inequality  of  the  conflict — Physical  condition  of  Holland — New 
Act  of  Union  between  Holland  and  Zeland — Authority  of  the  Prince  defined  and 
enlarged — Provincial  polity  characterized — Generous  sentiments  of  the  Prince — His 
tolerant  spirit — Letters  from  the  King — Attitudes  of  the  great  powers  towards  the 
Netherlands — Correspondence  and  policy  of  Elizabeth — Secret  negotiations  with 
France  and  Alengon — Confused  and  menacing  aspect  of  Germany — Responsible  and 
laborious  position  of  Orange — Attempt  to  relieve  Zierickzee — Death  of  Admiral  Boispt 
— Capitulation  of  the  city  upon  honourable  terms — Mutiny  of  the  Spanish  troops  in 
Schouwen — General  causes  of  discontent — Alarming  increase  of  the  mutiny — The 
rebel  regiments  enter  Brabant — Fruitless  attempts  to  pacify  them — They  take  pos- 
session of  Alost — Edicts,  denouncing  them,  from  the  State  Council — Intense  excitement 
in  Brussels  and  Antwerp — Letters  from  Philip  brought  by  Marquis  Havre — The 
King's  continued  procrastination — Ruinous  royal  confirmation  of  the  authority 
assumed  by  the  State  Council — United  and  general  resistance  to  foreign  military 
oppression — The  German  troops  and  the  Antwerp  garrison,  under  Avila,  join  the 
revolt — Letter  of  Verdugo — A  crisis  approaching — Jerome  de  Roda  in  the  citadel — 
The  mutiny  universal. 

THE  death  of  Requesens,  notwithstanding  his  four  days' 
illness,  occurred  so  suddenly  that  he  had  not  had  time  to 
appoint  his  successor.     Had  he  exercised  this  privilege, 
which  his   patent   conferred   upon   him,   it  was   supposed 
that  he  would  have  nominated  Count  Mansfeld  to  exercise 
the  functions  of  governor-general,  until  the  King  should 
otherwise  ordain.1    In  the  absence  of  any  definite  arrange- 
ment, the  Council  of   State,   according  to  a  right  which 
that   body   claimed    from   custom,    assumed    the   reins   of 
government.     Of  the  old  board,  there  were  none  left  but 
the   Duke  of  Aerschot,   Count   Berlaymont,   and   Viglius. 
To  these  were  soon  added,   however,   by  royal  diploma, 
the   Spaniard,   Jerome  de   Roda,   and   the   Netherlanders, 
Assonleville,    Baron    Rassenghem,    and    Arnold    Sasbout. 
Thus,    all    the    members,    save    one,    of    what    had    now 

1  Bor,  viiL  663.     Meteren,  v.  io4a. 
VOL.  III.  B 


2  The  Rise  of  the 

become  the  executive  body,  were  natives  of  the  country. 
Roda  was  accordingly  looked  askance  upon  by  his  col- 
leagues. He  was  regarded  by  Viglius  as  a  man  who 
desired  to  repeat  the  part  which  had  been  played  by  Juan 
Vargas  in  the  Blood-Council,  while  the  other  members, 
although  stanch  Catholics,  were  all  of  them  well-disposed 
to  vindicate  the  claim  of  Netherland  nobles  to  a  share  in 
the  government  of  the  Netherlands. 

For  a  time,  therefore,  the  transfer  of  authority  seemed 
to  have  been  smoothly  accomplished.  The  Council  of 
State  conducted  the  administration  of  the  country.  Peter 
Ernest  Mansfeld  was  entrusted  with  the  supreme  military 
command,  including  the  government  of  Brussels ;  and  the 
Spanish  commanders,  although  dissatisfied  that  any  but 
a  Spaniard  should  be  thus  honoured,  were  for  a  time 
quiescent.1  When  the  news  reached  Madrid,  Philip  was 
extremely  disconcerted.  The  death  of  Requesens  excited 
his  indignation.  He  was  angry  with  him,  not  for  dying, 
but  for  dying  at  so  very  inconvenient  a  moment.  He  had 
not  yet  fully  decided  either  upon  his  successor,  or  upon 
the  policy  to  be  enforced  by  his  successor.  There  were 
several  candidates  for  the  vacant  post;  there  was  a 
variety  of  opinions  in  the  cabinet  as  to  the  course  of  con-! 
duct  to  be  adopted.2  In  the  impossibility  of  instantly 
making  up  his  mind  upon  this  unexpected  emergency, 
Philip  fell,  as  it  were,  into  a  long  reverie,  than  which 
nothing  could  be  more  inopportune.  With  a  country  in  a 
state  of  revolution  and  exasperation,  the  trance,  which 
now  seemed  to  come  over  the  government,  was  like  to  be 
followed  by  deadly  effects.  The  stationary  policy,  which 
the  death  of  Requesens  had  occasioned,  was  allowed  to 
prolong  itself  indefinitely,3  and  almost  for  the  first  time 
in  his  life,  Joachim  Hopper  was  really  consulted  about  the 
affairs  of  that  department  over  which  he  imagined  him- 
self, and  was  generally  supposed  by  others,  to  preside  at 
Madrid.  The  creature  of  Viglius,  having  all  the  subser- 
viency, with  none  of  the  acuteness  of  his  patron,  he  had 
been  long  employed  as  chief  of  the  Netherland  bureau, 
while  kept  in  profound  ignorance  of  the  affairs  which  were 

1  Bor,  Meteren,  ubi  sup.     Viglii  Epist.   Select,   ad  Diversos,   No.   179,  p.  409.     Vigl. 
Epist.,  ubi  sup.     Hoofd,  xi.  438.     Bor,  ix.  663.     Wagenaer  (vii.  91),  however,  states  that 
Mansfeld  was  entrusted  simply  with  the  government  of  Brussels,  and  that  it  is  an  error  to 
describe  him  as  invested  with  the  supreme  military  command. 

2  Letter  of  Philip  (March  24,  1576)  to  states-general,  in  Bor,  ix.  663. 

3  Strada,  viii.  407,  408.     Hoofd,  xi.  438.     Bor,  viii.  663,  sqq.     V.  d.   Vynckt,  ii.  176,  et 
sqq.,  etc. 


Dutch  Republic 


transacted  in  his  office.  He  was  a  privy  councillor,  whose 
councils  were  never  heeded,  a  confidential  servant  in 
whom  the  King  reposed  confidence,  only  on  the  ground 
that  no  man  could  reveal  secrets  which  he  did  not  know. 
This  deportment  of  the  King's  showed  that  he  had 
accurately  measured  the  man,  for  Hopper  was  hardly 
competent  for  the  place  of  a  chief  clerk.  He  was  unable 
to  write  clearly  in  any  language,  because  incapable  of  a 
fully-developed  thought  upon  any  subject.  It  may  be 
supposed  that  nothing  but  an  abortive  policy,  therefore, 
would  be  produced  upon  the  occasion  thus  suddenly 
offered.  "  'Tis  a  devout  man,  that  poor  Master  Hopper," 
said  Granvelle,  "  but  rather  fitted  for  platonic  researches 
than  for  affairs  of  state."  l 

'It  was  a  proof  of  this  incompetency,  that  now,  when 
really  called  upon  for  advice  in  an  emergency,  he  should 
recommend  a  continuance  of  the  interim.  Certainly 
nothing  worse  could  be  devised.  Granvelle  recommended 
a  reappointment  of  the  Duchess  Margaret.2  Others  sug- 
gested Duke  Eric  of  Brunswick,  or  an  archduke  of  the 
Austrian  house ;  although  the  opinion  held  by  most  of  the 
influential  councillors  was  in  favour  of  Don  John  of 
Austria.3  In  the  interests  of  Philip  and  his  despotism, 
nothing,  at  any  rate,  could  be  more  fatal  than  delay. 
Viglius  saw  the  position  of  matters  with  his  customary 
keenness,  and  wondered  at  the  blindness  of  Hopper  and 
Philip.  At  the  last  gasp  of  a  life,  which  neither  learning 
nor  the  accumulation  of  worldly  prizes  and  worldly  pelf 
could  redeem  from  intrinsic  baseness,  the  sagacious  but  not 
venerable  old  man  saw  that  a  chasm  was  daily  widening, 
in  which  the  religion  and  the  despotism  which  he  loved 
might  soon  be  hopelessly  swallowed.  "The  Prince  of 
Orange  and  his  beggars  do  not  sleep,"  he  cried,  almost 
in  anguish ;  ' '  nor  will  they  be  quiet  till  they  have  made 
use  of  this  interregnum  to  do  us  some  immense  griev- 
ance. "* 

Certainly  the  Prince  of  Orange  did  not  sleep.  In  his 
own  vigorous  language,  he  seized  the  swift  occasion  by 
the  forelock.  He  opened  a  fresh  correspondence  with 

1  Archives  et  Correspondance,  v.  374. 

2  MS.  cited  by  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  v.  331. 

3  Jbid. — Compare  Bor,  viii.  663,  and  the  letters  of  Philip  to  State  Council,  in  Bor,  ubi 
sup.  ;  letters  which  Cabrera  characterizes  as  "amorosas,  suavesenlas  razones  fraternales," 
and  in  which  "dezia  los  amaba  como  a  hijos  ! !"     These  letters  distinctly  indicated  Don 
John  as  the  probable  successor  of  Requesens. — Cabrera,  Vita  de  Felipe  II.,  xi.  845. 

4  Vigl.  Epist.  ad  Joach.  Hopperum,  ep.  265,  p.  863. 


4  The  Rise  of  the 

many  leading-  gentlemen  in  Brussels  and  other  places 
in  the  Netherlands;  persons  of  influence,  who  now,  for 
the  first  time,  showed  a  disposition  to  side  with  their 
country  against  its  tyrants.1  Hitherto  the  land  had  been 
divided  into  two  very  unequal  portions.  Holland  and 
Zeland  were  devoted  to  the  Prince;  their  whole  popula- 
tion, with  hardly  an  individual  exception,  converted  to 
the  reformed  religion.  The  other  fifteen  provinces  were, 
on  the  whole,  loyal  to  the  King;  while  the  old  religion 
had,  of  late  years,  taken  root  so  rapidly  again,  that  per- 
haps a  moiety  of  their  population  might  be  considered  as 
Catholic.2  At  the  same  time,  the  reign  of  terror  under 
Alva,  the  paler,  but  not  less  distinct  tyranny  of  Reque- 
sens,  and  the  intolerable  excesses  of  the  foreign  soldiery, 
by  which  the  government  of  foreigners  was  supported, 
had  at  last  maddened  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  seven- 
teen provinces.  Notwithstanding,  therefore,  the  fatal 
difference  of  religious  opinion,  they  were  all  drawn  into 
closer  relations  with  each  other;  to  regain  their  ancient 
privileges,  and  to  expel  the  detested  foreigners  from  the 
soil,  being  objects  common  to  all.  The  provinces  were 
united  in  one  great  hatred  and  one  great  hope. 

The  Hollanders  and  Zelanders,  under  their  heroic 
leader,  had  well  nigh  accomplished  both  tasks,  so  far  as 
those  little  provinces  were  concerned.  Never  had  a  con- 
test, however,  seemed  more  hopeless  at  its  commence- 
ment. 

Moreover,  the  country  was  in  a  most  desolate  condition. 
It  was  almost  literally  a  sinking  ship.  The  destruction  of 
the  bulwarks  against  the  ocean  had  been  so  extensive,  in 
consequence  of  the  voluntary  inundations  which  have  been 
described  in  previous  pages,  and  by  reason  of  the  general 
neglect  which  more  vital  occupations  had  necessitated,  that 
an  enormous  outlay,  both  of  labour  and  money,  was  now 
indispensable  to  save  the  physical  existence  of  the 
country.  The  labour  and  the  money,  notwithstanding 
the  crippled  and  impoverished  condition  of  the  nation, 
were,  however,  freely  contributed ;  a  wonderful  example 
of  energy  and  patient  heroism  was  again  exhibited.  The 
dykes  which  had  been  swept  away  in  every  direction  were 
renewed  at  a  vast  expense.3  Moreover,  the  country,  in 

1  De  Thou,  liv.  62,  t.  vii.  368,  369.     Wagenaer,  vii.  104,  105,  sqij. 

2  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  v.  381-385.— Compare  De  Thou,  hv.  62. 

3  The  work  was,  however,  not  fairly  taken  in  hand  until  the  spring  of  1577. — Wagenaer, 
vii.  158,  sqq.     Bor,  x.  819. 


Dutch  Republic  5 

the  course  of  recent  events,  had  become  almost  swept 
bare  of  its  cattle,  and  it  was  necessary  to  pass  a  law  for- 
bidding, for  a  considerable  period,  the  slaughter  of  any 
animals,  "oxen,  cows,  calves,  sheep,  or  poultry."1  It 
was,  unfortunately,  not  possible  to  provide  by  law  against 
that  extermination  of  the  human  population  which  had 
been  decreed  by  Philip  and  the  Pope. 

Such  was  the  physical  and  moral  condition  of  the  pro- 
vinces of  Holland  and  Zeland.  The  political  constitution 
of  both  assumed,  at  this  epoch,  a  somewhat  altered  as- 
pect. The  union  between  the  two  estates,  effected  in  June, 
1575,  required  improvement.  The  administration  of  just- 
ice, the  conflicts  of  laws,  and  more  particularly  the  levy- 
ing of  moneys  and  troops  in  equitable  proportions,  had 
not  been  adjusted  with  perfect  smoothness.  The  estates 
of  the  two  provinces,  assembled  in  congress  at  Delft, 
concluded,  therefore,  a  new  act  of  union,  which  was  duly 
signed  upon  the  25th  of  April,  1576.2  Those  estates,  con- 
sisting of  the  knights  and  nobles  of  Holland,  with  the 
deputies  from  the  cities  and  countships  of  Holland  and 
Zeland,  had  been  duly  summoned  by  the  Prince  of 
Orange.3  They  as  fairly  included  all  the  political 
capacities,  and  furnished  as  copious  a  representation  of 
the  national  will,  as  could  be  expected,  for  it  is  apparent, 
upon  every  page  of  his  history,  that  the  Prince,  upon  all 
occasions,  chose  to  refer  his  policy  to  the  approval  and 
confirmation  of  as  large  a  portion  of  the  people  as  any 
man  in  those  days  considered  capable  or  desirous  of 
exercising  political  functions. 

The  new  union  consisted  of  eighteen  articles.  It  was 
established  that  deputies  from  all  the  estates  should  meet, 
when  summoned  by  the  Prince  of  Orange  or  otherwise,  on 
penalty  of  fine,  and  at  the  risk  of  measures  binding  upon 
them  being  passed  by  the  rest  of  the  congress.4  Freshly 
arising  causes  of  litigation  were  to  be  referred  to  the 
Prince.5  Free  intercourse  and  traffic  through  the  united 
provinces  was  guaranteed.6  The  confederates  were  mutu- 
ally to  assist  each  other  in  preventing  all  injustice,  wrong, 
or  violence,  even  towards  an  enemy.7  The  authority  of 
law  and  the  pure  administration  of  justice  were  mutually 


1  Resol.  Holl.  Feb.  28,  1575,  bl.  97.    Van  Wyn  op  Wagenaer,  vii.  26. 

2  Bor,  ix.  668.     Kluit,  Hist.  Holl.  Reg.,  i.  115,  et  sqq.     Wagenaer,  vii.  94. 

3  Bor,  ix.  668.     Wagenaer,  vii.  93.     Kluit,  i.  115,  sqq. 

4  Art.  3.     The  document  is  given  in  full  by  Bor,  ix.  668,  sqq. 
6  Article  5.  7  "  Hoewel  ook  vijand." — Article  7. 


5  Article  4. 


6  The  Rise  of  the 

promised  by  the  contracting-  states.1  The  common 
expenses  were  to  be  apportioned  among-  the  different 
provinces,  "as  if  they  were  all  included  in  the  republic  of 
a  single  city."2  Nine  commissioners,  appointed  by  the 
Prince  on  nomination  by  the  estates,  were  to  sit  per- 
manently, as  his  advisers,  and  as  assessors  and  collectors 
of  the  taxes.3  The  tenure  of  the  union  was  from  six 
months  to  six  months,  with  six  weeks'  notice.4 

The  framers  of  this  compact  having  thus  denned  the 
general  outlines  of  the  confederacy,  declared  that  the 
government,  thus  constituted,  should  be  placed  under  a 
single  head.  They  accordingly  conferred  supreme 
authority  on  the  Prince,5  denning  his  powers  in  eighteen 
articles.  He  was  declared  chief  commander  by  land  and 
sea.  He  was  to  appoint  all  officers,  from  generals  to 
subalterns,  and  to  pay  them  at  his  discretion.6  The  whole 
protection  of  the  land  was  devolved  upon  him.  He  was  to 
send  garrisons  or  troops  into  every  city  and  village  at  his 
pleasure,  without  advice  or  consent  of  the  estates,  magis- 
trates of  the  cities,  or  any  other  persons  whatsoever.7  He 
was,  in  behalf  of  the  King  as  Count  of  Holland  and 
Zeland,  to  cause  justice  to  be  administered  by  the 
supreme  court.8  In  the  same  capacity  he  was  to  provide 
for  vacancies  in  all  political  and  judicial  offices  of  import- 
ance,9 choosing,  'with  the  advice  of  the  estates,  one  officer 
for  each  vacant  post  out  of  three  candidates  nominated  to 
him  by  that  body.10  He  was  to  appoint  and  renew,  at  the 
usual  times,  the  magistracies  in  the  cities,  according  to 
the  ancient  constitutions.  He  was  to  make  changes  in 
those  boards,  if  necessary,  at  unusual  times,  with  consent 
of  the  majority  of  those  representing-  the  great  council  and 
corpus  of  the  said  cities.11  He  was  to  uphold  the  authority 
and  pre-eminence  of  all  civil  functionaries,  and  to  prevent 
governors  and  military  officers  from  taking  any  cogniz- 
ance of  political  or  judicial  affairs.  With  regard  to 
religion,  he  was  to  maintain  the  practice  of  the  Reformed 
Evangelical  religion,  and  to  cause  to  surcease  the  exer- 
cise of  all  other  religions  contrary  to  the  Gospel.  He 
was,  however,  not  to  permit  that  inquisition  should  be 
made  into  any  man's  belief  or  conscience,  or  that  any 

1  Article  7.  2  Article  10. 

3  Article  n.  4  Articles  17,  18. 

B  Articles  of  Union,  Bor,  ix.  620.  6  Articles  i  and  2.  7  Articles  3-7. 

8  Article  8.  9  Compare  Kluit,  HolL  Staatsreg.,  i.  121,  122. 

10  Article  10. — See  Kluit 's  Commentary  on  this  article. — HolL  Staatsreg.,  i.  121,  122. 

11  Article  13. 


Dutch  Republic  7 

man   by   cause   thereof  should  suffer   trouble,    injury,    or 
hindrance.1  x  • 

The  league  thus  concluded  was  a  confederation  between 
a  group  of  virtually  independent  little  republics.  Each 
municipality,  was,  as  it  were,  a  little  sovereign,  sending 
envoys  to  a  congress  to  vote  and  to  sign  as  plenipotenti- 
aries. The  vote  of  each  city  was,  therefore,  indivisible, 
and  it  mattered  little,  practically,  whether  there  were  one 
deputy  or  several.  The  nobles  represented  not  only  their 
own  order,  but  were  supposed  to  act  also  in  behalf  of  the 
rural  population.  On  the  whole,  there  was  a  tolerably 
fair  representation  of  the  whole  nation.  The  people  were 
well  and  worthily  represented  in  the  government  of  each 
city,  and  therefore  equally  so  in  the  assembly  of  the 
estates.2  It  was  not  till  later  that  the  corporations,  by 
the  extinction  of  the  popular  element,  and  by  the  usurpa- 
tion of  the  right  of  self-election,  were  thoroughly  stiffened 
into  fictitious  personages  which  never  died,  and  which 
were  never  thoroughly  alive. 

At  this  epoch  the  provincial  liberties,  so  far  as  they  could 
maintain  themselves  against  Spanish  despotism,  were 
practical  and  substantial.  The  government  was  a  repre- 
sentative one,3  in  which  all  those  who  had  the  inclination 
possessed,  in  one  mode  or  another,  a  voice.  Although  the 
various  members  of  the  confederacy  were  locally  and 
practically  republics  or  self-governed  little  commonwealths, 
the  general  government  which  they  established  was,  in 
form,  monarchical.  The  powers  conferred  upon  Orange 
constituted  him  a  sovereign  ad  interim,  for  while  the 
authority  of  the  Spanish  monarch  remained  suspended, 
the  Prince  was  invested,  not  only  with  the  whole  executive 
and  appointing  power,  but  even  with  a  very  large  share 
in  the  legislative  functions  of  the  state.4 

The  whole  system  was  rather  practical  than  theoretical, 
without  any  accurate  distribution  of  political  powers.  In 
living,  energetic  communities,  where  the  blood  of  the 
body  politic  circulates  swiftly,  there  is  an  inevitable 
tendency  of  the  different  organs  to  sympathize  and 
commingle  more  closely  than  a  priori  philosophy  would 
allow.  It  is  usually  more  desirable  than  practicable  to 

1  Article  15. — "  Sonder  dat syne  E.   sal  toelaten  dat  men  opjemands  geloofop  con- 
scientie  sal  inquireren  of  dat  jemand  ter  cause  van  die  eenige  moeyenis,  injurie,  of  letse! 
angedaen  sal  worden,"  etc.,  etc. 

2  Compare  Kluit,  Holl.  Staatsreg.,  L  130. 

s  Kluit,  129,  130.  *  Ibid.,  i.  125. 


8  The  Rise  of  the 

keep  the  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial  departments 
-entirely  independent  of  each  other.1 

The  death  of  Requesens  had  offered  the  first  opening 
through  which  the  watchful  Prince  could  hope  to  inflict 
•a  wound  in  the  vital  part  of  Spanish  authority  in  the 
Netherlands.  The  languor  of  Philip  and  the  procrastinat- 
ing counsel  of  the  dull  Hopper  unexpectedly  widened  the 
•opening.  On  the  24th  of  March  letters  were  written  by 
his  Majesty  to  the  states-general,  to  the  provincial  estates, 
and  to  the  courts  of  justice,  instructing  them  that,  until 
further  orders,  they  were  all  to  obey  the  Council  of  State. 
The  King  was  confident  that  all  would  do  their  utmost  to 
assist  that  body  in  securing  the  holy  Catholic  faith  and 
the  implicit  obedience  of  the  country  to  its  sovereign.  He 
would,  in  the  meantime,  occupy  himself  with  the  selec- 
tion of  a  new  governor-general,  who  should  be  of  his 
family  and  blood.  This  uncertain  and  perilous  con- 
dition of  things  was  watched  with  painful  interest  in 
neighbouring  countries. 

The  fate  of  all  nations  was  more  or  less  involved  in  the 
development  of  the  great  religious  contest  now  waging 
in  the  Netherlands.  England  and  France  watched 
each  other's  movements  in  the  direction  of  the  provinces 
with  intense  jealousy.  The  Protestant  Queen  was  the 
natural  ally  of  the  struggling  Reformers,  but  her  despotic 
sentiments  were  averse  to  the  fostering  of  rebellion  against 
the  Lord's  anointed.  The  thrifty  Queen  looked  with 
alarm  at  the  prospect  of  large  subsidies  which  would 
undoubtedly  be  demanded  of  her.  The  jealous  Queen 
could  as  ill  brook  the  presence  of  the  French  in  the 
Netherlands  as  that  of  the  Spaniards  whom  they  were  to 
expel.  She  therefore  embarrassed,  as  usual,  the  opera- 
tions of  the  Prince  by  a  course  of  stale  political  coquetry. 
She  wrote  to  him,  on  the  i8th  of  March,  soon  after  the 
news  of  the  Grand  Commander's  death,2  saying  that  she 
could  not  yet  accept  the  offer  which  had  been  made  to  her, 
to  take  the  provinces  of  Holland  and  Zeland  under  her 
safe  keeping,  to  assume,  as  Countess,  the  sovereignty 
over  them,  and  to  protect  the  inhabitants  against  the 
alleged  tyranny  of  the  King  of  Spain.  She  was  unwilling 
to  do  so  until  she  had  made  every  effort  to  reconcile  them 
with  that  sovereign.  Before  the  death  of  Requesens  she 

1  Compare  Guizot,  du  Systeme  Representatif,  L  i. 

2  Bor,  ix.  667. 


Dutch  Republic  9 

had  been  intending  to  send  him  an  envoy,  proposing  a 
truce,  for  the  purpose  of  negotiation.  This  purpose  she 
still  retained.  She  should  send  commissioners  to  the 
Council  of  State  and  to  the  new  governor,  when  he  should 
arrive.  She  should  also  send  a  special  envoy  to  the  King 
of  Spain.  She  doubted  not  that  the  King  would  take  her 
advice,  when  he  heard  her  speak  in  such  straightforward 
language.  In  the  meantime,  she  hoped  that  they  would 
negotiate  with  no  other  powers.1 

This  was  not  very  satisfactory.  The  Queen  rejected 
the  offers  to  herself,  but  begged  that  they  might,  by  no 
means,  be  made  to  her  rivals.  The  expressed  intention  of 
softening  the  heart  of  Philip  by  the  use  of  straightforward 
language  seemed  but  a  sorry  sarcasm.  It  was  hardly 
worth  while  to  wait  long  for  so  improbable  a  result.  Thus 
much  for  England  at  that  juncture.  Not  inimical,  cer- 
tainly; but  overcautious,  ungenerous,  teasing,  and  per- 
plexing, was  the  policy  of  the  maiden  Queen.  With 
regard  to  France,  events  there  seemed  to  favour  the  hopes 
of  Orange.  On  the  i4th  of  May,  the  "  Peace  of  Mon- 
sieur/' the  treaty  by  which  so  ample  but  so  short-lived  a 
triumph  was  achieved  by  the  Huguenots,  was  signed  at 
Paris.2  Everything  was  conceded,  but  nothing  was 
secured.  Rights  of  worship,  rights  of  office,  political  and 
civil,  religious  enfranchisement,  were  recovered,  but  not 
guaranteed.3  It  seemed  scarcely  possible  that  the  King 
could  be  in  earnest  then,  even  if  a  Medicean  Valois  could 
ever  be  otherwise  than  treacherous.  It  was  almost  cer- 
tain, therefore,  that  a  reaction  would  take  place;  but  it 
is  easier  for  us,  three  centuries  after  the  event,  to  mark 
the  precise  moment  of  reaction,  than  it  was  for  the  most 
far-seeing  contemporary  to  foretell  how  soon  it  would 
occur.  In  the  meantime,  it  was  the  Prince's  cue  to  make 
use  of  this  sunshine  while  it  lasted.  Already,  so  soon  as 
the  union  of  the  25th  April  had  been  concluded  between 
Holland  and  Zeland,  he  had  forced  the  estates  to  open 
negotiations  with  France.4  The  provinces,  although 
desirous  to  confer  sovereignty  upon  him,  were  indisposed 
to  renounce  their  old  allegiance  to  their  King  in  order  to 
place  it  at  the  disposal  of  a  foreigner.  Nevertheless,  a 

1  Letter  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  March  16,  1576,  in  Bor,  ix.  667. —  Compare  Groen  v. 
Prinst.,  v.  332,  333. 

2  De  Thou,  t.  vii.  1.  Ixii.  418. 

J  Ibid.,  vii.  413-418. — Compare  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  v.  349-351. 
4  Resol.  v.  Holl.,  64,  65.     Groen  v.  Prinst.,  v.  341. 

B  2 


io  The  Rise  of  the 

resolution,  at  the  reiterated  demands  of  Orange,  was 
passed  by  the  estates,  to  proceed  to  the  change  of  master, 
and,  for  that  purpose,  to  treat  with  the  King  of  France, 
his  brother,  or  any  other  foreign  potentate,  who  would 
receive  these  provinces  of  Holland  and  Zeland  under  his 
government  and  protection.1  Negotiations  were  accord- 
ingly opened  with  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  the  dilettante  leader 
of  the  Huguenots  at  that  remarkable  juncture.  It  was  a 
pity  that  no  better  champion  could  be  looked  for  among 
the  anointed  of  the  earth  than  the  false,  fickle,  foolish 
Alencon,  whose  career,  everywhere  contemptible,  was  no- 
where so  flagitious  as  in  the  Netherlands.  By  the  four- 
teenth article  of  the  peace  of  Paris,  the  Prince  was  rein- 
stated and  secured  in  his  principality  of  Orange,  and  his 
other  possessions  in  France.2  The  best  feeling,  for  the 
time  being,  was  manifested  between  the  French  court  and 
the  Reformation.3 

Thus  much  for  England  and  France.  As  for  Germany, 
the  prospects  of  the  Netherlands  were  not  flattering.  The 
reforming  spirit  had  grown  languid,  from  various  causes. 
The  self-seeking  motives  of  many  Protestant  princes  had 
disgusted  the  nobles.  Was  that  the  object  of  the  bloody 
wars  of  religion,  that  a  few  potentates  should  be  enabled 
to  enrich  themselves  by  confiscating  the  broad  lands  and 
accumulating  treasures  of  the  Church?  Had  the  creed 
of  Luther  been  embraced  only  for  such  unworthy  ends? 
These  suspicions  chilled  the  ardour  of  thousands,  particu- 
larly among  the  greater  ones  of  the  land.  Moreover,  the 
discord  among  the  Reformers  themselves  waxed  daily, 
and  became  more  and  more  mischievous.  Neither  the 
people  nor  their  leaders  could  learn  that,  not  a  new  doc- 
trine, but  a  wise  toleration  for  all  Christian  doctrines  was 
wanted.  Of  new  doctrines  there  was  no  lack.  Lutherans, 
Calvinists,  Flaccianists,  Majorists,  Adiaphorists,  Brantian- 
ists,  Ubiquitists,  swarmed  and  contended  pell-mell.4  In 
this  there  would  have  been  small  harm,  if  the  Reformers 
had  known  what  reformation  meant.  But  they  could 
not  invent  or  imagine  toleration.  All  claimed  the  privi- 
lege of  persecuting.  There  were  sagacious  and  honest 
men  among  the  great  ones  of  the  country,  but  they  were 

1  Resol.  v.  Holl..  64,  65.     Groen.  v.  Prinst.,  v.  341.  2  Bor,  ix.  684. 

3  The  Edict,  or  Peace  of  Paris,  in  sixty-three  articles,  is  published  at  length,  by  Bor, 
ix.  683-690. — Compare  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  v.  349-351.     De  Thou,  t.  v.  1.  vii.  413-418. 

4  See  in  particular  a  letter  of  Count  John  of  Nassau  to  the  Prince  of  Orange,  dated 
Dillemberg,  May  9,  1576. — Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  v.  349-358. 


Dutch  Republic  n 

few.  Wise  William  of  Hesse  strove  hard  to  effect  a  con- 
cordia  among  the  jarring  sects ;  Count  John  of  Nassau, 
though  a  passionate  Calvinist,  did  no  less ;  while  the 
Elector  of  Saxony,  on  the  other  hand,  raging  and  roaring 
like  a  bull  of  Bashan,  was  for  sacrificing  the  interest  of 
millions  on  the  altar  of  his  personal  spite.  Cursed  was 
his  tribe  if  he  forgave  the  Prince.  He  had  done  what  he 
could  at  the  Diet  of  Ratisbon  to  exclude  all  Calvinists 
from  a  participation  in  the  religious  peace  of  Germany,1 
and  he  redoubled  his  efforts  to  prevent  the  extension  of 
any  benefits  to  the  Calvinists  of  the  Netherlands.  These 
determinations  had  remained  constant  and  intense. 

On  the  whole,  the  political  appearance  of  Germany  was 
as  menacing  as  that  of  France  seemed  for  a  time  favour- 
able to  the  schemes  of  Orange.  The  quarrels  of  the 
princes,  and  the  daily  widening  schism  between  Lutherans 
and  Calvinists,  seemed  to  bode  little  good  to  the  cause  of 
religious  freedom.  The  potentates  were  perplexed  and  at 
variance,  the  nobles  lukewarm  and  discontented.  Among 
the  people,  although  subdivided  into  hostile  factions,  there 
was  more  life.  Here,  at  least,  were  heartiness  of  love 
and  hate,  enthusiastic  conviction,  earnestness,  and  agita- 
tion. "  The  true  religion,"  wrote  Count  John,  "is 
spreading  daily  among  the  common  men.  Among  the 
powerful,  who  think  themselves  highly  learned,  and  who 
sit  in  roses,  it  grows,  alas,  little.  Here  and  there  a 
Nicodemus  or  two  may  be  found,  but  things  will  hardly 
go  better  here  than  in  France  or  the  Netherlands."2 

Thus,  then,  stood  affairs  in  the  neighbouring  countries. 
The  prospect  was  black  in  Germany,  more  encouraging  in 
France,  dubious,  or  worse,  in  England.  More  work,  more 
anxiety,  more  desperate  struggles  than  ever,  devolved  upon 
the  Prince.  Secretary  Brunynck  wrote  that  his  illustrious 
chief  was  tolerably  well  in  health,  but  so  loaded  with 
affairs,  sorrows,  and  travails,  that,  from  morning  till  night, 
he  had  scarcely  leisure  to  breathe.3  Besides  his  multi- 
tudinous correspondence  with  the  public  bodies,  whose 
labours  he  habitually  directed;  with  the  various  estates 
of  the  provinces,  which  he  was  gradually  moulding  into 
an  organized  and  general  resistance  to  the  Spanish  power ; 
with  public  envoys  and  with  secret  agents  to  foreign 
cabinets,  all  of  whom  received  their  instructions  from  him 

1  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  etc.,  v.  229,  230. 
2  Archives,  etc.,  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  v.  346,  347.  8  Ibid.,  v.  365. 


12  The  Rise  of  the 

alone;  with  individuals  of  eminence  and  influence,  whom 
he  was  eloquently  urging  to  abandon  their  hostile  position 
to  their  fatherland,  and  to  assist  him  in  the  great  work 
which  he  was  doing;  besides  these  numerous  avocations, 
he  was  actively  and  anxiously  engaged  during  the  spring 
of  1576,  with  the  attempt  to  relieve  the  city  of  Zierickzee.1 
That  important  place,  the  capital  of  Schouwen,  and  the 
key  to  half  Zeland,  had  remained  closely  invested  since 
the  memorable  expedition  to  Duiveland.  The  Prince  had 
passed  much  of  his  time  in  the  neighbourhood,  during  the 
month  of  May,  in  order  to  attend  personally  to  the  con- 
templated relief,  and  to  correspond  daily  with  the 
beleaguered  garrison.2  At  last,  on  the  25th  of  May,  a 
vigorous  effort  was  made  to  throw  in  succour  by  sea. 
The  brave  Admiral  Boisot,  hero  of  the  memorable  relief 
of  Leyden,  had  charge  of  the  expedition.  Mondragon 
had  surrounded  the  shallow  harbour  with  hulks  and  chains, 
and  with  a  loose  submerged  dyke  of  piles  and  rubbish. 
Against  this  obstacle  Boisot  drove  his  ship,  the  "  Red 
Lion,"  with  his  customary  audacity,  but  did  not  succeed 
in  cutting  it  through.  His  vessel,  the  largest  of  the  fleet, 
became  entangled  :  he  was,  at  the  same  time,  attacked 
from  a  distance  by  the  besiegers.  The  tide  ebbed  and  left 
his  ship  aground,  while  the  other  vessels  had  been  beaten 
back  by  the  enemy.  Night  approached,  and  there  was  no 
possibility  of  accomplishing  the  enterprise.  His  ship  was 
hopelessly  stranded.  With  the  morning's  sun  his  cap- 
tivity was  certain.  Rather  than  fall  into  the  hands  of  his 
enemy,  he  sprang  into  the  sea,  followed  by  three  hundred 
of  his  companions,  some  of  whom  were  fortunate  enough 
to  effect  their  escape.  The  gallant  Admiral  swam  a  long 
time,  sustained  by  a  broken  spar.  Night  and  darkness 
came  on  before  assistance  could  be  rendered,  and  he 
perished.3  Thus  died  Louis  Boisot,  one  of  the  most  enter- 
prising of  the  early  champions  of  Netherland  freedom — 
one  of  the  bravest  precursors  of  that  race  of  heroes,  the 
commanders  of  the  Holland  navy.  The  Prince  deplored 
his  loss  deeply  as  that  of  a  "  valiant  gentleman,  and  one 
well  affectioned  to  the  common  cause."4  His  brother, 

1  Bor,  ix.  667,  sqq.     Meteren,  v.  102,  103. 

2  Archives,  etc.,  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  v.  358,  359. 

3  Bor,  ix.  678.     Hoofd,  x.  440.     Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  v.  364-368.    Meteren, 
v.  102. — The  last  historian  erroneously  gives  the  i2th  of  June  instead  of  the  25th  of  May 
as  the  date  of  the  unfortunate  adventure.    Cabrera,  xi.  846,  who  states  the  loss  of  the 
Orangists  at  eight  hundred  and  upwards. 

4  Archives,  etc.,  v.  367. 


Dutch  Republic  13 

Charles  Boisot,  as  will  be  remembered,  had  perished  by 
treachery  at  the  first  landing  of  the  Spanish  troops  after 
their  perilous  passage  from  Duiveland.  Thus  both  the 
brethren  had  laid  down  their  lives  for  their  country,  on 
this  its  outer  barrier,  and  in  the  hour  of  its  utmost  need. 
The  fall  of  the  beleaguered  town  could  no  longer  be 
deferred.  The  Spaniards  were,  at  last,  to  receive  the 
prize  of  that  romantic  valour  which  had  led  them  across 
the  bottom  of  the  sea  to  attack  the  city.  Nearly  nine 
months  had,  however,  elapsed  since  that  achievement; 
and  the  Grand  Commander,  by  whose  orders  it  had  been 
undertaken,  had  been  four  months  in  his  grave.  He  was 
permitted  to  see  neither  the  long-delayed  success  which 
crowned  the  enterprise,  nor  the  procession  of  disasters 
and  crimes  which  were  to  mark  it  as  a  most  fatal  success. 

On  the  2ist  of  June,  1576,  Zierickzee,  instructed  by  the 
Prince  of  Orange  to  accept  honourable  terms,  if  offered, 
agreed  to  surrender.  Mondragon,  whose  soldiers  were  in 
a  state  of  suffering,  and  ready  to  break  out  in  mutiny,  was 
but  too  happy  to  grant  an  honourable  capitulation.  The 
garrison  were  allowed  to  go  out  with  their  arms  and  per- 
sonal baggage.  The  citizens  were  permitted  to  retain  or 
resume  their  privileges  and  charters,  on  payment  of  two 
hundred  thousand  guldens.  Of  sacking  and  burning 
there  was,  on  this  occasion,  fortunately,  no  question ;  but 
the  first  half  of  the  commutation  money  was  to  be  paid 
in  cash.  There  was  but  little  money  in  the  impoverished 
little  town,  but  mint-masters  were  appointed  by  the  magis- 
trates to  take  their  seats  at  once  in  the  Hotel  de  Ville. 
The  citizens  brought  their  spoons  and  silver  dishes,  one 
after  another,  which  were  melted  and  coined  into  dollars 
and  half-dollars,  until  the  payment  was  satisfactorily 
adjusted.  Thus  fell  Zierickzee,  to  the  deep  regret  of  the 
Prince.  "  Had  we  received  the  least  succour  in  the  world 
from  any  side,"  he  wrote,  "  the  poor  city  should  never 
have  fallen.  I  could  get  nothing  from  France  or  Eng- 
land, with  all  my  efforts.  Nevertheless,  we  do  not  lose 
courage,  but  hope  that,  although  abandoned  by  all  the 
world,  the  Lord  God  will  extend  his  right  hand  over  us."  1 

The  enemies  were  not  destined  to  go  farther.  From 
their  own  hand  now  came  the  blow  which  was  to  expel 

1  Bor,  ix.  681.     Hoofd,  x.   440,  441.     Meteren,  v.   102,  103.     Archives  de  la  Maison 
d'Orange,  v.  372,  573.     Letter  of  i6th  July,  1576,  in  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  v. 

- 


14  The  Rise  of  the 

them  from  the  soil  which  they  had  so  long  polluted.  No 
sooner  was  Zierickzee  captured  than  a  mutiny  broke  forth 
among-  several  companies  of  Spaniards  and  Walloons, 
belonging  to  the  army  of  Schouwen.1  A  large  number  of 
the  most  influential  officers  had  gone  to  Brussels,  to  make 
arrangements,  if  possible,  for  the  payment  of  the  troops. 
In  their  absence  there  was  more  scope  for  the  arguments 
of  the  leading  mutineers ; — arguments  assuredly,  not 
entirely  destitute  of  justice  or  logical  precision.  If  ever 
labourers  were  worthy  of  their  hire,  certainly  it  was  the 
Spanish  soldiery.  Had  they  not  done  the  work  of  demons 
for  nine  years  long?  Could  Philip  or  Alva  have  found  in 
the  wide  world  men  to  execute  their  decrees  with  more 
unhesitating  docility,  with  more  sympathizing  eagerness? 
What  obstacle  had  ever  given  them  pause  in  their  career 
of  duty?  What  element  had  they  not  braved?  Had  not 
they  fought  within  the  bowels  of  the  earth,  beneath  the 
depths  of  the  sea,  within  blazing  cities,  and  upon  fields  of 
ice?  Where  was  the  work  which  had  been  too  dark  and 
bloody  for  their  performance?  Had  they  not  slaughtered 
unarmed  human  beings  by  townfuls,  at  the  word  of  com- 
mand? Had  they  not  eaten  the  flesh,  and  drank  the 
heart's  blood  of  their  enemies?  Had  they  not  stained  the 
house  of  God  with  wholesale  massacre?  What  altar  and 
what  hearthstone  had  they  not  profaned?  What  fatigue, 
what  danger,  what  crime,  had  ever  checked  them  for  a 
moment?  And  for  all  this  obedience,  labour,  and  blood- 
shed were  they  not  even  to  be  paid  such  wages  as  the 
commonest  clown,  who  only  tore  the  earth  at  home,  re- 
,  ceived  ?  Did  Philip  believe  that  a  few  thousand  Spaniards 
were  to  execute  his  sentence  of  death  against  three 
millions  of  Netherlanders,  and  be  cheated  of  their  pay  at 
last? 

It  was  in  vain  that  arguments  and  expostulations  were 
addressed  to  soldiers  who  were  suffering  from  want,  and 
maddened  by  injustice.  They  determined  to  take  their 
cause  into  their  own  hand,  as  they  had  often  done  before. 
By  the  i5th  of  July,  the  mutiny  was  general  on  the  isle  of 
Schouwen.2  Promises  were  freely  offered,  both  of  pay 
and  pardon ;  appeals  were  made  to  their  old  sense  of 
honour  and  loyalty ;  but  they  had  had  enough  of  promises, 

1  Bor,  ix.  681,  692,  sqq.     Meteren,  vi.  106.     Hoofd,  x.  443.     Groen  v.  Prinst.   v.  381, 
sqq. 

2  Hoofd,  x.   443,  sqq.     Bor,   ix.  ^92.      Meteren,   vi.    106.      Mendoza,   xv.    298,   sqq. 
Cabrera,  xi.  848,  sqq. 


Dutch  Republic  15 

of  honour,  and  of  work.  What  they  wanted  now  were 
shoes  and  jerkins,  bread  and  meat,  and  money.  Money 
they  would  have,  and  that  at  once.  The  King  of  Spain 
was  their  debtor.  The  Netherlands  belonged  to  the  King 
of  Spain.  They  would  therefore  levy  on  the  Netherlands 
for  payment  of  their  debt.  Certainly  this  was  a  logical 
deduction.  They  knew  by  experience  that  this  process 
had  heretofore  excited  more  indignation  in  the  minds  of 
the  Netherland  people  than  in  that  of  their  master.  More- 
over, at  this  juncture,  they  cared  little  for  their  sovereign's 
displeasure,  and  not  at  all  for  that  of  the  Netherlanders. 
By  the  middle  of  July,  then,  the  mutineers,  now  entirely 
beyond  control,  held  their  officers  imprisoned  within  their 
quarters  at  Zierickzee.  They  even  surrounded  the  house 
of  Mondragon,  who  had  so  often  led  them  to  victory, 
calling  upon  him  with  threats  and  taunts  to  furnish  them 
with  money.1  The  veteran,  roused  to  fury  by  their  in- 
subordination and  their  taunts,  sprang  from  his  house  into 
the  midst  of  the  throng.  Baring  his  breast  before  them, 
he  fiercely  invited  and  dared  their  utmost  violence.  Of  his 
life-blood,  he  told  them  bitterly,  he  was  no  niggard,  and  it 
was  at  their  disposal.  His  wealth,  had  he  possessed  any, 
would  have  been  equally  theirs.2  Shamed  into  temporary 
respect,  but  not  turned  from  their  purpose,  by  the  choler 
of  their  chief,  they  left  him  to  himself.  Soon  afterwards, 
having  swept  Schouwen  Island  bare  of  everything  which 
could  be  consumed,  the  mutineers  swarmed  out  of  Zeland 
into  Brabant,  devouring  as  they  went.3 

It  was  their  purpose  to  hover  for  a  time  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  capital,  and  either  to  force  the  Council  of 
State  to  pay  them  their  long  arrears,  or  else  to  seize  and 
sack  the  richest  city  upon  which  they  could  lay  their 
hands.  The  compact,  disciplined  mass,  rolled  hither  and 
thither,  with  uncertainty  of  purpose,  but  with  the  same 
military  precision  of  movement  which  had  always  charac- 
terized these  remarkable  mutinies.  It  gathered  strength 
daily.  The  citizens  of  Brussels  contemplated  with  dismay 
the  eccentric  and  threatening  apparition.  They  knew  that 
rapine,  murder,  and  all  the  worst  evils  which  man  can 
inflict  on  his  brethren  were  pent  within  it,  and  would  soon 
descend.  Yet,  even  with  all  their  past  experience,  did 
they  not  foresee  the  depth  of  woe  which  was  really  impend- 

1  Hoofd,  x.  443,  444.  2  Ibid.,  x.  444. — Compare  Cabrera,  xi.  848. 

3  Bor,  ix.  692.     Cabrera,  xi.  848,  sqq.     Mendoza,  xv.  300. 


1 6  The  Rise  of  the 

ing.  The  mutineers  had  discarded  such  of  their  officers 
as  they  could  not  compel  to  obedience,  and  had,  as  usual, 
chosen  their  Eletto.  Many  straggling-  companies  joined 
them  as  they  swept  to  and  fro.  They  came  to  Heren- 
thals,  where  they  were  met  by  Count  Mansfeld,  who  was 
deputed  by  the  Council  of  State  to  treat  with  them,  to 
appeal  to  them,  to  pardon  them,  to  offer  them  everything 
but  money.  It  may  be  supposed  that  the  success  of  the 
commander-in-chief  was  no  better  than  that  of  Mondragon 
and  his  subalterns.  They  laughed  him  to  scorn  when  he 
reminded  them  how  their  conduct  was  tarnishing  the  glory 
which  they  had  acquired  by  nine  years  of  heroism.  They 
answered  with  their  former  cynicism,  that  glory  could  be 
put  neither  into  pocket  nor  stomach.  They  had  no  use 
for  it;  they  had  more  than  enough  of  it.  Give  them 
money,  or  give  them  a  city  j1  these  were  their  last  terms. 

Sorrowfully  and  bodingly  Mansfeld  withdrew  to  consult 
again  with  the  State  Council.  The  mutineers  then  made  a 
demonstration  upon  Mechlin,  but  that  city  having  fortu- 
nately strengthened  its  garrison,  was  allowed  to  escape. 
They  then  hovered  for  a  time  outside  the  walls  of  Brussels. 
At  Grimsberg,  where  they  paused  for  a  short  period,  they 
held  a  parley  with  Captain  Montesdocca,  whom  they  re- 
ceived with  fair  words  and  specious  pretences.  He  re- 
turned to  Brussels  with  the  favourable  tidings,  and  the 
mutineers  swarmed  off  to  Assche.  Thither  Montesdocca 
was  again  despatched,  with  the  expectation  that  he  would 
be  able  to  bring  them  to  terms,  but  they  drove  him  off  with 
jeers  and  threats,  finding  that  he  brought  neither  money 
nor  the  mortgage  of  a  populous  city.  The  next  day,  after 
a  feint  or  two  in  a  different  direction,  they  made  a  sudden 
swoop  upon  Alost,  in  Flanders.  Here  they  had  at  last  made 
their  choice,  and  the  town  was  carried  by  storm.  All  the 
inhabitants  who  opposed  them  were  butchered,  and  the 
mutiny,  at  last  established  in  a  capital,  was  able  to  treat 
with  the  State  Council  upon  equal  terms.  They  were  now 
between  two  and  three  thousand  strong,  disciplined, 
veteran  troops,  posted  in  a  strong  and  wealthy  city.  One 
hundred  parishes  belonged  to  the  jurisdiction  of  Alost, 
all  of  which  were  immediately  laid  under  contribution.2 

The  excitement  was  now  intense  in  Brussels.  Anxiety 
and  alarm  had  given  place  to  rage,  and  the  whole  popula- 

1  Bor,  ix.  692.     Meteren,  vi.  106.     Hoofd,  x.*444.     Mendoza,  xv.  300. 

2  Bor,  ix.  693.     Meteren,  vi.  106.     Bentivoglio,  ix.  173.     Hoofd,  x.  445. 


Dutch  Republic  17 

tion  rose  in  arms  to  defend  the  capital,  which  was  felt  to 
be  in  imminent  danger.  This  spontaneous  courage  of  the 
burghers  prevented  the  catastrophe,  which  was  reserved 
for  a  sister  city.  Meantime,  the  indignation  and  horror 
excited  by  the  mutiny  were  so  universal  that  the  Council 
of  State  could  not  withstand  the  pressure.  Even  the 
women  and  children  demanded  daily  in  the  streets  that 
the  rebel  soldiers  should  be  declared  outlaws.  On  the 
26th  of  July,  accordingly,  the  King  of  Spain  was  made  to 
pronounce  his  Spaniards  traitors  and  murderers.  All  men 
were  enjoined  to  slay  one  or  all  of  them,  wherever  they 
should  be  found;  to  refuse  them  bread,  water,  and  fire, 
and  to  assemble  at  sound  of  bell,  in  every  city,  when- 
ever the  magistrates  should  order  an  assault  upon  them.1 
A  still  more  stringent  edict  was  issued  on  the  2nd  of 
August,2  and  so  eagerly  had  these  decrees  been  expected, 
that  they  were  published  throughout  Flanders  and  Brabant 
almost  as  soon  as  issued.  Hitherto  the  leading  officers 
of  the  Spanish  army  had  kept  aloof  from  the  insurgents, 
and  frowned  upon  their  proceedings.  The  Spanish 
member  of  the  State  Council,  Jerome  de  Roda,  had  joined 
without  opposition  in  the  edict.  As,  however,  the  mutiny 
gathered  strength  on  the  outside,  the  indignation  waxed 
daily  within  the  capital.  The  citizens  of  Brussels,  one 
and  all,  stood  to  their  arms.  Not  a  man  could  enter  or 
leave  without  their  permission.  The  Spaniards  who  were 
in  the  town,  whether  soldiers  or  merchants,  were  regarded 
with  suspicion  and  abhorrence.  The  leading  Spanish  offi- 
cers, Romero,  Montesdocca,  Verdugo,  and  others,  who 
had  attempted  to  quell  the  mutiny,  had  been  driven  off 
with  threats  and  curses,  the  soldiers  defying  them  and 
brandishing  their  swords  in  their  very  faces.  On  the 
other  hand,  they  were  looked  upon  with  ill-will  by  the 
Netherlanders.  The  most  prominent  Spanish  personages 
in  Brussels  were  kept  in  a  state  of  half-imprisonment.3 
Romero,  Roda,  Verdugo,  were  believed  to  favour  at  heart 
the  cause  of  their  rebellious  troops,  and  the  burghers  of 
Brabant  had  come  to  consider  all  the  King's  army  in  a 
state  of  rebellion.  Believing  the  State  Council  powerless 
to  protect  them  from  the  impending  storm,  they  regarded 
that  body  with  little  respect,  keeping  it,  as  it  were,  in 
durance,  while  the  Spaniards  were  afraid  to  walk  the 

1  See  the  Edict,  in  Bor,  ix.  693.  2  Hoofd,  x.  445. 

3  Bor,  ix.  692,  693.     Cabrera,  xi.  849.     Hoofd,  x.  445. 


1 8  The  Rise  of  the 

streets  of  Brussels  for  fear  of  being  murdered.  A  retainer 
of  Roda,  who  had  ventured  to  defend  the  character  and 
conduct  of  his  master,  before  a  number  of  excited  citizens, 
was  slain  on  the  spot.1 

In  Antwerp,  Champagny,  brother  of  Granvelle,  and  go- 
vernor of  the  city,  was  disposed  to  cultivate  friendly  rela- 
tions with  the  Prince  of  Orange.  Champagny  hated  the 
Spaniards,  and  the  hatred  seemed  to  establish  enough  of 
sympathy  between  himself  and  the  liberal  party  to 
authorize  confidence  in  him.  The  Prince  dealt  with  him, 
but  regarded  him  warily.2  Fifteen  companies  of  German 
troops,  under  Colonel  Altaemst,  were  suspected  of  a  strong 
inclination  to  join  the  mutiny.  They  were  withdrawn  from 
Antwerp,  and  in  their  room  came  Count  Oberstein,  with 
his  regiment,  who  swore  to  admit  no  suspicious  person 
inside  the  gates,  and  in  all  things  to  obey  the  orders  of 
Champagny.3  In  the  citadel,  however,  matters  were  very 
threatening.  Sancho  d'Avila,  the  governor,  although  he 
had  not  openly  joined  the  revolt,  treated  the  edict  of  out- 
lawry against  the  rebellious  soldiery  with  derision.  He 
refused  to  publish  a  decree  which  he  proclaimed  infamous, 
and  which  had  been  extorted,  in  his  opinion,  from  an 
impotent  and  trembling  council.4  Even  Champagny  had 
not  desired  or  dared  to  publish  the  edict  within  the  city. 
The  reasons  alleged  were  his  fears  of  irritating  and  alarm- 
ing the  foreign  merchants,  whose  position  was  so  critical 
and  friendship  so  important  at  that  moment.5  On  the 
other  hand,  it  was  loudly  and  joyfully  published  in  most 
other  towns  of  Flanders  and  Brabant.  In  Brussels  there 
were  two  parties,  one  holding  the  decree  too  audacious 
for  his  Majesty  to  pardon ;  the  other  clamouring  for  its 
instantaneous  fulfilment.  By  far  the  larger  and  more 
influential  portion  of  the  population  favoured  the  measure, 
and  wished  the  sentence  of  outlawry  and  extermination  to 
be  extended  at  once  against  all  Spaniards  and  other 
foreigners  in  the  service  of  the  King.  It  seemed  impru- 
dent to  wait  until  all  the  regiments  had  formally  accepted 
the  mutiny,  and  concentrated  themselves  into  a  single 
body.6 

At  this  juncture,  on  the  last  day  of  July,  the  Marquis  of 

1  Bor,  ix.  693.     Meteren,  vi.  106. 

2  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  v.  487,  488.     Cabrera,  xi.  863. — "  Pero  el  Cham- 
paigne  estaba  convenido  con  los  Estados  y  con  le  Principe  de  Orange  su  grande  amigo." 

3  Bor,  ix.  694.     Hoofd,  x.  447.  4  Mendoza,  xv.  301.     Cabrera,  xi.  849. 
6  Bor,  ix.  694.  6  Ibid.,  694,  sqq.     Hoofd,  x.  407,  sqq. 


Dutch  Republic  19 

Havre1,  brother  to  the  Duke  of  Aerschot,  arrived  out  of 
Spain.1     He  was  charged  by  the  King-  with  conciliatory 
but  unmeaning  phrases  to  the  estates.     The  occasion  was 
not  a  happy  one.     There  never  was  a  time  when  direct 
and  vigorous   action  had   been  more  necessary.     It  was 
probably  the  King's  desire  then,  as  much  as  it  ever  had 
been  his  desire  at  all,  to  make  up  the  quarrel  with  his 
provinces.     He  had  been  wearied  with  the  policy  which 
Alva  had  enforced,  and  for  which  he  endeavoured  at  that 
period  to  make  the  Duke  appear  responsible.     The  barren 
clemency  which  the  Grand  Commander  had  been  instructed 
to  affect,  had  deceived  but  few  persons,  and  had  produced 
but  small  results.     The  King  was,  perhaps,  really  inclined 
at  this  juncture  to  exercise  clemency — that  is  to  say,  he 
was  willing  to  pardon  his  people  for  having  contended  for 
their  rights,  provided  they  were  now  willing  to  resign  them 
for  ever.     So  the  Catholic  religion  and  his  own  authority 
were  exclusively  and  inviolably  secured,  he  was  willing  to 
receive  his  disobedient  provinces  into  favour.     To  accom- 
plish this  end,  however,  he  had  still  no  more  fortunate 
conception  than  to  take  the  advice  of  Hopper.     A  sooth- 
ing   procrastination    was    the    anodyne    selected.      "  The 
Marquis  of  Havre  has  been  sent,"  said  the  King,  "  that 
he  may  expressly  witness  to  you  of  our  good  intentions, 
and  of  our  desire,  with  the  grace  of  God,  to  bring  about 
a  pacification."2    Alas,  it  was  well  known  whence  those 
pavements  of  good  intentions  had  been  taken,  and  whither 
they  would  lead.     They  were  not  the  material  for  a  sub- 
stantial road  to  reconciliation.     "  His  Majesty,"  said  the 
Marquis,   on  delivering  his   report  to  the   State  Council, 
"  has  long  been  pondering  over  all  things  necessary  to 
the  peace  of  the  land.     His  Majesty,  like  a  very  gracious 
and   bountiful   Prince,   has   ever  been  disposed,    in  times 
past,  to  treat  these,  his  subjects,  by  the  best  and  sweetest 
means."3     There  being,   however,   room  for  an  opinion 
that  so  bountiful  a  Prince  might  have  discovered  sweeter 
means,   by   all  this   pondering,   than  to  burn  and  gibbet 
his  subjects  by  thousands,  it  was  thought  proper  to  in- 
sinuate that  his  orders  had  been  hitherto  misunderstood. 
Alva  and  Requesens  had  been  unfaithful  agents,  who  did 
not  know  their  business,   but  it  was  to  be  set  right  in 
future.      "  As  the  good-will  and  meaning  of  his  Majesty 

1  Bor,  ix.  704.  2  See  the  letter,  in  Bor,  ix.  704. 

3  Report  of  Marquis  of  Havre,  in  Bor,  ix.  704. 


2O  The  Rise  of  the 

has  by  no  means  been  followed,"  continued  the  envoy, 
"his  Majesty  has  determined  to  send  Councillor  Hopper, 
keeper  of  the  privy  seal,  and  myself,  hitherwards,  to 
execute  the  resolutions  of  his  Majesty."1  Two  such 
personages  as  poor,  plodding,  confused,  time-serving 
Hopper,  and  flighty,  talkative  2  Havre,  whom  even  Reque- 
sens  despised,  and  whom  Don  John,  while  shortly  after- 
wards recommending  him  for  a  state  councillor,  charac- 
terized to  Philip  as  "a  very  great  scoundrel,"3  would 
hardly  be  able,  even  if  royally  empowered,  to  undo  the 
work  of  two  preceding  administrations.  Moreover,  Coun- 
cillor Hopper,  on  further  thoughts,  was  not  despatched 
at  all  to  the  Netherlands. 

The  provinces  were,  however,  assured  by  the  King's 
letters  to  the  Brabant  estates,  to  the  State  Council,  and 
other  public  bodies,  as  well  as  by  the  report  of  the 
Marquis,  that  efficacious  remedies  were  preparing  in 
Madrid.  The  people  were  only  to  wait  patiently  till  they 
should  arrive.4  Never  had  conventional  commonplace 
been  applied  more  unseasonably.  Here  was  a  general 
military  mutiny  flaming  in  the  very  centre  of  the  land. 
Here  was  nearly  the  whole  native  population  of  every 
province,  from  grand  seigneur  to  plebeian,  from  Catholic 
prelate  to  Anabaptist  artisan,  exasperated  alike  by  the 
excesses  of  six  thousand  foreign  brigands,  and  united  by 
a  common  hatred  into  a  band  of  brethren.  Here  was  a 
State  Council  too  feeble  to  exercise  the  authority  which 
it  had  arrogated,  trembling  between  the  wrath  of  its 
sovereign,  the  menacing  cries  of  the  Brussels  burghers, 
and  the  wild  threats  of  the  rebellious  army,  and  held 
virtually  captive  in  the  capital  which  it  was  supposed  to 
govern. 

Certainly,  the  confirmation  of  the  Council  in  its  authority, 
for  an  indefinite,  even  if  for  a  brief  period,  was  a  most 
unlucky  step  at  this  juncture.  There  were  two  parties  in 
the  provinces,  but  one  was  far  the  most  powerful  upon  the 
great  point  of  the  Spanish  soldiery.  A  vast  majority  were 
in  favour  of  a  declaration  of  outlawry  against  the  whole 
army,  and  it  was  thought  desirable  to  improve  the  oppor- 
tunity by  getting  rid  of  them  altogether.  If  the  people 

1  Report  of  Marquis  of  Havre,  in  Bor,  ix.  704. 

2  "  Loquillo  y   insubstancial." — Letter   of  Requesens  to  Philip,   cited  by  Gachard, 
Corresp.  Guillaume  le  Tacit.,  iii.  130,  n.  i. 

3  "  Muy  grandissimo  vellacho." — Letter  of  Don  John  to  Philip,  cited  by  Gachard,  ubi 
sup. 

*  Report  of  Marq.  Havre,  etc. ,  Bor,  ix.  705. 


Dutch  Republic  21 

could  rise  en  masse,  now  that  the  royal  government  was 
in  abeyance,  and,  as  it  were,  in  the  nation's  hands,  the 
incubus  might  be  cast  off  for  ever.  If  any  of  the  Spanish 
officers  had  been  sincere  in  their  efforts  to  arrest  the 
mutiny,  the  sincerity  was  not  believed.  If  any  of  the 
foreign  regiments  of  the  King  appeared  to  hesitate  at 
joining  the  Alost  crew,  the  hesitation  was  felt  to  be 
temporary.  Meantime,  the  important  German  regiments 
of  Fugger,  Frondsberger,  and  Polwiller,  with  their 
colonels  and  other  officers,  had  openly  joined  the  re- 
bellion,1 while  there  was  no  doubt  of  the  sentiments  of 
Sancho  d'Avila  and  the  troops  under  his  command.2 
Thus  there  were  two  great  rallying-places  for  the  sedition, 
and  the  most  important  fortress  of  the  country,  the  key 
which  unlocked  the  richest  city  in  the  world,  was  in  the 
hands  of  the  mutineers.  The  commercial  capital  of 
Europe,  filled  to  the  brim  with  accumulated  treasures, 
and  with  the  merchandize  of  every  clime,  lay  at  the  feet 
of  this  desperate  band  of  brigands.  The  horrible  result 
was  but  too  soon  to  be  made  manifest. 

Meantime,  in  Brussels,  the  few  Spaniards  trembled  for 
their  lives.  The  few  officers  shut  up  there  were  in  immi- 
nent danger.  "  As  the  Devil  does  not  cease  to  do  his 
work,"  wrote  Colonel  Verdugo,3  "  he  has  put  it  into  the 
heads  of  the  Brabanters  to  rebel,  taking  for  a  pretext  the 
mutiny  of  the  Spaniards.  The  Brussels  men  have  handled 
their  weapons  so  well  against  those  ivho  were  placed  there 
to  protect  them,  that  they  have  begun  to  kill  the 
Spaniards,  threatening  likewise  the  Council  of  State.  Such 
is  their  insolence,  that  they  care  no  more  for  these  great 
lords  than  for  so  many  varlets. "  The  writer,  who  had 
taken  refuge,  together  with  Jerome  de  Roda  and  other 
Spaniards  or  "  Hispaniolized  "  persons,  in  Antwerp 
citadel,  proceeded  to  sketch  the  preparations  which  were 
going  on  in  Brussels,  and  the  counter  measures  which 
were  making  progress  in  Antwerp.  "The  states,"  he 
wrote,  "  are  enrolling  troops,  saying  'tis  to  put  down  the 
mutiny;  but  I  assure  you  'tis  to  attack  the  army  indis- 
criminately. To  prevent  such  a  villanous  undertaking 
troops  of  all  nations  are  assembling  here,  in  order  to 
march  straight  upon  Brussels,  there  to  enforce  every- 

1  Bor,  ix.  711,  712.     Hoofd,  x.  448. 

2  Meteren,  vi.  107.     Mendoza,  xv.  303,  sqq.     Cabrera,  xi.  849,  sqq. 

3  This  letter  of  Verdugo  to  his  Lieutenant  De  la  Margella  is  published  by  Bor,  ix.  702, 
and  by  Groen  v.  Prinsterer,  Archives,  v.  387-389. 


22  The  Rise  of  the 

thing  which  my  lords  of  the  State  Council  shall  ordain." 
Events  were  obviously  hastening-  to  a  crisis — an  explo- 
sion, before  long,  was  inevitable.  "  I  wish  I  had  my 
horses  here,"  continued  the  Colonel,  "  and  must  beg  you 
to  send  them.  I  see  a  black  cloud  hanging  over  our 
heads.  I  fear  that  the  Brabantines  will  play  the 
beasts  so  much,  that  they  will  have  all  the  soldiery  at 
their  throats."  1 

Jerome  de  Roda  had  been  fortunate  enough  to  make  his 
escape  out  of  Brussels,2  and  now  claimed  to  be  sole 
Governor  of  the  Netherlands,  as  the  only  remaining  repre- 
sentative of  the  State  Council.  His  colleagues  were  in 
durance  at  the  capital.  Their  authority  was  derided. 
Although  not  yet  actually  imprisoned,  they  were  in  reality 
bound  hand  and  foot,  and  compelled  to  take  their  orders 
either  from  the  Brabant  estates  or  from  the  burghers  of 
Brussels.  It  was  not  an  illogical  proceeding,  therefore, 
that  Roda,  under  the  shadow  of  the  Antwerp  citadel, 
should  set  up  his  own  person  as  all  that  remained  of  the 
outraged  majesty  of  Spain.  Till  the  new  Governor,  Don 
Juan,  should  arrive,  whose  appointment  the  King  had 
already  communicated  to  the  government,  and  who  might 
be  expected  in  the  Netherlands  before  the  close  of  the 
autumn,  the  solitary  councillor  claimed  to  embody  the 
whole  council.3  He  caused  a  new  seal  to  be  struck — 
a  proceeding  very  unreasonably  charged  as  forgery  by  the 
provincials — and  forthwith  began  to  thunder  forth  pro- 
clamations and  counter-proclamations  in  the  King's  name 
and  under  the  royal  seal.4  It  is  difficult  to  see  any 
technical  crime  or  mistake  in  such  a  course.  As  a 
Spaniard,  and  a  representative  of  his  Majesty,  he  could 
hardly  be  expected  to  take  any  other  view  of  his  duty. 
At  any  rate,  being  called  upon  to  choose  between  rebel- 
lious Netherlanders  and  mutinous  Spaniards,  he  was  not 
long  in  making  up  his  mind. 

By  the  beginning  of  September  the  mutiny  was  general. 
All  the  Spanish  army,  from  general  to  pioneer,  were 
united.  The  most  important  German  troops  had  taken 
side  with  them.  Sancho  d'Avila  held  the  citadel  of 
Antwerp,  vowing  vengeance,  and  holding  open  communi- 
cation with  the  soldiers  at  Alost.5  The  Council  of  State 

1  Letter  of  Verdugo.  2  Bor,  ix.  705.     Hoofd,  x.  449. 

3  Bor,  Hoofd,  ubi  sup.  4  Bor,  ix.  712.     Hoofd,  x.  449. 

6  Mendoza,  xv.  301,  sqq.     Cabrera,  xi.  864,  sqq. 


Dutch  Republic  23 

remonstrated  with  him  for  his  disloyalty.  He  replied  by 
referring  to  his  long-  years  of  service,  and  by  reproving 
them  for  affecting  an  authority  which  their  imprisonment 
rendered  ridiculous.1  The  Spaniards  were  securely  estab- 
lished. The  various  citadels  which  had  been  built  by 
Charles  and  Philip  to  curb  the  country  now  effectually 
did  their  work.  With  the  castles  of  Antwerp,  Valen- 
ciennes, Ghent,  Utrecht,  Culemberg,  Viane,  Alost  in  the 
hands  of  six  thousand  veteran  Spaniards,  the  country 
seemed  chained  in  every  limb.  The  foreigner's  foot  was 
on  its  neck.  Brussels  was  almost  the  only  considerable 
town  out  of  Holland  and  Zeland  which  was  even  tem- 
porarily safe.  The  important  city  of  Maestricht  was  held 
by  a  Spanish  garrison,  while  other  capital  towns  and 
stations  were  in  the  power  of  the  Walloon  and  German 
mutineers.2  The  depredations  committed  in  the  villages, 
the  open  country,  and  the  cities,  were  incessant — the 
Spaniards  treating  every  Netherlander  as  their  foe. 
Gentleman  and  peasant,  Protestant  and  Catholic,  priest 
and  layman,  all  were  plundered,  maltreated,  outraged. 
The  indignation  became  daily  more  general  and  more 
intense.3  There  were  frequent  skirmishes  between  the 
soldiery  and  promiscuous  bands  of  peasants,  citizens,  and 
students ;  conflicts  in  which  the  Spaniards  were  invariably 
victorious.  What  could  such  half-armed  and  wholly  un- 
trained partizans  effect  against  the  bravest  and  most 
experienced  troops  in  the  whole  world?  Such  results  only 
increased  the  general  exasperation,  while  they  impressed 
upon  the  whole  people  the  necessity  of  some  great  and 
general  effort  to  throw  off  the  incubus. 


CHAPTER    V 

Religious  and  political  sympathies  and  antipathies  in  the  seventeen  provinces — Unani- 
mous hatred  for  the  foreign  soldiery — Use  made  by  the  Prince  of  the  mutiny — His 
correspondence — Necessity  of  union  enforced — A  congress  from  nearly  all  the 
provinces  meets  at  Ghent — Skirmishes  between  the  foreign  troops  and  partizan  bands 
— Slaughter  at  Tisnacq — Suspicions  entertained  of  the  State  Council — Arrest  of  the 
State  Council — Siege  of  Ghent  citadel — Assistance  sent  by  Orange — Maestricht  lost 
and  regained — Wealthy  and  perilous  condition  of  Antwerp-^-Preparations  of  the 
mutineers  under  the  secret  superintendence  of  Avila — Stupidity  of  Oberstein — 
Duplicity  of  Don  Sancho — Reinforcements  of  Walloons  under  Havr6,  Egmont,  and 

1  Mendoza,  ubi  sup. 

2  Bor,  ix.  715.     Mendoza,  xv.  303. 

s  Meteren,  vi.  107.     Hoofd,  x.  450-453. 


24  The  Rise  of  the 

others,  sent  to  Antwerp — Governor  Champagny's  preparations  for  the  expected 
assault  of  the  mutineers — Insubordination,  incapacity,  and  negligence  of  all  but  him 
—Concentration  of  all  the  mutineers  from  different  points,  in  the  citadel — The  attack 
— the  panic — the  flight — the  massacre — the  fire — the  sack — and  other  details  of  the 
"  Spanish  Fury" — Statistics  of  murder  and  robbery — Letter  of  Orange  to  the  States- 
General — Surrender  of  Ghent  citadel — Conclusion  of  the  "  Ghent  Pacification" — The 
treaty  characterized — Forms  of  ratification — Fall  of  Zierickzee  and  recovery  of 
Zeland. 

MEANTIME  the  Prince  of  Orange  sat  at  Middelburg  l  watch- 
ing the  storm.  The  position  of  Holland  and  Zeland  with 
regard  to  the  other  fifteen  provinces  was  distinctly  cha- 
racterized. Upon  certain  points  there  was  an  absolute 
sympathy,  while  upon  others  there  was  a  grave  and 
almost  fatal  difference.  It  was  the  task  of  the  Prince 
to  deepen  the  sympathy,  to  extinguish  the  difference. 

In  Holland  and  Zeland  there  was  a  warm  and  nearly 
universal  adhesion  to  the  reformed  religion,  a  passionate 
attachment  to  the  ancient  political  liberties.  The  Prince, 
although  an  earnest  Calvinist  himself,  did  all  in  his  power 
to  check  the  growing  spirit  of  intolerance  toward  the  old 
religion,  omitted  no  opportunity  of  strengthening  the 
attachment  which  the  people  justly  felt  for  their  liberal 
institutions. 

On  the  other  hand,  in  most  of  the  other  provinces,  the 
Catholic  religion  had  been  regaining  its  ascendency.  Even 
in  1574,  the  estates  assembled  at  Brussels  declared  to  Re-. 
quesens,  "  that  they  would  rather  die  the  death  than  see 
any  change  in  their  religion. ' '  2  That  feeling  had  rather 
increased  than  diminished.  Although  there  was  a  strong 
party  attached  to  the  new  faith,  there  was  perhaps  a 
larger,  certainly  a  more  influential  body,  which  regarded 
the  ancient  Church  with  absolute  fidelity.  Owing  partly 
to  the  persecution  which  had,  in  the  course  of  years, 
banished  so  many  thousands  of  families  from  the  soil, 
partly  to  the  coercion,  which  was  more  stringent  in  the 
immediate  presence  of  the  Crown's  representative,  partly 
to  the  stronger  infusion  of  the  Celtic  element,  which 
from  the  earliest  ages  had  always  been  so  keenly  alive 
to  the  more  sensuous  and  splendid  manifestations  of  the 
devotional  principle — owing  to  these  and  many  other 
causes,  the  old  religion,  despite  of  all  the  outrages  which 
had  been  committed  in  its  name,  still  numbered  a  host 
of  zealous  adherents  in  the  fifteen  provinces.  Attempts 
against  its  sanctity  were  regarded  with  jealous  eyes.  It 

1  Bor,  ix.  694,  sqq. 

-  "  Datse  liever  willen  sterven  de  dood,  dan  te  sien  eenige  veranderinge  in  de  Religie," 
etc. — Remonstrance,  etc.,  in  Bor,  viii.  5i8b. 


Dutch  Republic  25 

was  believed,  and  with  reason,  that  there  was  a  dis- 
position on  the  part  of  the  Reformers  to  destroy  it  root 
and  branch.  It  was  suspected  that  the  same  enginery 
of  persecution  would  be  employed  in  its  extirpation, 
should  the  opposite  party  gain  the  supremacy,  which  the 
Papists  had  so  long  employed  against  the  converts  to 
the  new  religion. 

As  to  political  convictions,  the  fifteen  provinces  differed 
much  less  from  their  two  sisters.  There  was  a  strong 
attachment  to  their  old  constitutions ;  a  general  inclination 
to  make  use  of  the  present  crisis  to  effect  their  restora- 
tion. At  the  same  time,  it  had  not  come  to  be  the  general 
conviction,  as  in  Holland  and  Zeland,  that  the  mainten- 
ance of  those  liberties  was  incompatible  with  the  con- 
tinuance of  Philip's  authority.  There  was,  moreover,  a 
strong  aristocratic  faction  which  was  by  no  means  dis- 
posed to  take  a  liberal  view  of  government  in  general, 
and  regarded  with  apprehension  the  simultaneous  advance 
of  heretical  notions  both  in  church  and  state.  Still  there 
were,  on  the  whole,  the  elements  of  a  controlling  con- 
stitutional party  throughout  the  fifteen  provinces.  The 
great  bond  of  sympathy,  however,  between  all  the 
seventeen  was  their  common  hatred  to  the  foreign  soldiery. 
Upon  this  deeply  imbedded,  immovable  fulcrum  of  an 
ancient  national  hatred,  the  sudden  mutiny  of  the  whole 
Spanish  army  served  as  a  lever  of  incalculable  power. 
The  Prince  seized  it  as  from  the  hand  of  God.  Thus 
armed,  he  proposed  to  himself  the  task  of  upturning  the 
mass  of  oppression  under  which  the  old  liberties  of  the 
country  had  so  long  been  crushed.  To  effect  this  object 
adroitness  was  as  requisite  as  courage.  The  Prince, 
therefore,  in  all  his  addresses  and  documents,  was  care- 
ful to  disclaim  any  intention  of  disturbing  the  established 
religion,  or  of  making  any  rash  political  changes.  "  Let 
no  man  think,"  said  he  to  the  authorities  of  Brabant, 
"  that,  against  the  will  of  the  estates,  we  desire  to  bring 
about  any  changes  in  religion.  Let  no  one  suspect  us 
capable  of  prejudicing  the  rights  of  any  man.  We  have 
long  since  taken  up  arms  to  maintain  a  legal  and  con- 
stitutional freedom,  founded  upon  law.  God  forbid  that 
we  should  now  attempt  to  introduce  novelties,  by  which 
the  face  of  liberty  should  be  defiled."1 

Having  by  this  and  similar  language,  upon  various  occa- 

1  Letter  to  States  of  Brabant,  in  Bor,  ix.  695. 


26  The  Rise  of  the 

sions,  sought  to  impress  upon  his  countrymen  the  gravity 
of  the  position,  he  led  them  to  seek  the  remedy  in  audacity 
and  in  union.  He  familiarized  them  with  his  theory,  that 
the  legal,  historical  government  of  the  provinces  be- 
longed to  the  states-general,  to  a  congress  of  nobles, 
clergy,  and  commons,  appointed  from  each  of  the  seven- 
teen provinces.1  He  maintained,  with  reason,  that  the 
government  of  the  Netherlands  was  a  representative  con- 
stitutional government,  under  the  hereditary  authority  of 
the  King.2  To  recover  this  constitution,  to  lift  up  these 
down-trodden  rights,  he  set  before  them  most  vividly  the 
necessity  of  union.  "  'Tis  impossible,"  he  said,  "  that 
a  chariot  should  move  evenly  having  its  wheels  unequally 
proportioned ;  and  so  must  a  confederation  be  broken  to 
pieces  if  there  be  not  an  equal  obligation  on  all  to  tend 
to  a  common  purpose."3  Union,  close,  fraternal,  such 
as  became  provinces  of  a  common  origin  and  with  similar 
laws,  could  alone  save  them  from  their  fate.  Union 
against  a  common  tyrant  to  save  a  common  fatherland. 
Union,  by  which  differences  of  opinion  should  be  tolerated, 
in  order  that  a  million  of  hearts  should  beat  for  a  common 
purpose,  a  million  hands  work  out,  invincibly,  a  common 
salvation.  "  'Tis  hardly  necessary,"  he  said,4  "to  use 
many  words  in  recommendation  of  union.  Disunion  has 
been  the  cause  of  all  our  woes.  There  is  no  remedy,  no 
hope,  save  in  the  bonds  of  friendship.  Let  all  particular 
disagreements  be  left  to  the  decision  of  the  states-general, 
in  order  that  with  one  heart  and  one  will  we  may  seek 
the  disenthralment  of  the  fatherland  from  the  tyranny  of 
strangers." 

The  first  step  to  a  thorough  union  among  all  the  pro- 
vinces was  the  arrangement  of  a  closer  connexion  between 
the  now  isolated  states  of  Holland  and  Zeland  on  the  one 
side,  and  their  fifteen  sisters  on  the  other.  The  Prince 
professed  the  readiness  of  those  states,  which  he  might  be 
said  to  represent  in  his  single  person,  to  draw  as  closely 
as  possible  the  bonds  of  fellowship.  It  was  almost  super- 
fluous for  him  to  promise  his  own  ready  co-operation. 
"  Nothing  remains  to  us,"  said  he,  "  but  to  discard  all 
jealousy  and  distrust.  Let  us,  with  a  firm  resolution  and 
a  common  accord,  liberate  these  lands  from  the  stranger. 

1  Missive  of  Prince  of  Orange  to  States-General,  in  Bor,  x.  747-749, 

2  Missive,  etc.,  Bor,  ubi  sup. 

3  Gachard,  Correspondance  de  Guillaume  le  Tacit.,  iii.  140-154. 

4  Address  to  Estates  of  Brabant,  apud  Bor,  ix.  694-696. 


Dutch  Republic  27 

Hand  to  hand  let  us  accomplish  a  just  and  general  peace. 
As  for  myself,  I  present  to  you,  with  very  good  affection, 
my  person  and  all  which  I  possess,  assuring  you  that 
I  shall  regard  all  my  labours  and  pains  in  times  which 
are  past  well  bestowed  if  God  now  grant  me  grace  to 
see  the  desired  end.  That  this  end  will  be  reached,  if 
you  hold  fast  your  resolution  and  take  to  heart  the 
means  which  God  presents  to  you,  I  feel  to  be  absolutely 
certain."  * 

Such  were  the  tenor  and  the  motives  of  the  documents 
which  he  scattered  broadcast  at  this  crisis.  They  were 
addressed  to  the  estates  of  nearly  every  province.  Those 
bodies  were  urgently  implored  to  appoint  deputies  to  a 
general  congress,  at  which  a  close  and  formal  union  be- 
tween Holland  and  Zeland  with  the  other  provinces  might 
be  effected.  That  important  measure  secured,  a  general 
effort  might,  at  the  same  time,  be  made  to  expel  the 
Spaniard  from  the  soil.  This  done,  the  remaining  matters 
could  be  disposed  of  by  the  assembly  of  the  estates- 
general.  His  eloquence  and  energy  were  not  without 
effect.  In  the  course  of  the  autumn,  deputies  were  ap- 
pointed from  the  greater  number  of  the  provinces,  to- 
confer  with  the  representatives  of  Holland  and  Zeland 
in  a  general  congress.2  The  place  appointed  for  the 
deliberations  was  the  city  of  Ghent.  Here,  by  the  middle 
of  October,  a  large  number  of  delegates  were  already 
assembled.3 

Events  were  rapidly  rolling  together  from  every 
quarter,  and  accumulating  to  a  crisis.  A  congress — a 
rebellious  congress,  as  the  King  might  deem  it — was  as- 
sembling at  Ghent;  the  Spanish  army,  proscribed,  law- 
less, and  terrible,  was  strengthening  itself  daily  for  some 
dark  and  mysterious  achievement;  Don  John  of  Austria, 
the  King's  natural  brother,  was  expected  from  Spain  to 
assume  the  government,  which  the  State  Council  was  too 
timid  to  wield,  and  too  loyal  to  resign,  while,  meantime, 
the  whole  population  of  the  Netherlands,  with  hardly  an 
exception,  was  disposed  to  see  the  great  question  of 
the  foreign  soldiery  settled,  before  the  chaos  then  existing 
should  be  superseded  by  a  more  definite  authority.  Every- 
where, men  of  all  ranks  and  occupations — the  artisan  in 
the  city,  the  peasant  in  the  fields — were  deserting  their 

1  Letter  to  Estates  of  Brabant,  Bor,  ix.  694-696. 
2  Bor,  ix.  703,  718,  719.  3  Ibid.,  ix.  719,  sqq.     Meteren,  vi.  i  j. 


28  The  Rise  of  the 

daily  occupations  to  furbish  helmets,  handle  muskets,  and 
learn  the  trade  of  war.1  Skirmishes,  sometimes  severe 
and  bloody,  were  of  almost  daily  occurrence.  In  these 
the  Spaniards  were  invariably  successful,  for  whatever 
may  be  said  of  their  cruelty  and  licentiousness,  it  cannot 
be  disputed  that  their  prowess  was  worthy  of  their  re- 
nown. Romantic  valour,  unflinching  fortitude,  consum- 
mate skill,  characterized  them  always.  What  could  half- 
armed  artisans  achieve  in  the  open  plain  against  such 
accomplished  foes?  At  Tisnacq,  between  Louvain  and 
Tirlemont,  a  battle  was  attempted  by  a  large  miscel- 
laneous mass  of  students,  peasantry,  and  burghers,  led 
by  country  squires.2  It  soon  changed  to  a  carnage,  in 
which  the  victims  were  all  on  one  side.  A  small  number 
of  veterans,  headed  by  Vargas,  Mendoza,  Tassis,  and 
other  chivalrous  commanders,  routed  the  undisciplined 
thousands  at  a  single  charge.  The  rude  militia  threw 
away  their  arms,  and  fled  panic-struck  in  all  directions, 
at  the  first  sight  of  their  terrible  foe.  Two  Spaniards 
lost  their  lives  and  two  thousand  Netherlanders.3  It  was 
natural  that  these  consummate  warriors  should  despise 
such  easily  slaughtered  victims. 

Meantime,  while  these  desultory  but  deadly  combats 
were  in  daily  progress,  the  Council  of  State  was  looked 
upon  with  suspicion  by  the  mass  of  the  population.  That 
body,  in  which  resided  provisionally  the  powers  of  govern- 
ment, was  believed  to  be  desirous  of  establishing  rela- 
tions with  the  mutinous  army.  It  was  suspected  of  in- 
sidiously provoking  the  excesses  which  it  seemed  to  de- 
nounce. It  was  supposed  to  be  secretly  intriguing  with 
those  whom  its  own  edicts  had  outlawed.  Its  sympathies 
were  considered  Spanish.  It  was  openly  boasted  by  the 
Spanish  army,  that,  before  long,  they  would  descend 
from  their  fastnesses  upon  Brussels,  and  give  the  city  to 
the  sword.  A  shuddering  sense  of  coming-  evil  pervaded 
the  population,  but  no  man  could  say  where  the  blow 

1  Strada.  2  Bor,  ix.  715,  716.     Hoofd,  x.  450.     Mendoza,  xv.  305-308. 

3  Hoofd,  x.  450. — "  Bet  dan  twee  duizent  man,  wil  man  dat  er  het  leeven  liet,"  etc., 
etc. — "Dit  geluk  hadden  de  Spangaerds  zonder  booven  twee  man  te  verliezen,"  etc. 
This  is  Dutch  authority.  Mendoza,  one  of  the  chief  commanders  in  the  affair,  says  no 
Spaniard  was  killed,  and  that  but  one  was  wounded,  slightly,  in  the  foot,  but  he  does  not 
give  the  number  of  the  states'  troops,  students,  and  burghers  slain. — Mendoza,  xv.  308. 
Cabrera,  xi.  856,  states  the  number  at  two  thousand.  That  bitter  Walloon,  Renom  de 
France,  who  saw  the  states'  force  pass  through  Louvain,  on  their  way  to  the  encounter, 
exults,  as  usual,  over  the  discomfiture  of  his  own  countrymen.  "  The  Spaniards  cut 
them  all  to  pieces,"  he  observes,  "  teaching  these  pedants  and  schoolboys  that  war  was  a 
game  in  which  they  had  no  skill." — Histoire  des  Causes  des  Revokes,  etc.  MS.  iii.  c. 


Dutch  Republic  29 

would  first  be  struck.  It  was  natural  that  the  capital 
should  be  thought  exposed  to  imminent  danger.  At  the 
same  time,  while  every  man  who  had  hands  was  disposed 
to  bear  arms  to  defend  the  city,  the  Council  seemed 
paralyzed.  The  capital  was  insufficiently  garrisoned,  yet 
troops  were  not  enrolling  for  its  protection.  The  state 
councillors  obviously  omitted  to  provide  for  defence,  and 
it  was  supposed  that  they  were  secretly  assisting  the 
attack.  It  was  thought  important,  therefore,  to  disarm, 
or,  at  least,  to  control  this  body,  which  was  impotent  for 
protection,  and  seemed  powerful  only  for  mischief.  It 
was  possible  to  make  it  as  contemptible  as  it  was  believed 
to  be  malicious. 

An  unexpected  stroke  was  therefore  suddenly  levelled 
against  the  Council  in  full  session.  On  the  5th  of  Sep- 
tember,1 the  Seigneur  de  Heze,  a  young  gentleman  of  a 
bold,  but  unstable  character,  then  entertaining  close  but 
secret  relations  with  the  Prince  of  Orange,  appeared 
before  the  doors  of  the  palace.  He  was  attended  by  about 
five  hundred  troops,  under  the  immediate  command  of 
the  Seigneur  de  Glimes,  bailiff  of  Walloon  Brabant.  He 
demanded  admittance,  in  the  name  of  the  Brabant  estates, 
to  the  presence  of  the  State  Council,  and  was  refused. 
The  doors  were  closed  and  bolted.  Without  further  cere- 
mony the  soldiers  produced  iron  bars  brought  with  them 
for  the  purpose,  forced  all  the  gates  from  the  hinges, 
entered  the  hall  of  session,  and  at  a  word  from  their 
commander,  laid  hands  upon  the  councillors,  and  made 
every  one  prisoner.2  The  Duke  of  Aerschot,  President 
of  the  Council,  who  was  then  in  close  alliance  with  the 
Prince,  was  not  present  at  the  meeting,  but  lay,  fore- 
warned, at  home,  confined  to  his  couch  by  a  sickness 
assumed  for  the  occasion.  Viglius,  who  rarely  partici- 
pated in  the  deliberations  of  the  board,  being  already 
afflicted  with  the  chronic  malady  under  which  he  was  ere 
long  to  succumb,  also  escaped  the  fate  of  his  fellow-sena- 
tors.3 The  others  were  carried  into  confinement.  Berlay- 

1  Bor,  ix.  712,  Meteren,  vi.  197,  fix  the  date  of  this  important  transaction  at  the  i4th 
September.     A  letter  of  William  of  Orange  to  Count  John  of  gth  September  states  that 
it  occurred  on  the  5th  September. — Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  etc.,  v.  408,  and 
note  i.     Tassis  gives  the  same  date,  iii.  207,  208. 

2  Gachard,  Correspondance  de  Guillaume  le  Tacit,  iii.  106,  note  i.     Bor,   ubi  sup. 
Hoofd,  x.  448.     Meteren,  vi.  107.     I.  B.  de  Tassis,  Commode  Turn.  Belg.,  1.  iii.  207,  208. 

3  Ibid.     There  is,  however,  considerable  doubt  upon  this  point.     Viglius  was  ill  and 
confined  to  his  bed  at  the  time  of  the  Grand  Commander's  death,  in  March.     He  ceased 
to  write  letters  to  Hopper  in  April.     The  arrest  of  the  State  Council   took  place  in 
September,  and  Viglius  died  on  the  8th  of  May  of  the  following  year  (1577).     It  seems 


30  The  Rise  of  the 

mont  and  Mansfeld  were  imprisoned  in  the  Brood-Huys,1 
where  the  last  mortal  hours  of  Egmont  and  Horn  had 
been  passed.  Others  were  kept  strictly  guarded  in  their 
own  houses.  After  a  few  weeks,  most  of  them  were 
liberated.  Councillor  Del  Rio  was,  however,  retained  in 
confinement,  and  sent  to  Holland,  where  he  was  subjected 
to  a  severe  examination  by  the  Prince  of  Orange,  touch- 
ing- his  past  career,  particularly  concerning-  the  doings  of 
the  famous  Blood-Council.2  The  others  were  set  free, 
and  even  permitted  to  resume  their  functions,  but  their 
•dignity  was  gone,  their  authority  annihilated.  Thence- 
forth the  states  of  Brabant  and  the  community  of  Brussels 
were  to  govern  for  an  interval,  for  it  was  in  their  name 
that  the  daring  blow  against  the  Council  had  been  struck. 
All  individuals  and  bodies,  however,  although  not  dis- 
pleased with  the  result,  clamorously  disclaimed  responsi- 
bility for  the  deed.  Men  were  appalled  at  the  audacity 
of  the  transaction,  and  dreaded  the  vengeance  of  the  King. 
The  Abbot  Van  Perch,  one  of  the  secret  instigators  of  the 
act,  actually  died  of  anxiety  for  its  possible  consequences.3 
There  was  a  mystery  concerning  the  affair.  They  in 
whose  name  it  had  been  accomplished,  denied  having  given 
any  authority  to  the  perpetrators.  Men  asked  each  other 
what  unseen  agency  had  been  at  work,  what  secret  spring 
had  been  adroitly  touched.  There  is  but  little  doubt, 
however,  that  the  veiled  but  skilful  hand  which  directed 
the  blow,  was  the  same  which  had  so  long  been  guiding 
the  destiny  of  the  Netherlands.4 

highly  probable,  therefore,  that  Tassis  is  correct  in  his  statement,  that  Viglius  was  kept 
at  home  by  the  illness  "quse  erat  ei  continua."  The  historians,  however,  Meteren  (vi. 
107),  Bor  (ix.  712),  Bentivoglio  (lib.  ix.  176),  Strada  (viii.  414),  Hoofd  (x.  448),  De  Thou 
{lib.  64,  vii.  534),  all  mention  the  name  of  President  Viglius  among  those  of  the  councillors 
arrested.  The  Prince  of  Orange  (Archives,  etc. ,  v.  408)  also  mentions  him  as  having 
"been  arrested  and  imprisoned  with  the  rest  De  Thou  (ubi  sup.)  gives  an  account  of  a 
visit  which  he  paid  to  him  in  the  following  spring,  at  which  time  the  aged  president 
seems  to  have  been  under  arrest,  although  "  il  n  etoit  pas  gard6  fort  etroitement." — 
Some  writers  mention  him  as  among  those  who  were  detained,  while  others  of  the 
arrested  were  released  (Meteren,  Hoofd,  Bor,  etc.), — others,  as  Cabrera  (who  is,  how- 
-ever,  no  authority  in  such  matters),  mention  him  as  one  of  those  who  were  immediately 
set  at  liberty,  in  order  that  the  Council  might  have  an  appearance  of  power  (Don  Felipe 
II.,  xi.  853).  On  the  whole,  it  seems  most  probable  that  he  was  arrested  after  the 
seizure  of  the  Council,  but  that  he  was  kept  confined  in  a  nominal  durance,  which  the 
infirmities  of  illness  and  age  rendered  quite  superfluous.  It  is  almost  unquestionable 
that  De  Thou  visited  him  at  his  own  house  in  Brussels,  and  not  at  any  state  prison. 
"Wagenaer,  vii.  106,  says  that  Viglius  was  released  in  October,  and  quotes  Langueti,  ep. 
lib.  i.  (ii.),  ep.  93,  p.  289. — Compare  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  etc.,  v.  404,  sqq.  ;  and 
Hoynkvan  Papendrecht,  Not.  ad.  Vic.  Viglii,  Analect.  Belg.  192,  193,  and  Not.  ad  omm., 
I.  R.  de  Tassis,  iii.  208.  l  Van  der  Vynckt,  ii.  188. 

2  Archives  et  Correspondance,  v.  406.     Extracts  from  the  confessions  of  Del  Rio  have 
tieen  given  in  the  first  volume  of  this  history. 

3  Hoofd,  x.  448.     Ev.  Reid1.  Ann.,  lib.  ii.  20. 

4  Wagenaer,  vii.  105.     Langueti  Epist.,  lib.  i.  (ii.)  ep.  87,  p.  230. — Declaration  of  the 


Dutch  Republic  31 

It  had  been  settled  that  the  congress  was  to  hold  its 
sessions  in  Ghent,  although  the  citadel  commanding  that 
city  was  held  by  the  Spaniards.  The  garrison  was  not 
very  strong,  and  Mondragon,  its  commander,  was  absent 
in  Zeland,1  but  the  wife  of  the  veteran  ably  supplied  his 
place,  and  stimulated  the  slender  body  of  troops  to  hold  out 
with  heroism,  under  the  orders  of  his  lieutenant,  Avilos 
Maldonado.2  The  mutineers,  after  having  accomplished 
their  victory  at  Tisnacq,  had  been  earnestly  solicited  to 
come  to  the  relief  of  this  citadel.  They  had  refused  and 
returned  to  Alost.3  Meantime  the  siege  was  warmly 
pressed  by  the  states.  There  being,  however,  a  defi- 
ciency of  troops,  application  for  assistance  was  formally 
made  to  the  Prince  of  Orange.  Count  Reulx,  governor 
of  Flanders,  commissioned  the  Seigneur  d'Haussy,  brother 
of  Count  Bossu,  who,  to  obtain  the  liberation  of  that  long- 
imprisoned  and  distinguished  nobleman,  was  about  visit- 
ing the  Prince  in  Zeland,  to  make  a  request  for  an  auxili- 
ary force.4  It  was,  however,  stipulated  that  care  should 
be  taken  lest  any  prejudice  should  be  done  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  religion  or  the  authority  of  the  King.  The 
Prince  readily  acceded  to  the  request,  and  agreed  to 
comply  with  the  conditions  under  which  only  it  could  be 
accepted.5  He  promised  to  send  twenty-eight  companies. 
In  his  letter  announcing  this  arrangement,  he  gave  notice 
that  his  troops  would  receive  strict  orders  to  do  no  injury 
to  person  or  property,  Catholic  or  Protestant,  ecclesiastic 
or  lay,  and  to  offer  no  obstruction  to  the  Roman  religion 
or  the  royal  dignity.6  He  added,  however,  that  it  was 
not  to  be  taken  amiss,  if  his  soldiers  were  permitted  to 
exercise  their  own  religious  rites,  and  to  sing  their  Pro- 
testant hymns  within  their  own  quarters.7  He  moreover, 
as  security  for  the  expense  and  trouble,  demanded  the 
city  of  Sluys.8  The  first  detachment  of  troops,  under 
command  of  Colonel  Vander  Tympel,  was,  however, 
hardly  on  its  way,  before  an  alarm  was  felt  among  the 
Catholic  party  at  this  practical  alliance  with  the  rebel 


Brussels  Deputies  in  1584.    Bor,  xix.  20  (477). — Compare  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  etc., 
v.  404-407. 

1  Bor,  ix.  726,  727. 

2  Bor,  ix.  727.     Hoofd,  xi.  470. — Compare  Meteren,  vi.  108. 

3  Hoofd,  xi.  450,  451.     Bor,  ix.  716.  4  Bor,  ix.  716.  5  Ibid. 

6  See  the  letter  in  Bor,  ix.   716,  717. — Compare  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  etc.,  420, 
421.  7  Letter  of  Prince  of  Orange,  in  Bor,  ix.  716,  717.  8  Bor,  ix.  717. 


32  The  Rise  of  the 

Prince.  An  envoy,  named  Ottingen,  was  despatched  to 
Zeland,  bearing  a  letter  from  the  estates  of  Hainault, 
Brabant,  and  Flanders,  countermanding  the  request  for 
troops,  and  remonstrating  categorically  upon  the  subject 
of  religion  and  loyalty.1  Orange  deemed  such  tergiversa- 
tion paltry,  but  controlled  his  anger.  He  answered  the 
letter  in  liberal  terms,  for  he  was  determined  that  by  no 
fault  of  his  should  the  great  cause  be  endangered.  He 
reassured  the  estates  as  to  the  probable  behaviour  of  his 
troops.  Moreover,  they  had  been  already  admitted  into 
the  city,  while  the  correspondence  was  proceeding.  The 
matter  of  the  psalm-singing  was  finally  arranged  to  the 
satisfaction  of  both  parties,  and  it  was  agreed  that  Niew- 
port,  instead  of  Sluys,  should  be  given  to  the  Prince  as 
security.2 

The  siege  of  the  citadel  was  now  pressed  vigorously, 
and  the  deliberations  of  the  congress  were  opened  under 
the  incessant  roar  of  cannon.  While  the  attack  was  thus 
earnestly  maintained  upon  the  important  castle  of  Ghent, 
a  courageous  effort  was  made  by  the  citizens  of  Maes- 
tricht  to  wrest  their  city  from  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards. 
The  German  garrison  having  been  gained  by  the  burghers, 
the  combined  force  rose  upon  the  Spanish  troops,  and 
drove  them  from  the  city.3  Montesdocca,  the  commander, 
was  arrested  and  imprisoned,  but  the  triumph  was  only 
temporary.  Don  Francis  d'Ayala,  Montesdocca 's  lieu- 
tenant, made  a  stand,  with  a  few  companies,  in  Wieck,  a 
village  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Meuse,  and  connected 
with  the  city  by  a  massive  bridge  of  stone.4  From  this 
point  he  sent  information  to  other  commanders  in  the 
neighbourhood.  Don  Ferdinand  de  Toledo  soon  arrived 
with  several  hundred  troops  from  Dalem.  The  Spaniards, 
eager  to  wipe  out  the  disgrace  to  their  arms,  loudly  de- 
manded to  be  led  back  to  the  city.  The  head  of  the 
bridge,  however,  over  which  they  must  pass,  was  defended 
by  a  strong  battery,  and  the  citizens  were  seen  clustering 
in  great  numbers  to  defend  their  firesides  against  a  foe 
whom  they  had  once  expelled.  To  advance  across  the 
bridge  seemed  certain  destruction  to  the  little  force.  Even 
Spanish  bravery  recoiled  at  so  desperate  an  undertaking, 
but  unscrupulous  ferocity  supplied  an  expedient  where 

1  Bor,  ix.  717,  718. 

2  Bor,  ubi  sup. — Compare  Groen  v.  PrinsL,  Archives,  etc.,  420,  421,  Meteren,  vi.  108. 

3  Strada,  viii.  416.     Hoofd.  xi.  454.  4  Strada,  Hoofd,  ubi  sup. 


Dutch  Republic  33 

courage  was  at  fault.  There  were  few  fighting-  men 
present  among  the  population  of  Wieck,  but  there  were 
many  females.  Each  soldier  was  commanded  to  seize  a 
woman,  and,  placing  her  before  his  own  body,  to  advance 
across  the  bridge.1  The  column,  thus  bucklered,  to  the 
shame  of  Spanish  chivalry,  by  female  bosoms,  moved  in 
good  order  towards  the  battery.  The  soldiers  levelled 
their  muskets  with  steady  aim  over  the  shoulders  or  under 
the  arms  of  the  women  whom  they  thus  held  before  them.2 
On  the  other  hand,  the  citizens  dared  not  discharge  their 
cannon  at  their  own  townswomen,  among  whose  numbers 
many  recognized  mothers,  sisters,  or  wives.3  The  battery 
was  soon  taken,  while  at  the  same  time  Alonzo  Vargas, 
who  had  effected  his  entrance  from  the  land  side  by  burn- 
ing down  the  Brussels  gate,  now  entered  the  city  at  the 
head  of  a  band  of  cavalry.  Maestricht  was  recovered,  and 
an  indiscriminate  slaughter  instantly  avenged  its  tem- 
porary loss.  The  plundering,  stabbing,  drowning,  burn- 
ing, ravishing,  were  so  dreadful  that,  in  the  words  of  a 
contemporary  historian,  "  the  burghers  who  had  escaped 
the  fight  had  reason  to  think  themselves  less  fortunate 
than  those  who  had  died  with  arms  in  their  hands."4 

This  was  the  lot  of  Maestricht  on  the  2oth  of  October. 
It  was  instinctively  felt  to  be  the  precursor  of  fresh 
disasters.  Vague,  incoherent,  but  widely-disseminated 
rumours  had  long  pointed  to  Antwerp  and  its  dangerous 
situation.  The  Spaniards,  foiled  in  their  views  upon 
Brussels,  had  recently  avowed  an  intention  of  avenging 
themselves  in  the  commercial  capital.  They  had  waited 
long  enough,  and  accumulated  strength  enough.  Such  a 
trifling  city  as  Alost  could  no  longer  content  their  cupidity, 
but  in  Antwerp  there  was  gold  enough  for  the  gathering. 
There  was  reason  for  the  fears  of  the  inhabitants,  for  the 
greedy  longing  of  their  enemy.  Probably  no  city  in 
Christendom  could  at  that  day  vie  with  Antwerp  in  wealth 
and  splendour.  Its  merchants  lived  in  regal  pomp  and 
luxury.  In  its  numerous  massive  warehouses  were  the 
treasures  of  every  clime.  Still  serving  as  the  main  entre- 
pot of  the  world's  traffic,  the  Brabantine  capital  was  the 
centre  of  that  commercial  system  which  was  soon  to  be 
superseded  by  a  larger  international  life.  In  the  midst  of 
the  miseries  which  had  so  long  been  raining  upon  the 

1  Strada,  viii.  416.  2  ibid.  3  ibid. 

4  Bor,  ix.  725.— Compare  Strada,  Hoofd,  ubi  sup.     Meteren,  vi.  109. 

VOL.  III.  C 


34  The  Rise  of  the 

Netherlands,  the  stately  and  egotistical  city  seemed  to  have 
taken  stronger  root  and  to  flourish  more  freshly  than  ever. 
It  was  not  wonderful  that  its  palaces  and  its  magazines, 
glittering  with  splendour  and  bursting  with  treasure, 
should  arouse  the  avidity  of  a  reckless  and  famishing 
soldiery.  Had  not  a  handful  of  warriors  of  their  own  race 
rifled  the  golden  Indies?  Had  not  their  fathers,  few  in 
number,  strong  in  courage  and  discipline,  revelled  in  the 
plunder  of  a  new  world?  Here  were  the  Indies  in  a  single 
-city.1  Here  were  gold  and  silver,  pearls  and  diamonds, 
ready  and  portable;  the  precious  fruit  dropping,  ripened, 
from  the  bough.  Was  it  to  be  tolerated  that  base,  pacific 
burghers  should  monopolize  the  treasure  by  which  a  band 
of  heroes  might  be  enriched? 

A  sense  of  coming  evil  diffused  itself  through  the  atmo- 
sphere. The  air  seemed  lurid  with  the  impending  storm, 
for  the  situation  was  one  of  peculiar  horror.  The 
wealthiest  city  in  Christendom  lay  at  the  mercy  of  the 
strongest  fastness  in  the  world ;  a  castle  which  had  been 
built  to  curb,  not  to  protect,  the  town.  It  was  now  in- 
habited by  a  band  of  brigands,  outlawed  by  government, 
strong  in  discipline,  reckless  by  habit,  desperate  in  cir- 
cumstance— a  crew  which  feared  not  God,  nor  man,  nor 
•devil.  The  palpitating  quarry  lay  expecting  hourly  the 
swoop  of  its  trained  and  pitiless  enemy,  for  the  rebellious 
soldiers  were  now  in  a  thorough  state  of  organization. 
Sancho  d'Avila,  castellan  of  the  citadel,  was  recognized  as 
the  chief  of  the  whole  mutiny,  the  army  and  the  mutiny 
being  now  one.  The  band,  entrenched  at  Alost,  were  upon 
the  best  possible  understanding  with  their  brethren  in  the 
citadel,  and  accepted  without  hesitation  the  arrangements 
of  their  superior.  On  the  side  of  the  Scheld,  opposite 
Antwerp,  a  fortification  had  been  thrown  up  by  Don 
Sancho 's  orders,  and  held  by  Julian  Romero.  Lier, 
Breda,  as  well  as  Alost,  were  likewise  ready  to  throw 
their  reinforcements  into  the  citadel  at  a  moment's  warn- 
ing. At  the  signal  of  their  chief,  the  united  bands  might 
sweep  from  their  impregnable  castle  with  a  single 
impulse.2 

The  city  cried  aloud  for  help,  for  it  had  become  obvious 
that  an  attack  might  be  hourly  expected.  Meantime  an 
attempt,  made  by  Don  Sancho  d'Avila  to  tamper  with  the 

1  " queste  Indie  d'una  cittd." — Bentivoglio,  ix.  181. 

2  Meteren,  vi.  107.     Bor,  ix.  727,  sqq.     Meudoza,  xv.  303,  sqq. 


Dutch  Republic  35 

German  troops  stationed  within  the  walls,  was  more  than 
partially  successful.  The  forces  were  commanded  by 
Colonel  Van  Ende  and  Count  Oberstein.  Van  Ende,  a 
crafty  traitor  to  his  country,  desired  no  better  than  to  join 
the  mutiny  on  so  promising-  an  occasion,  and  his  soldiers 
shared  his  sentiments.  Oberstein,  a  brave  but  blundering 
German,  was  drawn  into  the  net  of  treachery  l  by  the 
adroitness  of  the  Spaniard  and  the  effrontery  of  his  com- 
rade. On  the  night  of  the  29th  of  October,  half-bewildered 
and  half-drunk,  he  signed  a  treaty  with  Sancho  d'Avila2 
and  the  three  colonels  —  Fugger,  Frondsberger,  and  Pol- 
wilier.  By  this  unlucky  document,  which  was  of  course 
subscribed  also  by  Van  Ende,  it  was  agreed  that  the 
Antwerp  burghers  should  be  forthwith  disarmed  ;  that  their 
weapons  should  be  sent  into  the  citadel  ;  that  Oberstein 
should  hold  the  city  at  the  disposition  of  Sancho  d'Avila; 
that  he  should  refuse  admittance  to  all  troops  which  might 
be  sent  into  the  city,  excepting  by  command  of  Don 
Sancho,  and  that  he  should  decline  compliance  with  any 
orders  which  he  might  receive  from  individuals  calling 
themselves  the  council  of  state,  the  states-general,  or  the 
estates  of  Brabant.  This  treaty  was  signed,  moreover,  by 
Don  Jeronimo  de  Roda,  then  established  in  the  citadel,  and 
claiming  to  represent  exclusively  his  Majesty's  govern- 
ment.3 

Hardly  had  this  arrangement  been  concluded  than  the 
Count  saw  the  trap  into  which  he  had  fallen.  Without 
intending  to  do  so,  he  had  laid  the  city  at  the  mercy  of  its 
foe,  but  the  only  remedy  which  suggested  itself  to  his  mind 
was  an  internal  resolution  not  to  keep  his  promises.  The 
burghers  were  suffered  to  retain  their  arms,  while,  on  the 
other  hand,  Don  Sancho  lost  no  time  in  despatching 
messages  to  Alost,  to  Lier,  to  Breda,  and  even  to  Maes- 
tricht,  that  as  large  a  force  as  possible  might  be  4  as- 
sembled for  the  purpose  of  breaking  immediately  the  treaty 
of  peace  which  he  had  just  concluded.  Never  was  a 
solemn  document  regarded  with  such  perfectly  bad  faith 
by  all  its  signers  as  the  accord  of  the  2gth  of  October. 

Three  days  afterwards,  a  large  force  of  Walloons  and 
Germans  were  despatched  from  Brussels  to  the  assistance 
of  Antwerp.  The  command  of  these  troops  was  entrusted 


456. 


Bor,  ix.  727,  sqq.  2  Ibid.     Hoofd,  xi.  455,  456. 

See  the  Articles  in  Bor,  ix.  728.  —  Compare  Meteren,  v.  109,  no;  Hoofd,  xi.  455, 
4  Mendeza,  xv.  303.     Cabrera,  xi.  862,  863,  sqq.     Strada,  viii.  417. 


36  The  Rise  of  the 

to  the  Marquis  of  Havre",  whose  brother,  the  Duke  of 
Aerschot,  had  been  recently  appointed  chief  superintend- 
ent of  military  affairs  by  the  deputies  assembled  at  Ghent.1 
The  miscellaneous  duties  comprehended  under  this  rather 
vague  denomination  did  not  permit  the  Duke  to  take 
charge  of  the  expedition  in  person,  and  his  younger 
brother,  a  still  more  incompetent  and  unsubstantial 
character,  was  accordingly  appointed  to  the  post.  A 
number  of  young  men,  of  high  rank  but  of  lamentably  low 
capacity,  were  associated  with  him.  Foremost  among 
them  was  Philip,  Count  of  Egmont,  a  youth  who  had  in- 
herited few  of  his  celebrated  father's  qualities,  save  per- 
sonal courage  and  a  love  of  personal  display.  In  character 
and  general  talents  he  was  beneath  mediocrity.  Besides 
these  were  the  reckless  but  unstable  De  Heze,  who  had 
executed  the  coup  d'etat  against  the  State  Council,  De 
Berselen,  De  Capres,  D'Oyngies,  and  others,  all  vaguely 
desirous  of  achieving  distinction  in  those  turbulent  times, 
but  few  of  them  having  .any  political  or  religious  con- 
victions, and  none  of  them  possessing  experience  or  in- 
fluence enough  to  render  them  useful  at  the  impending 
crisis.2 

On  Friday  morning,  the  2nd  of  November,3  the  troops 
appeared  under  the  walls  of  Antwerp.  They  consisted  of 
twenty-three  companies  of  infantry  and  fourteen  of  cavalry, 
amounting  to  five  thousand  foot  and  twelve  hundred  horse. 
They  were  nearly  all  Walloons,  soldiers  who  had  already 
seen  much  active  service,  but  unfortunately  of  a  race  war- 
like and  fiery  indeed,  but  upon  whose  steadiness  not  much 
more  dependence  could  be  placed  at  that  day  than  in  the 
age  of  Civilis.  Champagny,  brother  of  Granvelle,  was 
governor  of  the  city.  He  was  a  sincere  Catholic,  but  a 
still  more  sincere  hater  of  the  Spaniards.  He  saw  in  the 
mutiny  a  means  of  accomplishing  their  expulsion,  and 
had  already  offered  to  the  Prince  of  Orange  his  eager  co- 
operation towards  this  result.  In  other  matters  there 
could  be  but  small  sympathy  between  William  the  Silent 
and  the  Cardinal's  brother;  but  a  common  hatred  united 
them,  for  a  time  at  least,  in  a  common  purpose. 

When  the  troops  first  made  their  appearance  before  the 
walls,  Champagny  was  unwilling  to  grant  them  admit- 

1  Bor,  ix.  719. 

2  Bor,  ix.  728,  729.     Cabrera,  xi.  863.     Mendoza,  xv.  313.     Meteren,  vi.  ioq. 

8  Bor,  ix.   728.     Meteren,  vi.  109.     Hoofd,  xi.  457,  and  not  the  3rd  of  October,  as 
Stated  by  Mendoza,  xv.  313,  and  by  Cabrera,  xi.  863,  following  Mendoza. 


Dutch  Republic  37 

tance.  The  addle-brained  Oberstein  had  confessed  to  him 
the  enormous  blunder  which  he  had  committed  in  his  mid- 
night treaty,  and  at  the  same  time  ingenuously  confessed 
his  intention  of  sending  it  to  the  winds.1  The  enemy  had 
extorted  from  his  dulness  or  his  drunkenness  a  promise, 
which  his  mature  and  sober  reason  could  not  consider 
binding.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  Champagny  rebuked 
him  for  signing,  and  applauded  him  for  breaking  the 
treaty.  At  the  same  time  its  ill  effects  were  already  seen 
in  the  dissensions  which  existed  among  the  German  troops. 
Where  all  had  been  tampered  with,  and  where  the  com- 
manders had  set  the  example  of  infidelity,  it  would  have 
been  strange  if  all  had  held  firm.  On  the  whole,  how- 
ever, Oberstein  thought  he  could  answer  for  his  own 
troops.  Upon  Van  Ende's  division,  although  the  crafty 
colonel  dissembled  his  real  intentions,  very  little  reliance 
was  placed.2  Thus  there  was  distraction  within  the  walls. 
Among  those  whom  the  burghers  had  been  told  to  consider 
their  defenders,  there  were  probably  many  who  were  ready 
to  join  with  their  mortal  foes  at  a  moment's  warning. 
Under  these  circumstances,  Champagny  hesitated  about 
admitting  the  fresh  troops  from  Brussels.  He  feared  lest 
the  Germans,  who  knew  themselves  doubted,  might  con- 
sider themselves  doomed.  He  trembled,  lest  an  irrepres- 
sible outbreak  should  occur  within  the  walls,  rendering  the 
immediate  destruction  of  the  city  by  the  Spaniards  from 
without  inevitable.  Moreover,  he  thought  it  more  desir- 
able that  this  auxiliary  force  should  be  disposed  at  different 
points  outside,  in  order  to  intercept  the  passage  of  the 
numerous  bodies  of  Spaniards  and  other  mutineers,  who 
from  various  quarters  would  soon  be  on  their  way  to  the 
citadel.  Havre",  however,  was  so  peremptory,  and  the 
burghers  were  so  importunate,  that  Champagny  was 
obliged  to  recede  from  his  opposition  before  twenty-four 
hours  had  elapsed.  Unwilling  to  take  the  responsibility 
of  a  further  refusal,  he  admitted  the  troops  through  the 
Burgherhout  gate,  on  Saturday,  the  3rd  of  November,  at 
ten  o'clock  in  the  morning.3 

The  Marquis  of  Havre,  as  commander-in-chief,  called  a 
council  of  war.  It  assembled  at  Count  Oberstein 's 
quarters,  and  consulted  at  first  concerning  a  bundle  of 
intercepted  letters  which  Havre  had  brought  with  him. 

1  Bor,  ix.  729.     Hoofd,  xi.  457. 

2  Bor,  ix.   729,  sqq.     Hoofd,  xi.    457,  sqq. — Compare  Strada,  viii.    117;  Mendoza,  xv. 
313.     Cabrera,  xi.  863,  et  al.  3  Bor,  ix.  729.     Hoofd,  xi.  457.     Meteren,  vi.  no. 


38  The  Rise  of  the 

These  constituted  a  correspondence  between  Sancho 
d'Avila  with  the  heads  of  the  mutiny  at  Alost,  and  many 
other  places.  The  letters  were  all  dated  subsequently  to 
Don  Sancho's  treaty  with  Oberstein,  and  contained 
arrangements  for  an  immediate  concentration  of  the  whole 
available  Spanish  force  at  the  citadel.1 

The  treachery  was  so  manifest,  that  Oberstein  felt  all 
self-reproach  for  his  own  breach  of  faith  to  be  superfluous. 
It  was,  however,  evident  that  the  attack  was  to  be  im- 
mediately expected.  What  was  to  be  done?  All  the 
officers  counselled  the  immediate  erection  of  a  bulwark  on 
the  side  of  the  city  exposed  to  the  castle,  but  there  were  no 
miners  or  engineers.  Champagny,  however,  recommended 
a  skilful  and  experienced  engineer  to  superintend  the  work 
in  the  city ;  and  pledged  himself  that  burghers  enough 
would  volunteer  as  miners.  In  less  than  an  hour,  ten  or 
twelve  thousand  persons,  including  multitudes  of  women  of 
all  ranks,  were  at  work  upon  the  lines  marked  out  by  the 
engineer.  A  ditch  and  breastwork  extending  from  the 
gate  of  the  Beguins  to  the  street  of  the  Abbey  Saint 
Michael,  were  soon  in  rapid  progress.  Meantime,  the 
newly  arrived  troops,  with  military  insolence,  claimed  the 
privilege  of  quartering  themselves  in  the  best  houses  which 
they  could  find.  They  already  began  to  insult  and  annoy 
the  citizens  whom  they  had  been  sent  to  defend ;  nor  were 
they  destined  to  atone,  by  their  subsequent  conduct  in  the 
face  of  the  enemy,  for  the  brutality  with  which  they 
treated  their  friends.  Champagny,  however,  was  ill 
disposed  to  brook  their  licentiousness.  They  had  been 
sent  to  protect  the  city  and  the  homes  of  Antwerp  from 
invasion.  They  were  not  to  establish  themselves  at  every 
fireside  on  their  first  arrival.  There  was  work  enough  for 
them  out  of  doors,  and  they  were  to  do  that  work  at  once. 
He  ordered  them  to  prepare  for  a  bivouac  in  the  streets, 
and  flew  from  house  to  house,  sword  in  hand,  driving  forth 
the  intruders  at  imminent  peril  of  his  life.  Meantime,  a 
number  of  Italian  and  Spanish  merchants  fled  from  the 
city,  and  took  refuge  in  the  castle.  The  Walloon  soldiers 
were  for  immediately  plundering  their  houses,  as  if  plunder 
had  been  the  object  for  which  they  had  been  sent  to 
Antwerp.  It  was  several  hours  before  Champagny,  with 
all  his  energy,  was  able  to  quell  these  disturbances.2 

1  Bor,  ix.  730.     Hoofd,  xi.  457,  458. 

2  Bor,   ix.   730.     Hoofd,  xi.   458.     Meteren,  vi.   no.     Cabrera,  xi.  864.     Strada,  viij. 
417. — A  remarkable  pamphlet,  published   by  Champagny  in  1578,  entitled   "  Recueil 


Dutch  Republic  39 

In  the  course  of  the  day,  Oberstein  received  a  letter  from 
Don  Sancho  d'Avila,  calling-  solemnly  upon  him  to  fulfil 
his  treaty  of  the  29th  of  October.1  The  German  colonels 
from  the  citadel  had,  on  the  previous  afternoon,  held  a 
personal  interview  with  Oberstein  beneath  the  walls,  which 
had  nearly  ended  in  blows,  and  they  had  been  obliged  to 
save  themselves  by  flight  from  the  anger  of  the  Count's 
soldiers,  enraged  at  the  deceit  by  which  their  leader  had 
been  so  nearly  entrapped.2  This  summons  of  ridiculous 
solemnity  to  keep  a  treaty  which  had  already  been  torn  to 
shreds  by  both  parties,  Oberstein  answered  with  defiance 
and  contempt.  The  reply  was  an  immediate  cannonade 
from  the  batteries  of  the  citadel,  which  made  the  position 
of  those  erecting  the  ramparts  excessively  dangerous.  The 
wall  was  strengthened  with  bales  of  merchandize,  casks  of 
earth,  upturned  wagons,  and  similar  bulky  objects,  hastily 
piled  together.  In  some  places  it  was  sixteen  feet  high ;  in 
others  less  than  six.  Night  fell  before  the  fortification 
was  nearly  completed.  Unfortunately,  it  was  bright  moon- 
light. The  cannon  from  the  fortress  continued  to  play 
upon  the  half-finished  works.  The  Walloons,  and  at  last 
the  citizens,  feared  to  lift  their  heads  above  their  frail 
rampart.  The  senators,  whom  Champagny  had  deputed 
to  superintend  the  progress  of  the  enterprise,  finding  the 
men  so  ill  disposed,  deserted  their  posts.  They  promised 
themselves  that,  in  the  darkest  hour  of  the  following  night, 
the  work  should  be  thoroughly  completed.3  Alas  !  all 
hours  of  the  coming  night  were  destined  to  be  dark 
enough,  but  in  them  was  to  be  done  no  manner  of  work  for 
defence.  On  Champagny  alone  seemed  devolved  all  the 
labour  and  all  the  responsibility.  He  did  his  duty  well, 
but  he  was  but  one  man.  Alone,  with  a  heart  full  of 
anxiety,  he  wandered  up  and  down  all  the  night.4  With 
his  own  hands,  assisted  only  by  a  few  citizens  and  his  own 
servants,  he  planted  all  the  cannon  with  which  they  were 
provided  in  the  "  Fencing  Court,"  at  a  point  where  the 
battery  might  tell  upon  the  castle.  Unfortunately,  the 
troops  from  Brussels  had  brought  no  artillery  with  them, 
and  the  means  of  defence  against  the  strongest  fortress  in 
Europe  were  meagre  indeed.  The  rampart  had  been  left 
very  weak  at  many  vital  points.  A  single  upturned  wagon 

d'Ardtophile  "  (Lyon.  Guerin,  1578),  is  the  best  authority  for  many  striking  details  of  this 
memorable  affair.  l  EOT,  ix.  729.  2  Hoofd,  xi.  457,  458. 

3  Bor,  ix.  729,  sqq.    Meteren,  vi.  no.    Hoofd,  xi.  458-460.         4  Recueil  d'Aretophile. 


40  The  Rise  of  the 

was  placed  across  the  entrance  to  the  important  street  of 
the  Begums.  This  negligence  was  to  cost  the  city  dear. 
At  daybreak,  there  was  a  council  held  in  Oberstein's 
quarters.  Nearly  all  Champagny's  directions  had  been 
neglected.  He  had  desired  that  strong  detachments 
.should  be  posted  during  the  night  at  various  places  of 
security  on  the  outskirts  of  the  town,  for  the  troops  which 
were  expected  to  arrive  in  small  bodies  at  the  citadel  from 
various  parts,  might  have  thus  been  cut  off  before  reach- 
ing their  destination.  Not  even  scouts  had  been  stationed 
in  sufficient  numbers  to  obtain  information  of  what  was 
occurring  outside.  A  thick  mist  hung  over  the  city  that 
eventful  morning.  Through  its  almost  impenetrable  veil 
bodies  of  men  had  been  seen  moving  into  the  castle,  and 
the  tramp  of  cavalry  had  been  distinctly  heard,  and  the 
troops  of  Romero,  Vargas,  Oliveira,  and  Valdez  had 
already  arrived  from  Lier,  Breda,  Maestricht,  and  from 
the  forts  on  the  Scheld.1 

The  whole  available  force  in  the  city  was  mustered 
without  delay.  Havre"  had  claimed  for  his  post  the 
defence  of  the  lines  opposite  the  citadel,  the  place 
of  responsibility  and  honour.  Here  the  whole  body  of 
Walloons  were  stationed,  together  with  a  few  companies 
of  Germans.  The  ramparts,  as  stated,  were  far  from 
impregnable,  but  it  was  hoped  that  this  living  rampart  of 
six  thousand  men,  standing  on  their  own  soil,  and  in  front 
of  the  firesides  and  altars  of  their  own  countrymen,  would 
prove  a  sufficient  bulwark  even  against  Spanish  fury.2 
Unhappily,  the  living  barrier  proved  more  frail  than  the 
feeble  breastwork  which  the  hands  of  burghers  and 
women  had  constructed.  Six  thousand  men  were  disposed 
along  the  side  of  the  city  opposite  the  fortress.  The  bulk 
of  the  German  troops  was  stationed  at  different  points  on 
the  more  central  streets  and  squares.  The  cavalry  was 
posted  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  city,  along  the  Horse- 
market,  and  fronting  the  "New-town."  The  stars  were 
still  in  the  sky  when  Champagny  got  on  horseback  and 
rode  through  the  streets,  calling  on  the  burghers  to  arm 
and  assemble  at  different  points.  The  principal  places  of 
rendezvous  were  the  Cattle-market  and  the  Exchange. 
He  rode  along  the  lines  of  the  Walloon  regiments,  con- 
versing with  the  officers,  Egmont,  De  He"ze,  and  others, 

1  Meteren,  vii.  no.  Recueil  d'Aretophile.  Hoofd,  xi.  460.  Bor,  ix.  730.  Cabrera, 
xL  864.  Mendoza,  xv.  315.  2  Hoofd,  xi.  458,  459.  Recueil  d'Aretophile. 


Dutch  Republic  41 

and  encouraging  the  men,  and  went  again  to  the  Fencing 
Court,  where  he  pointed  the  cannon  with  his  own  hand, 
and  ordered  their  first  discharge  at  the  fortress.  Thence 
he  rode  to  the  end  of  the  Beguin  street,  where  he  dis- 
mounted and  walked  out  upon  the  edge  of  the  esplanade 
which  stretched  between  the  city  and  the  castle.  On  this 
battle-ground  a  combat  was  even  then  occurring  between 
a  band  of  burghers  and  a  reconnoitring  party  from  the 
citadel.  Champagny  saw  with  satisfaction  that  the  Ant- 
werpers  were  victorious.  They  were  skirmishing  well 
with  their  disciplined  foe,  whom  they  at  last  beat  back  to 
the  citadel.  His  experienced  eye  saw,  however,  that  the 
retreat  was  only  the  signal  for  a  general  onslaught,  which 
was  soon  to  follow ;  and  he  returned  into  the  city  to  give 
the  last  directions.1 

At  ten  o'clock,  a  moving  wood  was  descried,  approach- 
ing the  citadel  from  the  south-west.  The  whole  body  of 
the  mutineers  from  Alost,  wearing  green  branches  in  their 
helmets,2  had  arrived  under  command  of  their  Eletto, 
Navarrete.  Nearly  three  thousand  in  number,  they  rushed 
into  the  castle,  having  accomplished  their  march  of  twenty- 
four  miles  since  three  o'clock  in  the  morning.3  They  were 
received  with  open  arms.  Sancho  d'Avila  ordered  food 
and  refreshments  to  be  laid  before  them,  but  they  refused 
everything  but  a  draught  of  wine.  They  would  dine  in 
Paradise,  they  said,  or  sup  in  Antwerp.4  Finding  his 
allies  in  such  spirit,  Don  Sancho  would  not  balk  their 
humour.  Since  early  morning,  his  own  veterans  had  been 
eagerly  awaiting  his  signal,  "straining  upon  the  start.'* 
The  troops  of  Romero,  Vargas,  Valdez,  were  no  less  im- 
patient. At  about  an  hour  before  noon,  nearly  every 
living  man  in  the  citadel  was  mustered  for  the  attack, 
hardly  men  enough  being  left  behind  to  guard  the  gates. 
Five  thousand  veteran  foot  soldiers,  besides  six  hundred 
cavalry,  armed  to  the  teeth,  sallied  from  the  portals  of 
Alva's  citadel.5  In  the  counterscarp  they  fell  upon  their 

1  Recueil  d'Ardtophile.     Meteren  vi.    nob.     Hoofd,   xi.   458,   460,   461.      Brant6me, 
Homines  Illust.,  ii.  201  (Sane.  d'Av.). 

2  Ibid.,  113.  3  Mendoza,  xv.  314,  315. 

4  Mendoza,   xiv.  315. — "  Respondieron  el  estar  resueltos  de  comer  en  el  Parayso  6 
cenar  en  la  villa  de  Anvers." — Bor,  ix.  730.     Hoofd,  xi.  461.     Cabrera,  xi.  864,  et  al. 

5  Hoofd  gives  the  numbers  as  two  thousand  from  Alost,  five  hundred  under  Romero, 
five  hundred  under  Valdez,  one  thousand  under  the  German  colonels,  and  one  thousand 
cavalry  under  Vargas,    in  all,   five   thousand. — xi.    461.     Mendoza    states    the    whole 
attacking  force  at  two  thousand  two  hundred  Spanish  infantry,  eight  hundred  Germans, 
and  five  hundred  cavalry,  in  all,    three  thousand   five  hundred. — xv.    315.     Cabrera, 
following  Mendoza  as  usual,  estimates  the  number  at  a  little  more  than  three  thousand. 
— xL  864. 

C  2 


42  The  Rise  of  the 

knees,  to  invoke,  according  to  custom,  the  blessing  of 
God  1  upon  the  devil's  work,  which  they  were  about  to 
commit.  The  Eletto  bore  a  standard,  one  side  of  which 
was  emblazoned  with  the  crucified  Saviour,  and  the  other 
with  the  Virgin  Mary.2  The  image  of  Him  who  said, 
"  Love  your  enemies,"  and  the  gentle  face  of  the 
Madonna,  were  to  smile  from  heaven  upon  deeds  which 
might  cause  a  shudder  in  the  depths  of  hell.  Their  brief 
orisons  concluded,  they  swept  forward  to  the  city.  Three 
thousand  Spaniards  under  their  Eletto,  were  to  enter  by  the 
street  of  Saint  Michael ;  the  Germans,  and  the  remainder 
of  the  Spanish  foot,  commanded  by  Romero,  through  that 
of  Saint  George.  Champagny  saw  them  coming,  and 
spoke  a  last  word  of  encouragement  to  the  Walloons. 
The  next  moment  the  compact  mass  struck  the  barrier,  as 
the  thunderbolt  descends  from  the  cloud.  There  was 
scarcely  a  struggle.  The  Walloons,  not  waiting  to  look 
their  enemy  in  the  face,  abandoned  the  posts  which  they 
had  themselves  claimed.  The  Spaniards  crashed  through 
the  bulwark,  as  though  it  had  been  a  wall  of  glass.  The 
Eletto  was  first  to  mount  the  rampart;  the  next  instant 
he  was  shot  dead,  while  his  followers,  undismayed, 
sprang  over  his  body,  and  poured  into  the  streets.  The 
fatal  gaps,  due  to  timidity  and  carelessness,  let  in  the 
destructive  tide.  Champagny,  seeing  that  the  enemies 
had  all  crossed  the  barrier,  leaped  over  a  garden  wall, 
passed  through  a  house  into  a  narrow  lane,  and  thence  to 
the  nearest  station  of  the  German  troops.  Hastily  collect- 
ing a  small  force,  he  led  them  in  person  to  the  rescue. 
The  Germans  fought  well,  died  well,  but  they  could  not 
reanimate  the  courage  of  the  Walloons,  and  all  were  now 
in  full  retreat,  pursued  by  the  ferocious  Spaniards.3  In 
vain  Champagny  stormed  among  them ;  in  vain  he  strove 
to  rally  their  broken  ranks.  With  his  own  hand  he  seized 
a  banner  from  a  retreating  ensign,4  and  called  upon  the 
nearest  soldiers  to  make  a  stand  against  the  foe.  It  was 
to  bid  the  flying  clouds  pause  before  the  tempest.  Torn, 
broken,  aimless,  the  scattered  troops  whirled  through  the 
streets  before  the  pursuing  wrath.  Champagny,  not  yet 

1  Mendoza,  xv.  315.     Hoofd,  xi.  461. 

2  "  Con  la  figura  de  Jesu  Cristo  cruzificado  en  la  una  faz,  i  en  la  otra  la  de  su  Madre 
•Santissima  manifestando  iban  a  vengar  la  magestad  divina  ofendida  de  la  eregia  depra- 
vada."— Cabrera,  xi.  864.     Mendoza,  xv.  315.     Hoofd,  xi.  431. 

3  Recueil  d'Aretophile.     Meteren,  vi.  noc.     Mendoza,  xv.  316.    Hoofd,  xi.  461.    Bor, 
ix.  731.  4  Meteren,  vi.  noc.     Hoofd,  461. 


Dutch  Republic  43 

despairing,  galloped  hither  and  thither,  calling  upon  the 
burghers  everywhere  to  rise  in  defence  of  their  homes,  nor 
did  he  call  in  vain.  They  came  forth  from  every  place 
of  rendezvous,  from  every  alley,  from  every  house.  They 
fought  as  men  fight  to  defend  their  hearths  and  altars, 
but  what  could  individual  devotion  avail,  against  the  com- 
pact, disciplined,  resistless  mass  of  their  foes?  The 
order  of  defence  was  broken,  there  was  no  system,  no 
concert,  no  rallying  point,  no  authority.  So  soon  as  it 
was  known  that  the  Spaniards  had  crossed  the  rampart, 
that  its  six  thousand  defenders  were  in  full  retreat,  it  was 
inevitable  that  a  panic  should  seize  the  city.1 

Their  entrance  once  effected,  the  Spanish  force  had 
separated,  according,  to  previous  arrangement,  into  two 
divisions,  one  half  charging  up  the  long  street  of  Saint 
Michael,  the  other  forcing  its  way  through  the  street  of 
Saint  Joris.2  "Santiago,  Santiago!  Espana,  Espana!  a 
sangre,  a  carne,  a  fuego,  a  sacco  !"  Saint  James,  Spain, 
blood,  flesh,  fire,  sack  !  ! — such  were  the  hideous  cries 
which  rang  through  every  quarter  of  the  city,  as  the 
savage  horde  advanced.3  Van  Ende,  with  his  German 
troops,  had  been  stationed  by  the  Marquis  of  Havre  to 
defend  the  Saint  Joris  gate,  but  no  sooner  did  the 
Spaniards  under  Vargas  present  themselves,  than  he 
deserted  to  them  instantly  with  his  whole  force.4  United 
with  the  Spanish  cavalry,  these  traitorous  defenders  of 
Antwerp  dashed  in  pursuit  of  those  who  had  only  been 
faint-hearted.  Thus  the  burghers  saw  themselves  attacked 
by  many  of  their  friends,  deserted  by  more.  Whom  were 
they  to  trust?  Nevertheless,  Oberstein's  Germans  were 
brave  and  faithful,  resisting  to  the  last,  and  dying  every 
man  in  his  harness.5  The  tide  of  battle  flowed  hither  and 
thither,  through  every  street  and  narrow  lane.  It  poured 
along  the  magnificent  Place  de  Meer,  where  there  was  an 
obstinate  contest.  In  front  of  the  famous  Exchange, 
where  in  peaceful  hours,  five  thousand  merchants 6  met 
daily,  to  arrange  the  commercial  affairs  of  Christendom, 
there  was  a  determined  rally,  a  savage  slaughter.  The 
citizens  and  faithful  Germans,  in  this  broader  space,  made 
a  stand  against  their  pursuers.  The  tesselated  marble 
pavement,  the  graceful,  cloister-like  arcades  ran  red  with 

1  Hoofd,  xi.  461.  2  Ibid.     Mendoza,  xv   315. 

3  Brantome,  Hommes  Illustres,  etc.,  ii.  203.  Mendoza,  xv.  315. 

4  Hoofd,  xi.  461.     Mendoza,  xv.  316.  5  Bor,  ix.  730.     Hoofd,  xi.  465. 
6  Guicciardini,  Belg.  Descript. 


44  The  Rise  of  the 

blood.  The  ill-armed  burghers  faced  their  enemies  clad  in 
complete  panoply,  but  they  could  only  die  for  their  homes. 
The  massacre  at  this  point  was  enormous,  the  resistance 
at  last  overcome.1 

Meantime,  the  Spanish  cavalry  had  cleft  its  way 
through  the  city.  On  the  side  farthest  removed  from  the 
castle,  along  the  Horse-market,  opposite  the  New-town, 
the  states'  dragoons  and  the  light  horse  of  Beveren  had 
been  posted,  and  the  flying  masses  of  pursuers  and  pur- 
sued swept  at  last  through  this  outer  circle.  Champagny 
was  already  there.  He  essayed,  as  his  last  hope,  to  rally 
the  cavalry  for  a  final  stand,  but  the  effort  was  fruitless. 
Already  seized  by  the  panic,  they  had  attempted  to  rush 
from  the  city  through  the  gate  of  Eeker.  It  was  locked ; 
they  then  turned  and  fled  towards  the  Red-gate,  where 
they  were  met  face  to  face  by  Don  Pedro  Tassis,  who 
charged  upon  them  with  his  dragoons.  Retreat  seemed 
hopeless.  A  horseman  in  complete  armour,  with  lance  in 
rest,  was  seen  to  leap  from  the  parapet  of  the  outer  wall 
into  the  moat  below,  whence,  still  on  horseback,  he 
escaped  with  life.  Few  were  so  fortunate.  The  con- 
fused mob  of  fugitives  and  conquerors,  Spaniards,  Wal- 
loons, Germans,  burghers,  struggling,  shouting,  striking, 
cursing,  dying,  swayed  hither  and  thither  like  a  stormy 
sea.  Along  the  spacious  Horse-market,  the  fugitives  fled 
onward  towards  the  quays.  Many  fell  beneath  the  swords 
of  the  Spaniards,  numbers  were  trodden  to  death  by  the 
hoofs  of  horses,  still  greater  multitudes  were  hunted  into 
the  Scheld.  Champagny,  who  had  thought  it  possible, 
even  at  the  last  moment,  to  make  a  stand  in  the  New- 
town,  and  to  fortify  the  Palace  of  the  Hansa,  saw  himself 
deserted.  With  great  daring  and  presence  of  mind,  he 
effected  his  escape  to  the  fleet  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  in 
the  river.2  The  Marquis  of  Havre,  of  whom  no  deeds  of 
valour  on  that  eventful  day  have  been  recorded,  was 
equally  successful.  The  unlucky  Oberstein,  attempting  to 
leap  into  a  boat,  missed  his  footing,  and  oppressed  by  the 
weight  of  his  armour,  was  drowned.3 

Meantime,  while  the  short  November  day  was  fast 
declining,  the  combat  still  raged  in  the  interior  of  the 
city.  Various  currents  of  conflict,  forcing  their  separate 

1  Hoofd,  xi.  460-465.     Bor,  ix.  731.     Mendoza,  xv.  315.     Meteren,  vi.  no. 

2  Bor,  ix.  731.     Hoofd,  xi.  462.     Rec.  d'Aretophile.     Mendoza,  xv.  336.      Cabrera,  xL 
865.  3  Bor,  ix.  731.      Hoofd,  xi.  462.     Mendoza,  xv.  316. 


Dutch  Republic  45 

way  through  many  streets,  had  at  last  mingled  in  the 
Grande  Place.  Around  this  irregular,  not  very  spacious 
square,  stood  the  gorgeous  H6tel  de  Ville,  and  the  tall, 
many-storied,  fantastically-gabled,  richly-decorated  palaces 
of  the  guilds.  Here  a  long  struggle  took  place.  It  was 
terminated  for  a  time  by  the  cavalry  of  Vargas,  who, 
arriving  through  the  streets  of  Saint  Joris,  accompanied 
by  the  traitor  Van  Ende,  charged  decisively  into  the 
melee.  The  masses  were  broken,  but  multitudes  of  armed 
men  found  refuge  in  the  buildings,  and  every  house 
became  a  fortress.  From  every  window  and  balcony,  a 
hot  fire  was  poured  into  the  square,  as,  pent  in  a  corner, 
the  burghers  stood  at  last  at  bay.  It  was  difficult  to  carry 
the  houses  by  storm,  but  they  were  soon  set  on  fire.  A 
large  number  of  sutlers  and  other  varlets  had  accompanied 
the  Spaniards  from  the  citadel,  bringing  torches  and 
kindling  materials  for  the  express  purpose  of  firing  the 
town.  With  great  dexterity,  these  means  were  now 
applied,  and  in  a  brief  interval,  the  city-hall  and  other 
edifices  on  the  square  were  in  flames.  The  conflagration 
spread  with  rapidity,  house  after  house,  street  after  street, 
taking  fire.  Nearly  a  thousand  buildings,  in  the  most 
splendid  and  wealthy  quarter  of  the  city,  were  soon  in  a 
blaze,  and  multitudes  of  human  beings  were  burned  with 
them.1  In  the  city-hall  many  were  consumed,  while 
others  leaped  from  the  windows  to  renew  the  combat 
below.  The  many  tortuous  streets  which  led  down  a 
slight  descent  from  the  rear  of  the  town-house  to  the 
quays  were  all  one  vast  conflagration.  On  the  other  side, 
the  magnificent  cathedral,  separated  from  the  Grande 
Place  by  a  single  row  of  buildings,  was  lighted  up,  but 
not  attacked  by  the  flames.  The  tall  spire  cast  its 
gigantic  shadow  across  the  last  desperate  conflict.  In  the 
street  called  the  Canal  au  Sucre,  immediately  behind  the 
town-house,  there  was  a  fierce  struggle,  a  horrible 
massacre.  A  crowd  of  burghers,  grave  magistrates,  and 
such  of  the  German  soldiers  as  remained  alive,  still  con- 
fronted the  ferocious  Spaniards.  There,  amid  the  flaming 
desolation,  Goswyn  Verreyck,  the  heroic  margrave  of  the 
city,  fought  with  the  energy  of  hatred  and  despair.  The 
burgomaster,  Van  der  Meere,  lay  dead  at  his  feet ; 

1  Hoofd,  xi.  462.  Mendoza,  xv.  316.  Strada,  viii.  419.— According  to  Meteren  (vi. 
no)  the  whole  town  was  on  fire,  and  five  hundred  houses  entirely  consumed.  According 
to  the  contemporary  manuscript  of  De  Weerdt,  who  was  a  citizen  of  Antwerp,  one 
thousand  houses  were  burned  to  the  ground. — Chronyke  oft  Journael,  MS.,  p.  83. 


46  The  Rise  of  the 

senators,  soldiers,  citizens,  fell  fast  around  him,  and  he 
sank  at  last  upon  a  heap  of  slain.  With  him  effectual 
resistance  ended.  The  remaining  combatants  were 
butchered,  or  were  slowly  forced  downward  to  perish 
in  the  Scheld.1  Women,  children,  old  men,  were  killed 
in  countless  numbers,  and  still,  through  all  this  havoc, 
directly  over  the  heads  of  the  struggling  throngs,  sus- 
pended in  mid-air  above  the  din  and  smoke  of  the  conflict, 
there  sounded,  every  half-quarter  of  every  hour,  as  if  in 
gentle  mockery,  from  the  belfry  of  the  cathedral,  the 
tender  and  melodious  chimes. 

Never  was  there  a  more  monstrous  massacre,  even  in 
the  blood-stained  history  of  the  Netherlands.  It  was 
estimated  that,  in  the  course  of  this  and  the  two  following 
days,  not  less  than  eight  thousand  human  beings  were 
murdered.2  The  Spaniards  seemed  to  cast  off  even  the 
vizard  of  humanity.  Hell  seemed  emptied  of  its  fiends. 
Night  fell  upon  the  scene  before  the  soldiers  were  masters 
of  the  city ;  but  worse  horrors  began  after  the  contest  was 
ended.  This  army  of  brigands  had  come  thither  with  a 
definite,  practical  purpose,  for  it  was  not  blood-thirst,  nor 
lust,  nor  revenge,  which  had  impelled  them,  but  it  was 
greediness  for  gold.  The  fire,  spreading  more  extensively 
and  more  rapidly  than  had  been  desired  through  the 
wealthiest  quarter  of  the  city,  had  unfortunately  devoured 
a  vast  amount  of  property.  Six  millions,3  at  least,  had 
thus  been  swallowed ;  a  destruction  by  which  no  one  had 
profited.  There  was,  however,  much  left.  The  strong 
boxes  of  the  merchants,  the  gold,  silver,  and  precious 
jewelry,  the  velvets,  satins,  brocades,  laces,  and  similar 

1  Mendoza,  xv.  316.     Bor,  ix.  731.     Hoofd,  xi.  463. 

2  This  is  the  estimate  of  Mendoza ;  viz.,  two  thousand  five  hundred  slain  with  the 
sword,  and  double  that  number  burned  and  drowned. — xv.  317.     Cabrera  puts  the  figures 
at  seven  thousand  and  upwards. — xi.  86$b.     Bor  and  Hoofd  give  the  same  number  of  dead 
bodies  actually  found  in  the  streets,  viz.,  two  thousand  five  hundred  ;  and  estimating  the 
drowned  at  as  many  more,  leave  the  number  of  the  burned  to  conjecture.     Meteren  (vi. 
no),  who  on  all  occasions  seeks  to  diminish  the  number  of  his  countrymen  slain  in  battle 
or  massacre,  while  he  magnifies  the  loss  of  his  opponents,  admits  that  from  four  to  five 
thousand  were  slain  ;  adding,  however,  that  but  fifteen  hundred   bodies  were  found, 
which  were  all  buried  together  in  two  great  pits.     He  thus  deducts  exactly  one  thousand 
from  the  number  of  counted  corpses,  as  given  by  every  other  authority,    Spanish  or 
Flemish.     Strada  (viii.  422)  gives  three  thousand  as  the  number  of  those  slain  with  the 
sword. — Compare  De  Thou,  vii.  383-350  (1.  62).     The  letter  of  Jerome  de  Roda  to  the 
King,  written  from  the  citadel  of  Antwerp  upon  the  6th  of  November,  when  the  carnage 
was  hardly  over,  estimates  the  number  of  the  slain  at  eight  thousand,  and  one  thousand 
horses.     This  authority,  coming  from  the  very  hour  and  spot,  and  from  a  man  so  deeply 
implicated,  may  be  considered  conclusive. — See  the  letter  of  Roda,  in  Bor,  ix.  737,  738. 

3  Hoofd,  xi.  462.     Bor's  estimate  is  three  millions,  ix.  731.     The  property  consumed, 
says  Meteren,  was  equal  in  value  to  that  which  was  obtained  in  the  plundering  after- 
wards by  the  soldiery.     This  he  estimates  at  more  than  four  millions  in  cash,  not  counting 
jewelry  and  other  merchandize,  vi.  no. 


Dutch  Republic  47 

well-concentrated  and  portable  plunder,  were  rapidly 
appropriated.  So  far  the  course  was  plain  and  easy,  but 
in  private  houses  it  was  more  difficult.  The  cash,  plate, 
and  other  valuables  of  individuals  were  not  so  easily  dis- 
covered. Torture  was,  therefore,  at  once  employed  to 
discover  the  hidden  treasures.  After  all  had  been  given, 
if  the  sum  seemed  too  little,  the  proprietors  were  brutally 
punished  for  their  poverty  or  their  supposed  dissimula- 
tion.1 A  gentlewoman,  named  Fabry,2  with  her  aged 
mother  and  other  females  of  the  family,  had  taken  refuge 
in  the  cellar  of  her  mansion.  As  the  day  was  drawing  to  a 
close,  a  band  of  plunderers  entered,  who,  after  ransacking 
the  house,  descended  to  the  cellarage.  Finding  the  door 
barred,  they  forced  it  open  with  gunpowder.  The  mother, 
who  was  nearest  the  entrance,  fell  dead  on  the  threshold. 
Stepping  across  her  mangled  body,  the  brigands  sprang 
upon  her  daughter,  loudly  demanding  the  property  which 
they  believed  to  be  concealed.  They  likewise  insisted  on 
being  informed  where  the  master  of  the  house  had  taken 
refuge.  Protestations  of  ignorance  as  to  hidden  treasure, 
or  the  whereabouts  of  her  husband,  who,  for  aught  she 
knew,  was  lying  dead  in  the  streets,  were  of  no  avail.  To 
make  her  more  communicative,  they  hanged  her  on  a 
beam  in  the  cellar,  and  after  a  few  moments  cut  her  down 
before  life  was  extinct.  Still  receiving  no  satisfactory 
reply,  where  a  satisfactory  reply  was  impossible,  they 
hanged  her  again.  Again,  after  another  brief  interval, 
they  gave  her  a  second  release,  and  a  fresh  interroga- 
tory. This  barbarity  they  repeated  several  times,  till  they 
were  satisfied  that  there  was  nothing  to  be  gained  by  it, 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  they  were  losing  much  valuable 
time.  Hoping  to  be  more  successful  elsewhere,  they  left 
her  hanging  for  the  last  time,  and  trooped  off  to  fresher 
fields.  Strange  to  relate,  the  person  thus  horribly  tor- 
tured, survived.  A  servant  in  her  family,  married  to  a 
Spanish  soldier,  providentially  entered  the  house  in  time 
to  rescue  her  perishing  mistress.  She  was  restored  to 
existence,  but  never  to  reason.  Her  brain  was  hopelessly 
crazed,  and  she  passed  the  remainder  of  her  life  wander- 
ing about  her  house,  or  feebly  digging  in  her  garden  for 
the  buried  treasure  which  she  had  been  thus  fiercely 
solicited  to  reveal.3 

1  Hoofd,  xi.  463.  2  Ibid. — The  lady  was  grandmother  of  the  historian's  wife. 

3  Hoofd,  xi.  463,  464. 


48 


The  Rise  of  the 


A  wedding-feast  was  rudely  interrupted.  Two  young 
persons,  neighbours  of  opulent  families,  had  been  long  be- 
trothed, and  the  marriage  day  had  been  fixed  for  Sunday, 
the  fatal  4th  of  November.  The  guests  were  assembled, 
the  ceremony  concluded,  the  nuptial  banquet  in  progress, 
when  the  horrible  outcries  in  the  streets  proclaimed  that 
the  Spaniards  had  broken  loose.  Hour  after  hour  of  trem- 
bling expectation  succeeded.  At  last,  a  thundering  at 
the  gate  proclaimed  the  arrival  of  a  band  of  brigands. 
Preceded  by  their  captain,  a  large  number  of  soldiers 
forced  their  way  into  the  house,  ransacking  every  chamber, 
no  opposition  being  offered  by  the  family  and  friends,  too 
few  and  powerless  to  cope  with  this  band  of  well-armed 
ruffians.  Plate  chests,  wardrobes,  desks,  caskets  of 
jewelry,  were  freely  offered,  eagerly  accepted,  but  not 
found  sufficient,  and  to  make  the  luckless  wretches  furnish 
more  than  they  possessed,  the  usual  brutalities  were  em- 
ployed. The  soldiers  began  by  striking  the  bridegroom 
dead.  The  bride  fell  shrieking  into  her  mother's  arms, 
whence  she  was  torn  by  the  murderers,  who  immediately 
put  the  mother  to  death,  and  an  indiscriminate  massacre 
then  followed  the  fruitless  attempts  to  obtain  by  threats 
and  torture  treasure  which  did  not  exist.  The  bride, 
who  was  of  remarkable  beauty,  was  carried  off  to  the 
citadel.1  Maddened  by  this  last  outrage,  the  father,  who 
was  the  only  man  of  the  party  left  alive,  rushed  upon  the 
Spaniards.  Wresting  a  sword  from  one  of  the  crew, 
the  old  man  dealt  with  it  so  fiercely,  that  he  stretched 
more  than  one  enemy  dead  at  his  feet,  but  it  is  need- 
less to  add  that  he  was  soon  despatched.  Meantime, 
while  the  party  were  concluding  the  plunder  of  the 
mansion,  the  bride  was  left  in  a  lonely  apartment  of  the 
fortress.  Without  wasting  time  in  fruitless  lamentation, 
she  resolved  to  quit  the  life  which  a  few  hours  had  made 
so  desolate.  She  had  almost  succeeded  in  hanging  her- 
self with  a  massive  gold  chain  which  she  wore,  when  her 
captor  entered  the  apartment.  Inflamed,  not  with  lust, 
but  with  avarice,  he  rescued  her  from  her  perilous  posi- 
tion. He  then  took  possession  of  her  chain  and  the  other 
trinkets  with  which  her  wedding-dress  was  adorned,  and 
caused  her  to  be  entirely  stripped  of  her  clothing.  She 
was  then  scourged  with  rods  till  her  beautiful  body  was 
bathed  in  blood,  and  at  last  alone,  naked,  nearly  mad, 

1  Bor,  ix.  731.     Hoofd,  xi.  464. 


Dutch  Republic  49 

was  sent  back  into  the  city.  Here  the  forlorn  creature 
wandered  up  and  down  through  the  blazing  streets, 
among  the  heaps  of  dead  and  dying,  till  she  was  at  last 
put  out  of  her  misery  by  a  gang  of  soldiers.1 

Such  are  a  few  isolated  instances,  accidentally  preserved 
in  their  details,  of  the  general  horrors  inflicted  on  this 
occasion.  Others  innumerable  have  sunk  into  oblivion. 
On  the  morning  of  the  5th  of  November,  Antwerp  pre- 
sented a  ghastly  sight.  The  magnificent  marble  town- 
house,  celebrated  as  a  "world's  wonder,"2  even  in  that 
age  and  country,  in  which  so  much  splendour  was  lavished 
on  municipal  palaces,  stood  a  blackened  ruin — all  but 
the  walls  destroyed,  while  its  archives  accounts,  and 
other  valuable  contents,  had  perished.  The  more  splendid 
portion  of  the  city  had  been  consumed ;  at  least  five 
hundred  palaces,  mostly  of  marble  or  hammered  stone, 
being  a  smouldering  mass  of  destruction.3  The  dead 
bodies  of  those  fallen  in  the  massacre  were  on  every  side, 
in  greatest  profusion  around  the  Place  de  Meer,  among 
the  Gothic  pillars  of  the  Exchange,  and  in  the  streets 
near  the  town-house.  The  German  soldiers  lay  in  their 
armour,  some  with  their  heads  burned  from  their  bodies, 
some  with  legs  and  arms  consumed  by  the  flames  through 
which  they  had  fought.4  The  Margrave  Goswyn  Ver- 
reyck,  the  burgomaster  Van  der  Meere,  the  magistrates 
Lancelot  Van  Urselen,  Nicholas  Van  Boekholt,  and  other 
leading  citizens,  lay  among  piles  of  less  distinguished 
slain.5  They  remained  unburied  until  the  overseers  of 
the  poor,  on  whom  the  living  had  then  more  importunate 
claims  than  the  dead,  were  compelled  by  Roda  to  bury 
them  out  of  the  pauper  fund.6  The  murderers  were  too 
thrifty  to  be  at  funeral  charges  for  their  victims.  The 
ceremony  was  not  hastily  performed,  for  the  number  of 
corpses  had  not  been  completed.  Two  days  longer  the 
havoc  lasted  in  the  city.  Of  all  the  crimes  which  men 
can  commit,  whether  from  deliberate  calculation  or  in 
the  frenzy  of  passion,  hardly  one  was  omitted,  for  riot, 
gaming,  rape,  which  had  been  postponed  to  the  more 
stringent  claims  of  robbery  and  murder,  were  now  rapidly 
added  to 'the  sum  of  atrocities.7  History  has  recorded  the 

1  Bor,  ix.  731.     Hoofd,  xi.  465. 

2  "  Het  welk  man  mocht  tellen  onder  de  wonderen  der  wereld." — Address  of  the  States 
of  Brabant  to  the  States-General,  in  Bor,  ix.  734. 

3  Hoofd,  xi.  462.     Meteren,  vi.  noa.  4  Bor,  ix.  732.     Hoofd,  xi.  465. 
5  Ibid.,  ix.  731.     Ibid.,  xi.  463.  6  Hoofd,  xi.  466. 

7  Remonstrance  of  the  States  of  Brabant  to  the  States-General.     Bor,  ix.  733,  734. 


50  The  Rise  of  the 

account  indelibly  on  her  brazen  tablets ;  it  can  be  adjusted 
only  at  the  judgment-seat  above. 

Of  all  the  deeds  of  darkness  yet  compassed  in  the 
Netherlands,  this  was  the  worst.  It  was  called  the 
Spanish  Fury,1  by  which  dread  name  it  has  been  known 
for  ages.  The  city,  which  had  been  a  world  of  wealth 
and  splendour,  was  changed  to  a  charnel-house,  and  from 
that  hour  its  commercial  prosperity  was  blasted.  Three 
thousand  dead  bodies  were  discovered  in  the  streets,  as 
many  more  were  estimated  to  have  perished  in  the  Scheld, 
and  nearly  an  equal  number  were  burned  or  destroyed 
in  other  ways.  Eight  thousand  persons  undoubtedly 
were  put  to  death.  Six  millions  of  property  were  de- 
stroyed by  the  fire,  and  at  least  as  much  more  was 
obtained  by  the  Spaniards.2  In  this  enormous  robbery 
no  class  of  people  was  respected.  Foreign  merchants, 
living  under  the  express  sanction  and  protection  of  the 
Spanish  monarch,  were  plundered  with  as  little  reserve 
as  Flemings.  Ecclesiastics  of  the  Roman  Church  were 
compelled  to  disgorge  their  wealth  as  freely  as  Calvinists. 
The  rich  were  made  to  contribute  all  their  abundance, 
and  the  poor  what  could  be  wrung  from  their  poverty. 
Neither  paupers  nor  criminals  were  safe.  Captain  Caspar 
Ortis  made  a  brilliant  speculation  by  taking  possession 
of  the  Stein,  or  city  prison,  whence  he  ransomed  all  the 
inmates  who  could  find  means  to  pay  for  their  liberty. 
Robbers,  murderers,  even  Anabaptists,  were  thus  again 
let  loose.3  Rarely  has  so  small  a  band  obtained  in  three 
days'  robbery  so  large  an  amount  of  wealth.  Four  or 
five  millions  divided  among  five  thousand  soldiers  made 
up  for  long  arrearages,  and  the  Spaniards  had  reason  to 
congratulate  themselves  upon  having  thus  taken  the  duty 
of  payment  into  their  own  hands.  It  is  true  that  the 
wages  of  iniquity  were  somewhat  unequally  distributed, 
somewhat  foolishly  squandered.  A  private  trooper  was 
known  to  lose  ten  thousand  crowns  in  one  day  in  a 
gambling  transaction  at  the  Bourse,4  for  the  soldiers, 
being  thus  handsomely  in  funds,  became  desirous  of  aping 

1  Bor,  ix.  732.     Hoofd,  xi.  462.     Meteren,  yi.  in.     Wagenaer,  vii.  115,  et  mult.  al. 

2  The  estimate  of  Meteren  is,  that  four  millions,  in  hard  cash  alone,  were  obtained  by 
the  soldiery,  exclusively  of  precious  stones,  other  articles  of  jewelry,  laces,  brocades,  em- 
broidery, and  similar  property  of  a  portable  and  convertible  character. — Meteren,  vi.  ma. 
The  estimates  of  Hoofd  and  Bor  do  not  materially  differ.     In  single  houses  as  much  as 
300,000  guldens  were  found  ;  over  90,000  in  the  dwelling  of  a  widow. — Meteren,  ubi.  sup. 

3  Bor,  ix.  732.     Hoofd,  xi.  465.     Meteren,  vi.  in. 

4  Hoofd,  xi.  466.     Bor,  ix.  732.     Meteren,  vi.  in. 


Dutch  Republic  51 

the  despised  and  plundered  merchants,  and  resorted  daily 
to  the  Exchange,  like  men  accustomed  to  affairs.  The 
dearly-purchased  gold  was  thus  lightly  squandered  by 
many,  while  others,  more  prudent,  melted  their  portion 
into  sword-hilts,  into  scabbards,  even  into  whole  suits 
of  armour,  darkened  by  precaution,  to  appear  made  en- 
tirely of  iron.  The  brocades,  laces,  and  jewelry  of  Ant- 
werp merchants  were  converted  into  coats  of  mail  for 
their  destroyers.  The  goldsmiths,  however,  thus  obtained 
an  opportunity  to  outwit  their  plunderers,  and  mingled  in 
the  golden  armour  which  they  were  forced  to  furnish  much 
more  alloy  than  their  employers  knew.  A  portion  of  the 
captured  booty  was  thus  surreptitiously  redeemed.1 

In  this  Spanish  Fury  many  more  were  massacred  in 
Antwerp  than  in  the  Saint  Bartholomew  at  Paris.2  Al- 
most as  many  living  human  beings  were  dashed  out  of 
existence  now  as  there  had  been  statues  destroyed  in  the 
memorable  image-breaking  of  Antwerp,  ten  years  before, 
an  event  which  had  sent  such  a  thrill  of  horror  through 
the  heart  of  Catholic  Christendom.  Yet  the  Netherlanders- 
and  the  Protestants  of  Europe  may  be  forgiven,  if  they 
regarded  this  massacre  of  their  brethren  with  as  much 
execration  as  had  been  bestowed  upon  that  fury  against 
stocks  and  stones.  At  least,  the  image-breakers  had  been 
actuated  by  an  idea,  and  their  hands  were  polluted  neither 
with  blood  nor  rapine.  Perhaps  the  Spaniards  had  been* 
governed  equally  by  religious  fanaticism.  Might  not  they 
believe  they  were  meriting  well  of  their  mother  church 
while  they  were  thus  disencumbering  infidels  of  their 
wealth  and  earth  of  its  infidels?  Had  not  the  Pope  and 
his  Cardinals  gone  to  church  in  solemn  procession,  to- 
render  thanks  unto  God  for  the  massacre  of  Paris  ?  3  Had 
not  cannon  thundered  and  beacons  blazed  to  commemorate 
that  auspicious  event?  Why  should  not  the  Antwerp' 
executioners  claim  equal  commendation?  Even  if  in  their 
delirium  they  had  confounded  friend  with  foe,  Catholic 
with  Calvinist,  and  church  property  with  lay,  could  they 
not  point  to  an  equal  number  of  dead  bodies,  and  to  an- 
incredibly  superior  amount  of  plunder? 

Marvellously  few  Spaniards  were  slain  in  these  eventful 

1  Bor,  Hoofd,  Meteren,  ubi  sup.     Strada,  viii.  421. 

2  Nearly  three  times  as  many,  if  the  estimate  of  De  Thou  as  to  the  number  of  Huguenots 
slain,   three  thousand,   be  correct. — De  Thou,    liv.    53,  yi.   443.     Many   contemporary 
writers  have,  however,  placed  the  number  of  the  Paris  victims  as  high  as  ten  thousand. 

3  De  Thou,  vi.  442. 


52  The  Rise  of  the 

days.  Two  hundred  killed  is  the  largest  number  stated.1 
The  discrepancy  seems  monstrous,  but  it  is  hardly  more 
than  often  existed  between  the  losses  inflicted  and  sus- 
tained by  the  Spaniards  in  such  combats.  Their  prowess 
was  equal  to  their  ferocity,  and  this  was  enough  to  make 
them  seem  endowed  with  preterhuman  powers.  When 
it  is  remembered,  also,  that  the  burghers  were  insuffi- 
ciently armed,  that  many  of  their  defenders  turned  against 
them,  that  many  thousands  fled  in  the  first  moments  of 
the  encounter — and  when  the  effect  of  a  sudden  and  awful 
panic  is  duly  considered,  the  discrepancy  between  the 
number  of  killed  on  the  two  sides  will  not  seem  so 
astonishing. 

A  few  officers  of  distinction  were  taken  alive  and  carried 
to  the  castle.  Among  these  were  the  Seigneur  de  Capres 
and  young  Count  Egmont.  The  councillor  Jerome  de 
Roda  was  lounging  on  a  chair  in  an  open  gallery  when 
these  two  gentlemen  were  brought  before  him,  and  Capres 
was  base  enough  to  make  a  low  obeisance  to  the  man 

1  Ear's  estimate  is  two  hundred  Spaniards  killed  and  four  hundred  wounded,  ix.  731. 
Hoofd,  xi.  463,  gives  the  same.  Mendoza  allows  only  fourteen  Spaniards  to  have  been 
killed,  and  rather  more  than  twenty  wounded.  Meteren,  as  usual,  considering  the  honour 
of  his  countrymen  at  stake,  finds  a  grim  consolation  in  adding  a  few  to  the  number  of  the 
enemies  slain,  and  gives  a  total  of  three  hundred  Spaniards  killed. — vi.  no.  Strada  (viii. 
422)  gives  the  two  extremes ;  so  that  it  is  almost  certain  that  the  number  was  not  less  than 
fourteen  nor  more  than  two  hundred.  These  statistics  are  certainly  curious,  for  it  would 
seem  almost  impossible  that  a  force  numbering  between  thirty-five  hundred  and  five 
thousand  men  (there  is  this  amount  of  discrepancy  in  the  different  estimates)  should  capture 
and  plunder,  with  so  little  loss  to  themselves,  a  city  of  two  hundred  thousand  souls,  de- 
fended by  an  army  of  at  least  twelve  thousand,  besides  a  large  proportion  of  burghers 
bearing  weapons.  No  wonder  that  the  chivalrous  Brantome  was  in  an  ecstacy  of  delight 
at  the  achievement  (Horn.  Illust.,  etc.,  ii.  204),  and  that  the  Netherlanders,  seeing  the 
prowess  and  the  cruelty  of  their  foes,  should  come  to  doubt  whether  they  were  men  or 
devils.  This  disproportion  between  the  number  of  Spaniards  and  States'  soldiers  slain  was 
the  same  in  all  the  great  encounters,  particularly  in  those  of  the  period  which  now  occupies 
us.  In  the  six  months  between  the  end  of  August,  1576,  and  the  signing  of  the  perpetual 
edict  on  the  i7th  of  February,  1577,  the  Spaniards  killed  twenty  thousand,  by  the  ad- 
mission of  the  Netherlanders  themselves,  and  acknowledged  less  than  six  slain  on  their 
own  side  !  Mendoza,  xvi.  335. — Compare  Cabrera,  xi.  866  ;  Meteren,  vi.  120.  So  much 
for  the  blood  expended  annually  or  monthly  by  the  Netherlanders  in  defence  of  liberty 
and  religion.  As  for  the  money  consumed,  the  usual  estimate  of  the  expense  of  the 
States'  army  was  from  800,000  to  1,000,000  guldens  monthly.  (Meteren,  viii.  ijSd.  and 
144.)  The  same  historian  calculates  the  expense  of  Philip's  army  at  forty-two  millions  of 
crowns  for  the  nine  years  from  1567  to  1576,  which  would  give  nearly  400,000  dollars 
monthly,  half  of  which,  he  says,  came  from  Spain.  The  Netherlanders,  therefore, 
furnished  the  other  half,  so  that  200,000  dollars,  equal  to  500,000  guldens,  monthly,  were 
to  be  added  to  the  million  required  for  their  own  war  department.  Here  then  was  a  tax 
of  one  and  a  half  millions  monthly,  or  eighteen  millions  yearly,  simply  for  the  keeping  of 
the  two  armies  on  foot  to  destroy  the  Netherlanders  and  consume  their  substance. 
The  frightful  loss  by  confiscations,  plunderings,  brandschettings,  and  the  sackings  of 
cities  and  villages  innumerable,  was  all  in  addition,  of  course,  but  that  enormous  amount 
defies  calculation.  The  regular  expense  in  money  which  they  were  to  meet,  if  they  could, 
for  the  mere  pay  and  provision  of  the  armies,  was  as  above,  and  equal  to  at  least  sixty 
millions  yearly,  to-day,  making  the  common  allowance  for  the  difference  in  the  value  of 
money.  This  was  certainly  sufficient  for  a  population  of  three  millions.  Their  frequent 
promise  to  maintain  their  liberty  with  their  "  goods  and  their  blood  "  was  no  idle  boast ; 
three  thousand  men  and  one  and  a  half  million  florins  being  consumed  monthly. 


Dutch  Republic  53 

who  claimed  to  represent  the  whole  government  of  his 
Majesty.1  The  worthy  successor  of  Vargas  replied  to  his 
captive's  greeting  by  a  "  kick  in  his  stomach,"  adding, 
with  a  brutality  which  his  prototype  might  have  envied, 
"Ah  puto  tradidor," — whoreson  traitor — "let  me  have 
no  salutations  from  such  as  you."2  Young  Egmont,  who 
had  been  captured,  fighting  bravely  at  the  head  of  coward 
troops,  by  Julian  Romero,  who  nine  years  before  had 
stood  on  his  father's  scaffold,  regarded  this  brutal  scene 
with  haughty  indignation.  This  behaviour  had  more  effect 
upon  Roda  than  the  suppleness  of  Capres.  "  I  am  sorry 
for  your  misfortune,  Count,"  said  the  councillor,  without, 
however,  rising  from  his  chair;  "  such  is  the  lot  of  those 
who  take  arms  against  their  King."3  This  was  the 
unfortunate  commencement  of  Philip  Egmont's  career, 
which  was  destined  to  be  inglorious,  vacillating,  base,  and 
on  more  than  one  occasion  unlucky. 

A  shiver  ran  through  the  country  as  the  news  of  the 
horrible  crime  was  spread,  but  it  was  a  shiver  of  indigna- 
tion, not  of  fear.  Already  the  negotiations  at  Ghent  be- 
tween the  representatives  of  the  Prince  and  of  Holland  and 
Zeland  with  the  deputies  of  the  other  provinces  were  in  a 
favourable  train,  and  the  effect  of  this  event  upon  their 
counsels  was  rather  quickening  than  appalling.  A  letter 
from  Jerome  de  Roda  to  the  King  was  intercepted,  giving 
an  account  of  the  transaction.  In  that  document  the 
senator  gave  the  warmest  praise  to  Sancho  d'Avila,  Julian 
Romero,  Alonzo  de  Vargas,  Francis  Verdugo,  as  well 
as  to  the  German  colonels  Fugger,  Frondsberger,  Pol- 
wilier,  and  others  who  had  most  exerted  themselves  in 
the  massacre.  "  I  wish  your  Majesty  much  good  of  this 
victory,"  concluded  the  councillor,  "  'tis  a  very  great 
one,  and  the  damage  to  the  city  is  enormous."4  This 
cynical  view  was  not  calculated  to  produce  a  soothing 
effect  on  the  exasperated  minds  of  the  people.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  estates  of  Brabant  addressed  an  eloquent 
appeal  to  the  states-general,  reciting  their  wrongs,  and 
urging  immediate  action.  "  'Tis  notorious,"  said  the 

1  Bor,  ix.  731.  Hoofd,  xi.  412.  Meteren,  vi.  110.  " pour  certaines  bonnes  con- 
siderations j'ay  prins  mon  logis  en  ce  chasteau,  qu'est  la  maison  royalle  de  sa  Maj.,  pour 
d'icy  pourveoir  et  ordonner  toutes  les  choses  de  son  service,  jusques  les  seigneurs  du  con- 
seil  soyent  rernis  en  leur  entiere  libertd,"  etc. — Letter  of  Jerome  de  Roda  to  the  authorities 
of  Antwerp,  Sept.  8,  1576.  III.  Register  der  Dolianten  van  Brabant,  Ao.  1576,  f.  203, 
MS.,  Hague  Archives.  2  Bor,  ix.  731.  Hoofd,  xi.  462.  Meteren,  vi.  no. 

3  Bor,  Hoofd,  Meteren,  ubi  sup.     Strada,  viii.  418. 

4  Letter  of  Roda,  apud  Bor,  ix.  737,  738. 


54  The  Rise  of  the 

remonstrants,  "  that  Antwerp  was  but  yesterday  the  first 
and  principal  ornament  of  all  Europe ;  the  refuge  of  all  the 
nations  of  the  world ;  the  source  and  supply  of  countless 
treasure ;  the  nurse  of  all  arts  and  industry ;  the  protectress 
of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion ;  the  guardian  of  science 
and  virtue ;  and,  above  all  these  pre-eminences,  more  than 
faithful  and  obedient  to  her  sovereign  prince  and  lord. 
The  city  is  now  changed  to  a  gloomy  cavern,  filled  with 
robbers  and  murderers,  enemies  of  God,  the  King,  and 
all  good  subjects."1  They  then  proceeded  to  recite  the 
story  of  the  massacre,  "  whereof  the  memory  shall  be 
abominable  so  long  as  the  world  stands,"  2  and  concluded 
with  an  urgent  appeal  for  redress.  They  particularly  sug- 
gested that  an  edict  should  forthwith  be  passed,  forbid- 
ding the  alienation  of  property  and  the  exportation  of 
goods  in  any  form  from  Antwerp,  together  with  conces- 
sion of  the  right  to  the  proprietors  of  reclaiming  their 
stolen  property  summarily,  whenever  and  wheresoever  it 
might  be  found.  In  accordance  with  these  instructions, 
an  edict  was  passed,  but  somewhat  tardily,  in  the  hope  of 
relieving  some  few  of  the  evil  consequences  by  which  the 
Antwerp  fury  had  been  attended.3 

At  about  the  same  time  the  Prince  of  Orange  addressed 
a  remarkable  letter  4  to  the  states-general  then  assembled 
at  Ghent,  urging  them  to  hasten  the  conclusion  of  the 
treaty.  The  news  of  the  massacre,  which  furnished  an 
additional  and  most  vivid  illustration  of  the  truth  of  his 
letter,  had  not  then  reached  him  at  Middelburg,  but  the 
-earnestness  of  his  views,  taken  in  connexion  with  this  last 
dark  deed,, exerted  a  powerful  and  indelible  effect.  The 
letter  was  a  masterpiece,  because  it  was  necessary,  in  his 
position,  to  inflame  without  alarming;  to  stimulate  the 
feelings  which  were  in  unison,  without  shocking  those 
which,  if  aroused,  might  prove  discordant.  Without,  there- 
fore, alluding  in  terms  to  the  religious  question,  he  dwelt 
upon  the  necessity  of  union,  firmness,  and  wariness.  If 
«o  much  had  been  done  by  Holland  and  Zeland,  how 
much  more  might  be  hoped  when  all  the  provinces  were 
united?  "The  principal  flower  of  the  Spanish  army  has 
fallen,"  he  said,  "  without  having  been  able  to  conquer 

1  Remonstrance  of  the  States  of  Brabant,  in  Bor,  ix.  733. 

2  "  Waer  van  de  memorie  is  en  sal  abominabel  wesen  so  lang  als  de  wereld  staet,"  etc. 
—Remonstrance,  etc.     Bor,  ubi  sup.  3  Bor,  ix.  736,  737. 

4  The  letter  is  published  by  Gachard,   Correspondance  de  Guillaume  le  Tacit.,  111. 
140-154- 


Dutch  Republic  55. 

one  of  those  provinces  from  those  whom  they  call,  in 
mockery,  poor  beggars ;  yet  what  is  that  handful  of  cities 
compared  to  all  the  provinces  which  might  only  join  us 
in  the  quarrel?"  1  He  warned  the  states  of  the  necessity 
of  showing  a  strong  and  united  front ;  the  King  having 
been  ever  led  to  consider  the  movement  in  the  Netherlands 
a  mere  conspiracy  of  individuals.  ' '  The  King  told  me 
himself,  in  1559,"  said  Orange,  "that  if  the  estates  had 
no  pillars  to  lean  upon,  they  would  not  talk  so  loud." 
It  was,  therefore,  necessary  to  show  that  prelates,  abbots, 
monks,  seigniors,  gentlemen,  burghers,  and  peasants,  the 
whole  people  in  short,  now  cried  with  one  voice,  and 
desired  with  one  will.  To  such  a  demonstration  the  King 
would  not  dare  oppose  himself.  By  thus  preserving  a 
firm  and  united  front,  sinking  all  minor  differences,  they 
would,  moreover,  inspire  their  friends  and  foreign  princes 
with  confidence.  The  princes  of  Germany,  the  lords  and 
gentlemen  of  France,  the  Queen  of  England,  although 
sympathizing  with  the  misfortunes  of  the  Netherlanders, 
had  been  unable  effectually  to  help  them,  so  long  as  their 
disunion  prevented  them  from  helping  themselves ;  so 
long  as  even  their  appeal  to  arms  seemed  merely  "  a  levy 
of  bucklers,  an  emotion  of  the  populace,  which,  like  a 
wave  of  the  sea,  rises  and  sinks  again  as  soon  as  risen."  2 
While  thus  exciting  to  union  and  firmness,  he  also  took 
great  pains  to  instil  the  necessity  of  wariness.  They  were 
dealing  with  an  artful  foe.  Intercepted  letters  had  already 
proved  that  the  old  dissimulation  was  still  to  be  em- 
ployed;  that  while  Don  John  of  Austria  was  on  his  way, 
the  Netherlanders  were  to  be  lulled  into  confidence  by 
glozing  speeches.  Roda  was  provided  by  the  King  with 
a  secret  programme  of  instructions  for  the  new  Governor's 
guidance,  and  Don  Sancho  d'Avila,  for  his  countenance  to 
the  mutineers  of  Alost,  had  been  applauded  to  the  echo 
in  Spain.3  Was  not  this  applause  a  frequent  indication 
of  the  policy  to  be  adopted  by  Don  John,  and  a  thousand 
times  more  significative  one  than  the  unmeaning  phrases 
of  barren  benignity  with  which  public  documents  might  be 
crammed?  "The  old  tricks  are  again  brought  into  ser- 
vice," said  the  Prince;  "  therefore  'tis  necessary  to  ascer- 
tain your  veritable  friends,  to  tear  off  the  painted  masks 
from  those  xvho,  under  pretence  of  not  daring  to  dis- 

1  Gachard,  Corresp.,  etc.,  iii.  147,  148.  2  Ibid.,  iii.  152. 

3  Ibid.,  iii.  129. 


56  The  Rise  of  the 

please  the  King,  are  seeking-  to  swim  between  two  waters. 
'Tis  necessary  to  have  a  touchstone;  to  sign  a  declaration 
in  such  wise  that  you  may  know  whom  to  trust,  and  whom 
to  suspect." 

The  massacre  at  Antwerp  and  the  eloquence  of  the 
Prince  produced  a  most  quickening  effect  upon  the  Con- 
gress at  Ghent.  Their  deliberations  had  proceeded  with 
decorum  and  earnestness,  in  the  midst  of  the  cannonading 
against  the  citadel,  and  the  fortress  fell  on  the  same  day 
which  saw  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty.1 

This  important  instrument,  by  which  the  sacrifices  and 
exertions  of  the  Prince  were,  for  a  brief  season,  at  least, 
rewarded,  contained  twenty-five  articles.2  The  Prince  of 
Orange,  with  the  estates  of  Holland  and  Zeland,  on  the 
one  side,  and  the  provinces  signing,  or  thereafter  to  sign 
the  treaty,  on  the  other,  agreed  that  there  should  be  a 
mutual  forgiving  and  forgetting,  as  regarded  the  past. 
They  vowed  a  close  and  faithful  friendship  for  the  future. 
They  plighted  a  mutual  promise  to  expel  the  Spaniards 
from  the  Netherlands  without  delay.  As  soon  as  this 
great  deed  should  be  done,  there  was  to  be  a  convocation 
of  the  states-general,  on  the  basis  of  that  assembly  before 
which  the  abdication  of  the  Emperor  had  taken  place. 
By  this  congress,  the  affairs  of  religion  in  Holland  and 
Zeland  should  be  regulated,  as  well  as  the  surrender 
of  fortresses  and  other  places  belonging  to  his  Majesty. 
There  was  to  be  full  liberty  of  communication  and  traffic 
between  the  citizens  of  the  one  side  and  the  other.  It 
should  not  be  legal,  however,  for  those  of  Holland  and 
Zeland  to  attempt  anything  outside  their  own  territory 
against  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  nor  for  cause  thereof 
to  injure  or  irritate  any  one,  by  deed  or  word.  All  the 
placards  and  edicts  on  the  subject  of  heresy,  together 
with  the  criminal  ordinances  made  by  the  Duke  of  Alva, 
were  suspended,  until  the  states-general  should  otherwise 
ordain.  The  Prince  was  to  remain  lieutenant,  admiral, 
and  general  for  his  Majesty  in  Holland,  Zeland,  and  the 
associated  places,  till  otherwise  provided  by  the  states- 
general,  after  the  departure  of  the  Spaniards.  The  cities 
and  places  included  in  the  Prince's  commission,  but  not 

1  Bor,  ix.  727.     Hoofd,  xi.  470. — The  final  and  decisive  assault  was  made  upon  the  8th; 
the  articles  of  surrender  were  arranged,  and  the  castle  was  evacuated  upon  the  nth  of 
November. — Meteren,  vi.  113.     Mendoza,  xvi.  326.     Archives,  etc.,  v.  525. 

2  See  them  in  Bor,  ix.  738-741  ;   Hoofd,  xi.  467  and  470 ;   Mendoza,  xvi.  320-326 ; 
Meteren,  vi.  112,  sqq.,  et  al. 


Dutch  Republic  57 

yet  acknowledging  his  authority,  should  receive  satisfac- 
tion from  him,  as  to  the  point  of  religion  and  other 
matters,  before  subscribing  to  the  union.  All  prisoners, 
and  particularly  the  Comte  de  Bossu,  should  be  released 
without  ransom.  All  estates  and  other  property  not 
already  alienated  should  be  restored,  all  confiscations  since 
1566  being  declared  null  and  void.  The  Countess  Pala- 
tine, widow  of  Brederode,  and  Count  de  Buren,  son  of 
the  Prince  of  Orange,  were  expressly  named  in  this  pro- 
vision. Prelates  and  ecclesiastical  persons,  having  pro- 
perty in  Holland  and  Zeland,  should  be  reinstated,  if 
possible;  but  in  case  of  alienation,  which  was  likely  to  be 
generally  the  case,  there  should  be  reasonable  compensa- 
tion. It  was  to  be  decided  by  the  states-general  whether 
the  provinces  should  discharge  the  debts  incurred  by  the 
Prince  of  Orange  in  his  two  campaigns.  Provinces  and 
cities  should  not  have  the  benefit  of  this  union  until  they 
had  signed  the  treaty,  but  they  should  be  permitted  to 
sign  it  when  they  chose.1 

This  memorable  document  was  subscribed  at  Ghent  on 
the  8th  of  November,  by  Sainte  Aldegonde,  with  eight  other 
commissioners  appointed  by  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  the 
estates  of  Holland  on  the  one  side,  and  by  Elbertus  Leo- 
ninus  and  other  deputies  appointed  by  Brabant,  Flanders, 
Artois,  Hainault,  Valenciennes,  Lille,  Douay,  Orchies, 
Namur,  Tournay,  Utrecht,  and  Mechlin  on  the  other 
side.2 

The  arrangement  was  a  masterpiece  of  diplomacy  on 
the  part  of  the  Prince,  for  it  was  as  effectual  a  provision 
for  the  safety  of  the  reformed  religion  as  could  be  ex- 
pected under  the  circumstances.  It  was  much,  consider- 
ing the  change  which  had  been  wrought  of  late  years  in 
the  fifteen  provinces,  that  they  should  consent  to  any 
treaty  with  their  two  heretic  sisters.  It  was  much  more 
that  the  Pacification  should  recognize  the  new  religion 
as  the  established  creed  of  Holland  and  Zeland,  while 
at  the  same  time  the  infamous  edicts  of  Charles  were 
formally  abolished.  In  the  fifteen  Catholic  provinces, 
there  was  to  be  no  prohibition  of  private  reformed  wor- 
ship, and  it  might  be  naturally  expected  that  with  time 
and  the  arrival  of  the  banished  religionists,  a  firmer  stand 
would  be  taken  in  favour  of  the  Reformation.  Mean- 
time, the  new  religion  was  formally  established  in  two 

1  See  particularly  Arts,  i,  2,  4,  5,  7,  8,  10,  and  25.  2  Bor.  ix,  741. 


58  The  Rise  of  the 

provinces,  and  tolerated,  in  secret,  in  the  other  fifteen ; 
the  inquisition  was  for  ever  abolished,  and  the  whole 
strength  of  the  nation  enlisted  to  expel  the  foreign  soldiery 
from  the  soil.  This  was  the  work  of  William  the  Silent,1 
and  the  Prince  thus  saw  the  labour  of  years  crowned  with, 
at  least,  a  momentary  success.  His  satisfaction  was  very 
great  when  it  was  announced  to  him,  many  days  before 
the  exchange  of  the  signatures,  that  the  treaty  had  been 
concluded.  He  was  desirous  that  the  Pacification  should 
be  referred  for  approval,  not  to  the  municipal  magistrates 
only,  but  to  the  people  itself.2  In  all  great  emergencies 
he  was  eager  for  a  fresh  expression  of  the  popular  will. 
On  this  occasion,  however,  the  demand  for  approbation 
was  superfluous.  The  whole  country  thought  with  his 
thoughts,  and  spoke  with  his  words,  and  the  Pacification, 
as  soon  as  published,  was  received  with  a  shout  of  joy.3 
Proclaimed  in  the  market-place  of  every  city  and  village, 
it  was  ratified,  not  by  votes,  but  by  hymns  of  thanks- 
giving, by  triumphal  music,  by  thundering  of  cannon,  and 
by  the  blaze  of  beacons,  throughout  the  Netherlands. 
Another  event  added  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  hour.  The 
country  so  recently,  and  by  deeds  of  such  remarkable 
audacity,  conquered  by  the  Spaniards  in  the  north,  was 
recovered  almost  simultaneously  with  the  conclusion  of 
the  Ghent  treaty.  It  was  a  natural  consequence  of  the 
great  mutiny.  The  troops  having  entirely  deserted  Mon- 
dragon,  it  became  necessary  for  that  officer  to  abandon 
Zierickzee,  the  city  which  had  been  won  with  so  much 
valour.  In  the  beginning  of  November,  the  capital,  and 
with  it  the  whole  island  of  Schouwen,  together  with  the 
rest  of  Zeland,  excepting  Tholen,  was  recovered  by 
Count  Hohenlo,  lieutenant-general  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  and  acting  according  to  his  instructions.4 

Thus,    on    this    particular   point   of   time,    many   great 
events   had   been   crowded.      At   the   very   same   moment 

1  There  is  no  mention  in  the  Resolutions  of  Holland,  from  the  2$th  of  April  to  the  8th 
of  November,  1576,  of  any  draughts  for  a  treaty,  or  of  any  preparations  for,  or  deliberations 
concerning,  such  a  document.     The  inference  of  Kluit  (i.  146,  147)  is  that  the  Prince,  with 
his  council  and  nine  commissioners,  managed  the  whole  negotiation ;  such  was  the  con- 
fidence reposed  in  him  by  the  two  provinces. 

2  Two  commissioners  were,  in  fact,  despatched  to  each  city  of  Holland,  to  lay  the 
treaty  before  the  respective   governments,   and   obtain  their  signatures. — Kluit,    Holl. 
Staatsreg.,  i.  148. 

3  Bor,  ix.  740.     Wagenaer,  vii.  117. — " avecq  une  si  grande  joie  et  contentement 

du  peuple,  de   toutes  les  provinces  en  general   et  en  particulier,   qu'il  n'est  memoire 
d'homme  qui   puisse   se   souvenir  d'une   pareille.      Un   chascun   se  peult  souvenir  des 
promesses  mutuelles  d'amitid  qui  y  sont  compris,"  etc. — Apologie  du  P.  d'Orange,  p.  95. 

4  Bor,  ix.  727.     Hoofd,  xi.  470. 


Dutch  Republic  59 

Zeland  had  been  redeemed,  Antwerp  ruined,  and  the 
league  of  all  the  Netherlands  against  the  Spaniards  con- 
cluded. It  now  became  known  that  another  and  most 
important  event  had  occurred  at  the  same  instant.  On 
the  day  before  the  Antwerp  massacre,  four  days  before 
the  publication  of  the  Ghent  treaty,  a  foreign  cavalier, 
attended  by  a  Moorish  slave  and  by  six  men-at-arms , 
rode  into  the  streets  of  Luxemburg1.1  The  cavalier  was 
Don  Ottavio  Gonzaga,  brother  of  the  Prince  of  Melfi. 
The  Moorish  slave  was  Don  John  of  Austria,  the  son 
of  the  Emperor,  the  conqueror  of  Granada,  the  hero  of 
Lepanto.2  The  new  governor-general  had  traversed 
Spain  and  France  in  disguise  with  great  celerity,  and  in 
the  romantic  manner  which  belonged  to  his  character. 
He  stood  at  last  on  the  threshold  of  the  Netherlands, 
but  with  all  his  speed  he  had  arrived  a  few  days  too 
late. 

A  Bor,  ix.  742.     Hoofd,  xi.  472.  2  Strada,  ix.  423.     Cabrera,  xi.  874. 


PART   V 
DON  JOHN   OF  AUSTRIA 

^576—1578 

CHAPTER    I 

Birth  and  parentage  of  Don  John — Barbara  Blomberg — Early  education,  and  recognition 
by  Philip — Brilliant  military  career — Campaign  against  the  Moors — Battle  of  Lepanto 
— Extravagant  ambition — Secret  and  rapid  journey  of  the  new  Governor  to  the 
Netherlands — Contrast  between  Don  John  and  William  of  Orange— Secret  instruc- 
tions of  Philip  and  private  purposes  of  the  Governor — Cautious  policy  and 
correspondence  of  the  Prince — Preliminary  negotiations  with  Don  John  at  Luxem- 
burg characterized — Union  of  Brussels — Resumption  of  negotiations  with  the 
Governor  at  Huy — The  discussions  analyzed  and  characterized — Influence  of  the 
new  Emperor  Rudolph  II.  and  of  his  envoys — Treaty  of  Marche  en  Famine,  or  the 
Perpetual  Edict,  signed — Remarks  upon  that  transaction — Views  and  efforts  of 
Orange  in  opposition  to  the  treaty — His  letter,  in  name  of  Holland  and  Zeland,  to 
the  States-General — Anxiety  of  the  royal  government  to  gain  over  the  Prince — 
Secret  mission  of  Leoninus — His  instructions  from  Don  John — Fruitless  attempts  to 
corrupt  the  Prince — Secret  correspondence  between  Don  John  and  Orange — Don 
John  at  Louvain — His  efforts  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  Netherlander — His 
incipient  popularity — Departure  of  the  Spanish  troops — Duke  of  Aerschot  appointed 
Governor  of  Antwerp  Citadel — His  insincere  character. 

DON  JOHN  of  Austria  was  now  in  his  thirty-second  year, 
having  been  born  in  Ratisbon  on  the  24th  of  February, 
I545.1  His  father  was  Charles  the  Fifth,  Emperor  of 
Germany,  King  of  Spain,  Dominator  of  Asia,  Africa,  and 
America;  his  mother  was  Barbara  Blomberg,  washer- 
woman of  Ratisbon.  Introduced  to  the  Emperor,  origin- 
ally, that  she  might  alleviate  his  melancholy  by  her  sing- 
ing,2 she  soon  exhausted  all  that  was  harmonious  in  her 
nature,  for  never  was  a  more  uncomfortable,  unmanage- 
able personage  than  Barbara  in  her  after  life.  Married 
to  one  Pyramus  Kegell,  who  was  made  a  military  com- 
missary in  the  Netherlands,  she  was  left  a  widow  in  the 
beginning  of  Alva's  administration.  Placed  under  the 
especial  superintendence  of  the  Duke,  she  became  the 
torment  of  that  warrior's  life.  The  terrible  Governor, 
who  could  almost  crush  the  heart  out  of  a  nation  of  three 
millions,  was  unable  to  curb  this  single  termagant.  Philip 
had  expressly  forbidden  her  to  marry  again,  but  Alva  in- 

1  Strada,  x.  506.  2  Ibid. — Compare  BrantSme,  ii.  149. 


The  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic     61 

formed  him  that  she  was  surrounded  by  suitors.  Philip 
had  insisted  that  she  should  go  into  a  convent,  but  Alvar 
who,  with  great  difficulty,  had  established  her  quietly  in 
Ghent,  assured  his  master  that  she  would  break  loose 
again  at  the  bare  suggestion  of  a  convent.  Philip  wished 
her  to  go  to  Spain,  sending  her  word  that  Don  John  was 
mortified  by  the  life  his  mother  was  leading,  but  she  in- 
formed the  Governor  that  she  would  be  cut  to  pieces  be- 
fore she  would  go  to  Spain.  She  had  no  objection  to 
see  her  son,  but  she  knew  too  well  how  women  were 
treated  in  that  country.  The  Duke  complained  most 
pathetically  to  his  Majesty  of  the  life  they  all  led  with 
the  ex-mistress  of  the  Emperor.  Never,  he  frequently 
observed,  had  woman  so  terrible  a  head.1  She  was  obstin- 
ate, reckless,  abominably  extravagant.  She  had  been 
provided  in  Ghent  with  a  handsome  establishment;  "  with 
a  duenna,  six  other  women,  a  major-domo,  two  pages,  one 
chaplain,  an  almoner,  and  four  men-servants,"  and  this 
seemed  a  sufficiently  liberal  scheme  of  life  for  the  widow 
of  a  commissary.  Moreover,  a  very  ample  allowance 
had  been  made  for  the  education  of  her  only  legitimate 
son,  Conrad,  the  other  having  perished  by  an  accident 
on  the  day  of  his  father's  death.  While  Don  John  of 
Austria  was  gathering  laurels  in  Granada,  his  half-brother, 
Pyramus  junior,  had  been  ingloriously  drowned  in  a  cistern 
at  Ghent. 

Barbara's  expenses  were  exorbitant;  her  way  of  life 
scandalous.  To  send  her  money,  said  Alva,  was  to 
throw  it  into  the  sea.  In  two  days  she  would  have  spent 
in  dissipation  and  feasting  any  sums  which  the  King 
might  choose  to  supply.  The  Duke,  who  feared  nothing 
else  in  the  world,  stood  in  mortal  awe  of  the  widow 
Kegell.  "  A  terrible  animal,  indeed,  is  an  unbridled 
woman,"  wrote  Secretary  Cay  as,  from  Madrid,  at  the 
close  of  Alva's  administration,  for,  notwithstanding  every 
effort  to  entice,  to  intimidate,  and  to  kidnap  her  from  the 
Netherlands,  there  she  remained,  through  all  vicissitudes, 
even  till  the  arrival  of  Don  John.  By  his  persuasions  or 
commands  she  was,  at  last,  induced  to  accept  an  exile  for 
the  remainder  of  her  days,  in  Spain,  but  revenged  herself 
by  asserting  that  he  was  quite  mistaken  in  supposing 
himself  the  Emperor's  child ;  a  point,  certainly,  upon 
which  her  authority  might  be  thought  conclusive.  Thus 

1  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  884,  912,  960,  969,  984,  987,  1025,  1054. 


62  The  Rise  of  the 

there  was  a  double  mystery  about  Don  John.  He  might 
foe  the  issue  of  august  parentage  on  one  side;  he  was, 
possibly,  sprung  of  most  ignoble  blood  on  both.  Base- 
born  at  best,  he  was  not  sure  whether  to  look  for  the 
author  of  his  being  in  the  halls  of  the  Caesars  or  the 
booths  of  Ratisbon  mechanics.1 

Whatever  might  be  the  heart  of  the  mystery,  it  is 
certain  that  it  was  allowed  to  enwrap  all  the  early  life  of 
Don  John.  The  Emperor,  who  certainly  never  doubted  his 
responsibility  for  the  infant's  existence,  had  him  con- 
veyed instantly  to  Spain,  where  he  was  delivered  to 
Louis  Quixada,  of  the  imperial  household,  by  whom  he 
was  brought  up  in  great  retirement  at  Villa-garcia. 
Magdalen  Ulloa,  wife  of  Quixada,  watched  over  his  in- 
fancy with  maternal  and  magnanimous  care,  for  her 
husband's  extreme  solicitude  for  the  infant's  welfare  had 
convinced  her  that  he  was  its  father.  On  one  occasion, 
when  their  house  was  in  flames,  Quixada  rescued  the 
infant  before  he  saved  his  wife,  "  although  Magdalen 
knew  herself  to  be  dearer  to  him  than  the  apple  of  his 
•eye."  From  that  time  forth  she  altered  her  opinion, 
and  believed  the  mysterious  child  to  be  of  lofty  origin. 
The  boy  grew  up  full  of  beauty,  grace,  and  agility,  the 
leader  of  all  his  companions  in  every  hardy  sport. 
Through  the  country  round  there  were  none  who  could 
throw  the  javelin,  break  a  lance,  or  ride  at  the  ring  like 

1  Corresp.  de  Philippe  II.,  1025.     "  Lp  tiene  banqueteado  " "  Quan  terribile  animal 

•es  una  muger  des  enfrenada." — Ibid.,  ii.  1255.  Meteren,  vi.  ngd. — Compare  Van  der 
Hammen  y  Leon:  Don  Juan  de  Austria;  Historia,  Madrid,  1627,  vi.  294.  Strada, 
Brant6me. — Compare  V.  d.  Vynckt,  ii.  218. — "  Wie  Zijne  ware  moeder  geweest  zii,  is  een 
raadsal  gebleeven,  dat  nooit  volkomen  opgelost  is,"  etc.,  etc. — Cabrera,  xii.  ioo§.  An 
-absurd  rumour  had  existed  that  Barbara  Blomberg  had  only  been  employed  to  personate 
Don  John's  mother.  She  died  at  an  estate  called  Arronjo  de  Molinos,  four  leagues  from 
Madrid,  some  years  after  the  death  of  Don  John. — Cabrera,  xii.  1009.  The  following 
squib,  taken  from  a  MS.  collection  of  pasquilles  of  the  day,  shows  what  was  a  very 
general  opinion  in  the  Netherlands  concerning  the  parentage  of  Don  John  and  the 
position  of  Barbara  Blomberg.  The  lines — verses  they  are  not — have  some  ingenuity  : 

"ECHO. 

" sed  at  Austriacum  nostrum  redeamus — eamus 

Hunc  Cesaris  filium  esse  satis  est  notum — nothum 
Multi  tamen  de  ejus  patre  dubitavere — vere 
Cujus  ergo  filium  eum  dicunt  Itali — Halt 
Verum  mater  satis  est  nota  in  nostra  republica — -pullica 
Imo  hactenus  egit  in  Brabantia  ter  voere — hoere 
Crimen  est  ne  frui  amplexu  unius  Cesaris  tam  generosi — osi 
Pluribus  ergo  usa  in  vita  est — ita  est 
Seu  post  Cesaris  congressum  non  vere  ante — ante 
Tace  garrula  ne  tale  quippiam  loquare — quare  ? 
Nescis  qua  poena  afficiendum  dixerit  Belgium  insigne — igne," 
etc.,  etc.,  etc. 

Vers  Satiriques  contra  Dom  Jean  d'Autriche,  MS.  Bibl. 
de  Bourg.,  17,524. 


Dutch  Republic  63 

little  Juan  Quixada.  In  taming-  unmanageable  horses  he 
was  celebrated  for  his  audacity  and  skill.  These  accom- 
plishments, however,  were  likely  to  prove  of  but  slender 
advantage  in  the  ecclesiastical  profession,  to  which  he 
had  been  destined  by  his  imperial  father.  The  death  of 
Charles  occurred  before  clerical  studies  had  been  com- 
menced, and  Philip,  to  whom  the  secret  had  been  con- 
fided at  the  close  of  the  Emperor's  life,  prolonged  the 
delay  thus  interposed.1  Juan  had  already  reached  his 
fourteenth  year  when  one  day  his  supposed  father  Quixada 
invited  him  to  ride  towards  Valladolid  to  see  the  royal 
hunt.  Two  horses  stood  at  the  door  —  a  splendidly  capa- 
risoned charger  and  a  common  hackney.  The  boy  natur- 
ally mounted  the  humbler  steed,  and  they  set  forth  for 
the  mountains  of  Toro,  but  on  hearing  the  bugles  of 
the  approaching  huntsmen,  Quixada  suddenly  halted,  and 
bade  his  youthful  companion  exchange  horses  with  him- 
self. When  this  had  been  done,  he  seized  the  hand  of 
the  wondering  boy,  and,  kissing  it  respectfully,  exclaimed, 
'  Your  Highness  will  be  informed  as  to  the  meaning  of 
my  conduct  by  his  Majesty,  who  is  even  now  approach- 
ing." They  had  proceeded  but  a  short  distance  before 
they  encountered  the  royal  hunting  party,  when  both 
Quixada  and  young  Juan  dismounted,  and  bent  the  knee 
to  their  monarch.  Philip,  commanding  the  boy  to  rise, 
asked  him  if  he  knew  his  father's  name.  Juan  replied, 
with  a  sigh,  that  he  had  at  that  moment  lost  the  only 
father  whom  he  had  known,  for  Quixada  had  just  dis- 
owned him.  "  You  have  the  same  father  as  myself," 
cried  the  King;  "the  Emperor  Charles  was  the  august 
parent  of  us  both."  Then  tenderly  embracing  him,  he 
commanded  him  to  remount  his  horse,  and  all  returned 
together  to  Valladolid,  Philip  observing,  with  a  senti- 
mentality that  seems  highly  apocryphal,  that  he  had 
never  brought  home  such  precious  game  from  any  hunt 
before.2 

This  theatrical  recognition  of  imperial  descent  was  one 
among  the  many  romantic  incidents  of  Don  John's  pictur- 
esque career,  for  his  life  was  never  destined  to  know  the 
commonplace.  He  now  commenced  his  education,  in 

1  Strada,  x.  506,  507.     Cabrera,  xi.  874. 

2  "  Nunquam   se  jucundiorem  venando   praedam  quameo  die    retulisse    domum."  — 
Strada,  x.  508.     It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  legends  of  Don  John's  boyhood  have 

assed  throuh  the  busy  and  inventive  brain  of   Father  Strada.      Placed  in  a  severe 


passed  throug 
crucible,  much 
narrative  is  genuine.  —  Compare  V.  d.  Vynckt,  ii.  219. 


crucible,  much  of  the  romantic  filigree  would  perhaps  disappear,  but  the  substance  of  his 
V.  d. 


64  The  Rise  of  the 

company  with  his  two  nephews,  the  Duchess  Margaret's 
son,  and  Don  Carlos,  Prince-royal  of  Spain.  They  were 
all  of  the  same  age,  but  the  superiority  of  Don  John  was 
soon  recognized.  It  was  not  difficult  to  surpass  the 
limping,  malicious  Carlos,  either  in  physical  graces  or 
intellectual  accomplishments;  but  the  graceful,  urbane, 
and  chivalrous  Alexander,  destined  afterwards  to  such 
wide  celebrity,  was  a  more  formidable  rival,  yet  even 
the  professed  panegyrist  of  the  Farnese  family  exalts 
the  son  of  Barbara  Blomberg  over  the  grandson  of 
Margaret  Van  Geest.1 

Still  destined  for  the  clerical  profession,  Don  John,  at 
the  age  of  eighteen,  to  avoid  compliance  with  Philip's 
commands,  made  his  escape  to  Barcelona.  It  was  his 
intention  to  join  the  Maltese  expedition.  Recalled  peremp- 
torily by  Philip,  he  was  for  a  short  time  in  disgrace,  but 
afterwards  made  his  peace  with  the  monarch  by  denounc- 
ing some  of  the  mischievous  schemes  of  Don  Carlos. 
Between  the  Prince-royal  and  the  imperial  bastard  there 
had  always  been  a  deep  animosity,  the  Infante  having 
on  one  occasion  saluted  him  with  the  most  vigorous  and 
offensive  appellation  which  his  illegitimate  birth  could 
suggest.  "  Baseborn  or  not,"  returned  Don  John,  "  at 
any  rate  I  had  a  better  father  than  yours."  2  The  words 
were  probably  reported  to  Philip,  and  doubtless  rankled 
in  his  breast,  but  nothing  appeared  on  the  surface,  and 
the  youth  rose  rapidly  in  favour.  In  his  twenty-third 
year,  he  was  appointed  to  the-  command  of  the  famous 
campaign  against  the  insurgent  Moors  of  Granada.  Here 
he  reaped  his  first  laurels,  and  acquired  great  military 
celebrity.  It  is  difficult  to  be  dazzled  by  such  glory.  He 
commenced  his  operations  by  the  expulsion  of  nearly  all 
the  Moorish  inhabitants  of  Granada,  bed-ridden  men, 
women,  and  children,  together,  and  the  cruelty  inflicted, 
the  sufferings  patiently  endured  in  that  memorable  de- 
portation, were  enormous.3  But  few  of  the  many  thou- 
sand exiles  survived  the  horrid  march,  those  who  were  so 
unfortunate  as  to  do  so  being  sold  into  slavery  by  their 
captors.4  Still  a  few  Moors  held  out  in  their  mountain 
fastnesses,  and  two  years  long  the  rebellion  of  this 

1  Strada,  x.  509. 

2  "  Hijo  de  puta."    The  anecdote  is  related  by  V.  der  Vynckt  (ii.  220)  on  the  authority 
of  Amelot  de  la  Houssaie.     "  Yo  soy  hijo  de  mejor  padre." — Ibid. 

3  Strada,  500.     De  Thou,  liv.  vi.  72,  sqq.  (torn,  vi.) 

4  De  Thou,  liv.  xlviii.  vi.  212-215  (liv.  xlix.). — Compare  Cabrera,  liv.  vii.  c.  21,  seq. 


Dutch  Republic  65 

handful  made  head  against  the  power  of  Spain.  Had 
their  envoys  to  the  Porte  succeeded  in  their  negotiation, 
the  throne  of  Philip  might  have  trembled;  but  Selim 
hated  the  republic  of  Venice  as  much  as  he  loved  the 
wine  of  Cyprus.  While  the  Moors  were  gasping  out 
their  last  breath  in  Granada  and  Ronda,  the  Turks  had 
wrested  the  island  of  Venus  from  the  grasp  of  the  haughty 
Republic.  Famagosta  had  fallen;  thousands  of  Venetians 
had  been  butchered  with  a  ferocity  which  even  Christians 
could  not  have  surpassed ;  the  famous  General  Bragadino 
had  been  flayed,  stuffed,  and  sent  hanging  on  the  yard- 
arm  of  a  frigate,  to  Constantinople,  as  a  present  to  the 
Commander  of  the  Faithful ;  and  the  mortgage  of  Cathe- 
rine Cornaro,  to  the  exclusion  of  her  husband's  bastards, 
had  been  thus  definitely  cancelled.  With  such  practical 
enjoyments,  Selim  was  indifferent  to  the  splendid  but 
shadowy  vision  of  the  Occidental  caliphate — yet  the  revolt 
of  the  Moors  was  only  terminated,  after  the  departure  of 
Don  John,  by  the  Duke  of  Arcos. 

The  war  which  the  Sultan  had  avoided  in  the  West 
came  to  seek  him  in  the  East.  To  lift  the  Crucifix 
against  the  Crescent,  at  the  head  of  the  powerful  but 
quarrelsome  alliance  between  Venice,  Spain,  and  Rome, 
Don  John  arrived  at  Naples.1  He  brought  with  him  more 
than  a  hundred  ships  and  twenty-three  thousand  men, 
as  the  Spanish  contingent.  Three  months  long  the  hostile 
fleets  had  been  cruising  in  the  same  waters  without  an 
encounter;  three  more  were  wasted  in  barren  manoeuvres. 
Neither  Mussulman  nor  Christian  had  much  inclination 
for  the  conflict,  the  Turk  fearing  the  consequences  of  a 
defeat,  by  which  gains  already  secured  might  be  for- 
feited ;  the  allies  being  appalled  at  the  possibility  of  their 
own  triumph.  Nevertheless,  the  Ottomans  manoeuvred 
themselves  at  last  into  the  gulf  of  Lepanto,  the  Christians 
manoeuvred  themselves  towards  its  mouth  as  the  foe  was 
coming  forth  again.  The  conflict  thus  rendered  inevitable, 
both  Turk  and  Christian  became  equally  eager  for  the  fray, 
equally  confident  of  victory.  Six  hundred  vessels  of  war 
met  face  to  face.  Rarely  in  history  had  so  gorgeous  a 
scene  of  martial  array  been  witnessed.  An  October  sun 
gilded  the  thousand  beauties  of  an  Ionian  landscape. 
Athens  and  Corinth  were  behind  the  combatants,  the 
mountains  of  Alexander's  Macedon  rose  in  the  distance  : 

1  Cabrera,  ix.  6;sa.     De  Thou,  vi.  226. 
VOL.  III.  D 


66  The  Rise  of  the 

the  rock  of  Sappho  and  the  heights  of  Actium  were  be- 
fore their  eyes.  Since  the  day  when  the  world  had  been 
lost  and  won  beneath  that  famous  promontory,  no  such 
combat  as  the  one  now  approaching  had  been  fought 
upon  the  waves.  The  chivalrous  young  commander  de- 
spatched energetic  messages  to  his  fellow  chieftains,  and 
now  that  it  was  no  longer  possible  to  elude  the  encounter, 
the  martial  ardour  of  the  allies  was  kindled.  The  Vene- 
tian High-Admiral  replied  with  words  of  enthusiasm. 
Colonna,  lieutenant  of  the  league,  answered  his  chief 
in  the  language  of  St.  Peter:  "Though  I  die,  yet  will 
I  not  deny  thee."  * 

The  fleet  was  arranged  in  three  divisions.  The  Otto- 
mans, not  drawn  up  in  crescent  form,  as  usual,  had  the 
same  triple  disposition.  Barbarigo  and  the  other  Vene- 
tians commanded  on  the  left,  John  Andrew  Doria  on  the 
right,  while  Don  John  himself  and  Colonna  were  in  the 
centre.  Crucifix  in  hand,  the  High-Admiral  rowed  from 
ship  to  ship  exhorting  generals  and  soldiers  to  show 
themselves  worthy  of  a  cause  which  he  had  persuaded 
himself  was  holy.2  Fired  by  his  eloquence  and  by  the 
sight  of  the  enemy,  his  hearers  answered  with  eager 
shouts,  while  Don  John  returned  to  his  ship,  knelt  upon 
the  quarter-deck,  and  offered  a  prayer.  He  then  ordered 
the  trumpets  to  sound  the  assault,  commanded  his  sailing- 
master  to  lay  him  alongside  the  Turkish  Admiral,  and  the 
battle  began.  The  Venetians,  who  were  first  attacked, 
destroyed  ship  after  ship  of  their  assailants  after  a  close 
and  obstinate  contest,  but  Barbarigo  fell  dead  ere  the 
sunset,  with  an  arrow  through  his  brain.  Meantime  the 
action,  immediately  after  the  first  onset,  had  become 
general.  From  noon  till  evening  the  battle  raged,  with 
a  carnage  rarely  recorded  in  history.  Don  John's  own 
ship  lay  yard-arm  and  yard-arm  with  the  Turkish  Admiral, 
and  exposed  to  the  fire  of  seven  large  vessels  besides. 
It  was  a  day  when  personal  audacity,  not  skilful  tactics, 
was  demanded,  and  the  imperial  bastard  showed  the  mettle 
he  was  made  of.  The  Turkish  Admiral's  ship  was  de- 

1  De  Thou,  vi.  liv.  1.  226,  et  seq.     Cabrera,  ix.  cap.  24,  25.     Brantome,  ii.  119,  et  seq. 
See  the  statements  of  Al-Hamet,  after  the  battle,  to  the  Conqueror. — Navarrete,  Docu- 
mentos  Ineditos,  iii.    249-251.      Total  number  of  Christian   ships,    three  hundred   and 
thirty-six ;  of  Turkish,  two  hundred   and   eighty-three. — Relacion  cierta  y  verdade  ra, 
Documentos  Ineditos,   iii.  255-256.     "  Etiamsi  oporteat  me  mori,   non  te  negabo." — 
Brant6me,  Hommes  Illust.,  ii.  122. 

2  Relacion  cierta  y  verdadera,   Documentos  Ineditos,  iii.   243.     Ibid.     Compare  De 
Thou,  vi.  239-243.     Brantome,  ii.  124. 


Dutch  Republic  67 

stroyed,  his  head  exposed  from  Don  John's  deck  upon 
a  pike,  and  the  trophy  became  the  signal  for  a  general 
panic  and  a  complete  victory.  By  sunset  the  battle  had 
been  won.1 

Of  nearly  three  hundred  Turkish  galleys,  but  fifty  made 
their  escape.  From  twenty-five  to  thirty  thousand  Turks 
were  slain,  and  perhaps  ten  thousand  Christians.  The 
galley-slaves  on  both  sides  fought  well,  and  the  only  bene- 
ficial result  of  the  victory  was  the  liberation  of  several 
thousand  Christian  captives.  It  is  true  that  their  liberty 
was  purchased  with  the  lives  of  a  nearly  equal  number  of 
Christian  soldiers,  and  by  the  reduction  to  slavery  of 
almost  as  many  thousand  Mussulmans,2  duly  distributed 
among  the  Christian  victors.  Many  causes  contributed  to 
this  splendid  triumph.  The  Turkish  ships,  inferior  in 
number,  were  also  worse  manned  than  those  of  their 
adversaries,  and  their  men  were  worse  armed.  Every 
bullet  of  the  Christians  told  on  muslin  turbans  and  em- 
broidered tunics,  while  the  arrows  of  the  Moslems  fell 
harmless  on  the  casques  and  corslets  of  their  foes.  The 
Turks,  too,  had  committed  the  fatal  error  of  fighting 
upon  a  lee  shore.  Having  no  sea-room,  and  being  re- 
pelled in  their  first  onset,  many  galleys  were  driven  upon 
the  rocks,  to  be  destroyed  with  all  their  crews.3 

1  Relation  cierta  y  verdadera,  244.     Cabrera,  ix.  cap.  25.     De  Thou,  vi.  242,  sqq. 
Brantome,  ii.  126,  sqq. 

2  Cabrera  says  that  thirty  thousand  Turks  were  slain,  ten  thousand  made  prisoners, 
ten  thousand  Christians  killed,  and  fifteen  thousand  Christian  prisoners  liberated,  ix.  693. 
De  Thou's  estimate  is  twenty-five  thousand  Turks  killed,  three  thousand  prisoners,  and 
ten  thousand  Christians  killed,  vi.  247.     Brantome  states  the  number  of  Turks  killed  at 
thirty  thousand,  -without  counting  those  who  were  drowned  or  who  died  afterwards  of 
their  wounds ;  six  thousand  prisoners,  twelve  thousand  Christian  prisoners  liberated,  and 
ten  thousand  Christians  killed.     Hoofd,  vi.  214,  gives  the  figures  at  twenty-five  thousand 
Turks  and  ten  thousand  Christians  slain.     Bor,  v.  3543,  (t.  i.)  makes  a  minute  estimate, 
on  the  authority  of  Pietro  Contareno,  stating  the  number  of  Christians  killed  at  seven 
thousand  six  hundred  and  fifty,  that  of  Turks  at  twenty-five  thousand  one  hundred  and 
fifty,  Turkish  prisoners  at  three  thousand  eight  hundred  and  forty-six,  and  Christians 
liberated  at  twelve  thousand  ;  giving  the  number  of  Turkish  ships  destroyed  at  eighty, 
captured  fifty.     According  to  the  "  Relacion  cierta  y  verdadera,"  (which  was  drawn  up  a 
few  days  after  the  action,)  the  number  of  Turks  slain  was  "  thirty  thousand  and  upwards,, 
besides  many  prisoners,"  that  of  Christians  killed  was  seven  thousand,  of  Christian  slaves 
liberated  twelve  thousand,  of  Ottoman  ships  taken  or  destroyed  two  hundred  and  thirty. 
— Documentos  Ine'ditos,  iii.  249.     Philip  sent  an  express  order,  forbidding  the  ransoming' 
of  even  the  captive  officers  (Carta  de  F.  II.  a  D.  I.  de  Zuniga,  Documentos  Ineditos, 
iii.  236).     The  Turkish  slaves  were  divided  among  the  victors  in  the  proportion  of  one- 
half  to  Philip  and  one-half  to  the  Pope  and  Venice.     The  other  booty  was  distributed  on 
the  same  principle.     Out  of  the  Pope's  share  Don  John  received,  as  a  present,   one 
hundred  and  seventy-four  slaves  (Documentos  Ineditos,  iii.  229).     Alexander  of  Parma 
received  thirty  slaves  ;  Requesens  thirty.     To  each  general  of  infantry  was  assigned  six 
slaves;  to  each  colonel  four;  to  each  ship's  captain  one.     The  number  of  "slaves  in 
chains"  (esclavos  de  cadena)  allotted  to  Philip  was  thirty-six  hundred  (Documentos 
Ineditos,  257).     Seven  thousand  two  hundred  Turkish  slaves,  therefore,  at  least,  were 
divided  among  Christians.     This  number  of  wretches,  who  were  not  fortunate  enough  to 
die  with   their  twenty-five  thousand   comrades,    must  be  set  off  against  the  twelve 
thousand  Christian  slaves  liberated,    in   the  general  settlement  of  the   account    with 
Humanity.  3  De  Thou,  vi.  245,  246,  247. 


68  The  Rise  of  the 

But  whatever  the  cause  of  victory,  its  consequence 
was  to  spread  the  name  and  fame  of  Don  John  of  Austria 
throughout  the  world.  Alva  wrote,  with  enthusiasm,  to 
congratulate  him,  pronouncing  the  victory  the  most  bril- 
liant one  ever  achieved  by  Christians,  and  Don  John  the 
greatest  general  since  the  death  of  Julius  Caesar.  At  the 
same  time,  with  a  sarcastic  fling  at  the  erection  of  the  Es- 
corial,  he  advised  Philip  to  improve  this  new  success  in 
some  more  practical  way  than  by  building  a  house  for  the 
Lord  and  a  sepulchre  for  the  dead.  "  If,"  said  the  Duke, 
*'  the  conquests  of  Spain  be  extended  in  consequence  of 
this  triumph,  then,  indeed,  will  the  Cherubim  and 
Seraphim  sing  glory  to  God."1  A  courier,  despatched 
post  haste  to  Spain,  bore  the  glorious  news,  together 
with  the  sacred  standard  of  the  Prophet,  the  holy  of 
holies,  inscribed  with  the  name  of  Allah,  twenty-eight 
thousand  nine  hundred  times,  always  kept  in  Mecca 
during  peace,  and  never  lost  in  battle  before.  The  King 
was  at  vespers  in  the  Escorial.  Entering  the  sacred 
precincts,  breathless,  travel-stained,  excited,  the  mes- 
senger found  Philip  impassible  as  marble  to  the  wondrous 
news.  Not  a  muscle  of  the  royal  visage  was  moved,  not 
a  syllable  escaped  the  royal  lips,  save  a  brief  order  to 
the  clergy  to  continue  the  interrupted  vespers.  When  the 
service  had  been  methodically  concluded,  the  King  made 
known  the  intelligence  and  requested  a  Te  Deum.2 

The  youthful  commander-in-chief  obtained  more  than 
his  full  meed  of  glory.  No  doubt  he  had  fought  with 
brilliant  courage,  yet  in  so  close  and  murderous  a  conflict, 
the  valour  of  no  single  individual  could  decide  the  day, 
and  the  result  was  due  to  the  combined  determination 
of  all.  Had  Don  John  remained  at  Naples,  the  issue 
might  have  easily  been  the  same.  Barbarigo,  who  sealed 
the  victory  with  his  blood ;  Colonna,  who  celebrated  a 
solemn  triumph  on  his  return  to  Rome ;  Parma,  Doria, 
Giustiniani,  Venieri,  might  each  as  well  have  claimed 
a  monopoly  of  the  glory,  had  not  the  Pope,  at  Philip's 
entreaty,  conferred  the  baton  of  command  upon  Don 
John.3  The  meagre  result  of  the  contest  is  as  notorious 
as  the  victory.  While  Constantinople  was  quivering  with 
apprehension,  the  rival  generals  were  already  wrangling 

1  Parabien  del  Duque  de  Alba,  Documentos  Ineditos,  iii.  270-287. 

2  Relacion  por  Luis  del  Marmol,  Documentos  Ineditos,  iii.  270-575. 

3  De  Thou,  vi.  243. — Compare  Cabrera,  ix.  68gb.     Brant6me,  n.    133.     Even   Don 
John's  favourite  monkey  distinguished  himself  in  the  action.     The  creature  is  reported  to 
iiave  picked  up  a  shell,  which  had  fallen  upon  a  holy  shrine,  close  at  its  master's  feet,  and 
to  have  thrown  it  overboard. — Van  der  Hammen  y  Leon,  iii.  180. 


Dutch  Republic  69 

with  animosity.  Had  the  Christian  fleet  advanced,  every 
soul  would  have  fled  from  the  capital,  but  Providence  had 
ordained  otherwise,  and  Don  John  sailed  westwardly  with 
his  ships.  He  made  a  descent  on  the  Barbary  coast, 
captured  Tunis,  destroyed  Biserta,  and  brought  King 
Amidas  and  his  two  sons  prisoners  to  Italy.  Ordered 
by  Philip  to  dismantle  the  fortifications  of  Tunis,  he 
replied  by  repairing  them  thoroughly,  and  by  placing  a 
strong  garrison  within  the  citadel.  Intoxicated  with  his 
glory,  the  young  adventurer  already  demanded  a  crown, 
and  the  Pope  was  disposed  to  proclaim  him  King  of 
Tunis,  for  the  Queen  of  the  Lybian  seas  was  to  be  the 
capital  of  his  empire,  the  new  Carthage  of  which  he 
already  dreamed. 

Philip  thought  it  time  to  interfere,  for  he  felt  that  his 
own  crown  might  be  insecure,  with  such  a  restless  and 
ambitious  spirit  indulging  in  possible  and  impossible 
chimeras.  He  removed  John  de  Soto,  who  had  been 
Don  John's  chief  councillor  and  emissary  to  the  Pope, 
and  substituted  in  his  place  the  celebrated  and  ill-starred 
Escovedo.1  The  new  secretary,  however,  entered  as 
heartily  but  secretly  into  all  these  romantic  schemes.2 
Disappointed  of  the  empire  which  he  had  contemplated 
on  the  edge  of  the  African  desert,  the  champion  of  the 
Cross  turned  to  the  cold  islands  of  the  northern  seas. 
There  sighed,  in  captivity,  the  beauteous  Mary  of  Scot- 
land, victim  of  the  heretic  Elizabeth.  His  susceptibility 
to  the  charms  of  beauty — a  characteristic  as  celebrated 
as  his  courage — was  excited,  his  chivalry  aroused.  What 
holier  triumph  for  the  conqueror  of  the  Saracens  than  the 
subjugation  of  these  northern  infidels?  He  would  de- 
throne the  proud  Elizabeth ;  he  would  liberate  and  espouse 
the  Queen  of  Scots,  and  together  they  would  reign  over 
the  two  united  realms.  All  that  the  Pope  could  do  with 
bulls  and  blessings,  letters  of  excommunication,  and 
patents  of  investiture,  he  did  with  his  whole  heart.  Don 
John  was  at  liberty  to  be  King  of  England  and  Scotland 
as  soon  as  he  liked  ;3  all  that  was  left  to  do  was  to 
conquer  the  kingdoms. 

1  De  Thou,  Brantome,  Cabrera,  in  locis  citatis.     Strada,  x.  510.     De  Thou,  vii.  112, 
Van  der  Vynckt,  ii.  221.     Bor,  xi.   840,  841.     Memorial  de  Ant.   Perez,  Obras  y  Rela- 
ciones,  Geneva,  1644,  p.  297. 

2  Bor,  xi.  840,  841.     Strada,  x.  510.     De  Thou,  vii.  112.     Memorial  de  Antonio  Perez, 
Obras  y  Relaciones,  p.  298,  299. 

3  Strada,  x.   511.     Bor,  xi.   840,  841.     V.  d.  Vynckt,  ii.   221.     De  Thou,  vii.  549.— 
"  Y  dixo  le  el  nuncio  que  havia  tenido  un  despacho  de  Roma,  en  que  le  avisa  haver 


70  The  Rise  of  the 

Meantime,  while  these  schemes  were  flitting1  through 
his  brain,  and  were  yet  kept  comparatively  secret  by  the 
Pope,  Escovedo,  and  himself,  the  news  reached  him  in 
Italy  that  he  had  been  appointed  Governor-General  of 
the  Netherlands.1  Nothing-  could  be  more  opportune. 
In  the  provinces  were  ten  thousand  veteran  Spaniards, 
ripe  for  adventure,  hardened  by  years  of  warfare,  greedy 
for  gold,  audacious  almost  beyond  humanity,  the  very 
instruments  for  his  scheme.  The  times  were  critical  in 
the  Netherlands,  it  was  true ;  yet  he  would  soon  pacify 
those  paltry  troubles,  and  then  sweep  forward  to  his 
prize.  Yet  events  were  rushing-  forward  with  such  feverish 
rapidity,  that  he  might  be  too  late  for  his  adventure. 
Many  days  were  lost  in  the  necessary  journey  frc.m  Italy 
into  Spain  to  receive  the  final  instructions  of  the  King-. 
The  news  from  the  provinces  grew  more  and  more  threat- 
ening-. With  the  impetuosity  and  romance  of  his  tempera- 
ment, he  selected  his  confidential  friend  Ottavio  Gonzaga, 
six  men-at-arms,  and  an  adroit  and  well-experienced 
Swiss  courier,  who  knew  every  road  of  France.2  It  was 
no  light  adventure  for  the  Catholic  Governor-General  of 
the  Netherlands  to  traverse  the  kingdom  at  that  par- 
ticular juncture.  Staining  his  bright  locks  and  fair  face 
to  the  complexion  of  a  Moor,  he  started  on  his  journey, 
attired  as  the  servant  of  Gonzaga.  Arriving  at  Paris, 
after  a  rapid  journey,  he  descended  at  a  hostelry  opposite 
the  residence  of  the  Spanish  ambassador,  Don  Diego  de 
Cufiiga.  After  nightfall  he  had  a  secret  interview  with 
that  functionary,  and  learning,  among  other  matters, 
that  there  was  to  be  a  great  ball  that  night  at  the 
Louvre,  he  determined  to  go  thither  in  disguise.  There, 
notwithstanding  his  hurry,  he  had  time  to  see  and  to  be- 
come desperately  enamoured  of  "  that  wonder  of  beauty," 
the  fair  and  frail  Margaret  of  Valois,  Queen  of  Navarre. 
Her  subsequent  visit  to  her  young  adorer  at  Namur,  to 
be  recorded  in  a  future  page  of  this  history,  was  destined 
to  mark  the  last  turning  point  in  his  picturesque  career. 
On  his  way  to  the  Netherlands  he  held  a  rapid  inter- 
view with  the  Duke  of  Guise,  to  arrange  his  schemes 

llegado  alta  otro,  del  Senor  Don  Juan  en  gifra  sobre  lo  de  Inglaterra  pidiendo  a  su  sanc- 
tidad  favor  para  alto  de  persona  (y  aun  con  la  investidura  del  Reyno  en  la  persona  de 
Don  Juan  como  se  entendio  despues),  bullas,  breves,  dinero,  y  que  assy  se  le  havia 
embiado  persona  con  todo  ello." — Memorial  de  Antonio  Perez,  Obras  y  Relaciones,  p. 

3°3- 

1  Strada,  x.  510.     De  Thou,  vii.  391. 

2  Brantome,  ii.  137.     Strada,  ix.  423.     Cabrera,  xi.  874. 


Dutch  Republic  71 

for  the  liberation  and  espousal  of  that  noble  kinswoman, 
the  Scottish  Queen ;  and  on  the  3rd  of  November  he 
arrived  at  Luxemburg1.1 

There  stood  the  young-  conqueror  of  Lepanto,  his  brain 
full  of  schemes,  his  heart  full  of  hopes,  on  the  threshold 
of  the  Netherlands,  at  the  entrance  to  what  he  believed 
the  most  brilliant  chapter  of  his  life — schemes,  hopes, 
and  visions,  doomed  speedily  to  fade  before  the  cold 
reality  with  which  he  was  to  be  confronted.  Throwing 
off  his  disguise  after  reaching  Luxemburg,  the  youthful 
paladin  stood  confessed.  His  appearance  was  as  romantic 
as  his  origin  and  his  exploits.  Every  contemporary 
chronicler,  French,  Spanish,  Italian,  Flemish,  Roman, 
have  dwelt  upon  his  personal  beauty  and  the  singular 
fascination  of  his  manner.2  Symmetrical  features,  blue 
eyes  of  great  vivacity,  and  a  profusion  of  bright  curling 
hair,  were  combined  with  a  person  not  much  above 
middle  height,  but  perfectly  well  proportioned.  Owing 
to  a  natural  peculiarity  of  his  head,  the  hair  fell  back- 
ward from  the  temples,  and  he  had  acquired  the  habit 
of  pushing  it  from  his  brows.  The  custom  became  a 
fashion  among  the  host  of  courtiers,  who  were  but  too 
happy  to  glass  themselves  in  so  brilliant  a  mirror.  As 
Charles  the  Fifth,  on  his  journey  to  Italy  to  assume  the 
iron  crown,  had  caused  his  hair  to  be  clipped  close,  as  a 
remedy  for  the  headaches  with  which,  at  that  momentous 
epoch,  he  was  tormented,  bringing  thereby  close  shaven 
polls  into  extreme  fashion ;  so  a  mass  of  hair  pushed 
backward  from  the  temples,  in  the  style  to  which  the 
name  of  John  of  Austria  was  appropriated,  became  the 
prevailing  mode  wherever  the  favourite  son  of  the 
Emperor  appeared.3 

Such  was  the  last  crusader  whom  the  annals  of  chivalry 
were  to  know ;  the  man  who  had  humbled  the  crescent  as 
it  had  not  been  humbled  since  the  days  of  the  Tancreds, 
the  Baldwins,  the  Plantagenets — yet,  after  all,  what  was 
this  brilliant  adventurer  when  weighed  against  the  tran- 
quil Christian  champion  whom  he  was  to  meet  face  to 
face?  The  contrast  was  striking  between  the  real  and 
the  romantic  hero.  Don  John  had  pursued  and  achieved 
glory  through  victories  with  which  the  world  was  ring- 

1  Cabrera,  xi.  874.     Strada,  ix.  423.     V.  d.  Vynckt,  ii.  222.     Bor,  ix.  742.     Brantome, 
ii.  137,  138.     Hoofd,  xi.  472. 

2  Meteren,  vi.  119.     Bentivoglio,  etc.,  218.     Brantome,  H.  150.     Strada,  x.  509.     I.  R. 
Tassis,  iv.  326.  3  Strada,  x.  513,  514. 


72  The  Rise  of  the 

ing;  William  was  slowly  compassing-  a  country's  emanci- 
pation throug-h  a  series  of  defeats.  He  moulded  a  com- 
monwealth and  united  hearts  with  as  much  contempt  for 
danger  as  Don  John  had  exhibited  in  scenes  of  slave 
driving-  and  carnage.  Amid  fields  of  blood,  and  through 
webs  of  tortuous  intrigue,  the  brave  and  subtle  son  of  the 
Emperor  pursued  only  his  own  objects.  Tawdry  schemes 
of  personal  ambition,  conquests  for  his  own  benefit, 
impossible  crowns  for  his  own  wearing,  were  the  motives 
which  impelled  him,  and  the  prizes  which  he  sought. 
His  existence  was  feverish,  fitful,  and  passionate.  "  Tran- 
quil amid  the  raging  billows,"  according  to  his  favourite 
device,  the  father  of  his  country  waved  aside  the  diadem 
which  for  him  had  neither  charms  nor  meaning.  Their 
characters  were  as  contrasted  as  their  persons.  The 
curled  darling  of  chivalry  seemed  a  youth  at  thirty-one. 
Spare  of  figure,  plain  in  apparel,  benignant,  but  haggard 
of  countenance,  with  temples  bared  by  anxiety  as  much 
as  by  his  helmet,  earnest,  almost  devout  in  manner,  in 
his  own  words,  "  Calvus  et  Calvinista," 1  William  of 
Orange  was  an  old  man  at  forty-three. 

Perhaps  there  was  as  much  good  faith  on  the  part  of 
Don  John,  when  he  arrived  in  Luxemburg,  as  could  be 
expected  of  a  man  coming  directly  from  the  cabinet  of 
Philip.  The  King  had  secretly  instructed  him  to  concili- 
ate the  provinces,  but  to  concede  nothing,2  for  the 
Governor  was  only  a  new  incarnation  of  the  insane  para- 
dox that  benignity  and  the  system  of  Charles  the  Fifth 
were  one.  He  was  directed  to  restore  the  government 
to  its  state  during  the  imperial  epoch.3  Seventeen  pro- 
vinces, in  two  of  which  the  population  were  all  dissenters, 
in  all  of  which  the  principle  of  mutual  toleration  had  just 
been  accepted  by  Catholics  and  Protestants,  were  now 
to  be  brought  back  to  the  condition  according  to  which 
all  Protestants  were  beheaded,  burned,  or  buried  alive. 
So  that  the  inquisition,  the  absolute  authority  of  the 
monarch,  and  the  exclusive  worship  of  the  Roman  Church 
were  preserved  intact,  the  King  professed  himself  desirous 
of  "  extinguishing  the  fires  of  rebellion,  and  of  saving 

1  Gachard,  Corresp.  Guillaume  le  Tacit.,  iii.,  pref.  Ixiii.  and  note. — Compare  Strada, 

ix.  44. — "  Areschoti  Duci nudato  capita  subridens,  Vides  inquit  hoc  calvitum,  scito 

me  non  magis  capite  quam  corde  calvum  esse." — Strada,  ix.  434,  435. 

2  Instruccion  Secreta  qu'el  Rey  D.  Felipe  II.,  di6  al  Son.  D.  J.  de  Austria,  escrivio  la 
de  mano  propria.     Bibl.  de  Bourgogne,  MS.,  No.  xyii.  385. 

3  "Que  se  vuelvan  las  cosas  al  govierno  y  pie  antiguo  del  tiempo  del  Emperador,"  etc 
— Instruccion  Secreta,  MS. 


Dutch  Republic  73 

the  people  from  the  last  desperation."  With  these  slight 
exceptions,  Philip  was  willing  to  be  very  benignant. 
"More  than  this,"  said  he,  "cannot  and  ought  not  to 
be  conceded."  *  To  these  brief  but  pregnant  instructions, 
was  added  a  morsel  of  advice,  personal  in  its  nature, 
but  very  characteristic  of  the  writer.  Don  John  was 
recommended  to  take  great  care  of  his  soul,  and  also  to 
be  very  cautious  in  the  management  of  his  amours.2 

Thus  counselled  and  secretly  directed,  the  new  Captain- 
General  had  been  dismissed  to  the  unhappy  Netherlands. 
The  position,  however,  was  necessarily  false.  The  man 
who  was  renowned  for  martial  exploits,  and  notoriously 
devoured  by  ambition,  could  hardly  inspire  deep  confi- 
dence in  the  pacific  dispositions  of  the  government.  The 
crusader  of  Granada  and  Lepanto,  the  champion  of  the 
ancient  Church,  was  not  likely  to  please  the  rugged  Ze- 
landers  who  had  let  themselves  be  hacked  to  pieces  rather 
than  say  one  Paternoster,  and  who  had  worn  crescents  in 
their  caps  at  Leyden,  to  prove  their  deeper  hostility  to 
the  Pope  than  to  the  Turk.  The  imperial  bastard  would 
derive  but  slight  consideration  from  his  paternal  blood, 
in  a  country  where  illegitimate  birth  was  more  unfavour- 
ably regarded  than  in  most  other  countries,  and  where 
a  Brabantine  edict,  recently  issued  in  the  name  of  the 
King,  deprived  all  political  or  civil  functionaries  not  born 
in  wedlock  of  their  offices.3  Yet  he  had  received  instruc- 
tions, at  his  departure,  to  bring  about  a  pacification,  if 
possible,  always  maintaining,  however,  the  absolute 
authority  of  the  crown  and  the  exclusive  exercise  of  the 
Catholic  religion.  How  the  two  great  points  of  his  in- 
structions were  to  be  made  entirely  palatable,  was  left  to 
time  and  chance.  There  was  a  vague  notion  that  with 
the  new  Governor's  fame,  fascinating  manners,  and  im- 
perial parentage,  he  might  accomplish  a  result  which 
neither  fraud  nor  force — not  the  arts  of  Granvelle,  nor 
the  atrocity  of  Alva,  nor  the  licentiousness  of  a  buccaneer- 
ing soldiery — had  been  able  to  effect.  As  for  Don  John 
himself,  he  came  with  no  definite  plans  for  the  Nether- 
landers,  but  with  very  daring  projects  of  his  own,  and 

1  " Salvando  la  Religion  y  mi  pbediencia,  quanto  se  puede  llegando  las  cosas  a 

estos  terminos  presupuestos  que  conviene  atajar  este  fuego  y  no  dexar  llegar  aquella 
gente  a  la  ultima  desperacion.     Y  con  ello  se  cierre  todo  que  se  deve  conceder,"  etc. — 
Instruccion  Secreta,  MS. 

2  " Lo  de  la  quanta  con  su  alma Andar  con  tiento  en  los  amores,"  etc.,  etc. — 

Instruccion  Secreta,  MS. 

*  Bor,  ix.  673.     The  edict  was  dated  a6ih  of  March,  1576. 

D  2 


74  The  Rise  of  the 

to  pursue  these  misty  visions  was  his  main  business  on 
arriving-  in  the  provinces.  In  the  meantime  he  was  dis- 
posed to  settle  the  Netherland  difficulty  in  some  showy, 
off-hand  fashion,  which  should  cost  him  but  little  trouble, 
and  occasion  no  detriment  to  the  cause  of  Papacy  or 
absolutism.  Unfortunately  for  these  rapid  arrangements, 
William  of  Orange  was  in  Zeland,  and  the  Pacification 
had  just  been  signed  at  Ghent. 

It  was,  naturally,  with  very  little  satisfaction  that  the 
Prince  beheld  the  arrival  of  Don  John.  His  sagacious 
combinations  would  henceforth  be  impeded,  if  not  wholly 
frustrated.  This  he  foresaw.  He  knew  that  there  could 
be  no  intention  of  making  any  arrangement  in  which  Hol- 
land and  Zeland  could  be  included.  He  was  confident 
that  any  recognition  of  the  reformed  religion  was  as  much 
out  of  the  question  now  as  ever.  He  doubted  not  that 
there  were  many  Catholic  magnates,  wavering  politicians, 
aspirants  for  royal  favour,  who  would  soon  be  ready  to 
desert  the  cause  which  had  so  recently  been  made  a 
general  cause,  and  who  would  soon  be  undermining  the 
work  of  their  own  hands.  The  Pacification  of  Ghent 
would  never  be  maintained  in  letter  and  spirit  by  the  vice- 
gerent of  Philip ;  for  however  its  sense  might  be  com- 
mented upon  or  perverted,  the  treaty,  while  it  recognized 
Catholicism  as  the  state  religion,  conceded,  to  a  certain 
extent,  liberty  of  conscience.  An  immense  stride  had  been 
taken,  by  abolishing  the  edicts,  and  prohibiting  persecu- 
tion. If  that  step  were  now  retraced,  the  new  religion 
was  doomed,  and  the  liberties  of  Holland  and  Zeland 
destroyed.  "  If  they  make  an  arrangement  with  Don 
John,  it  will  be  for  us  of  the  religion  to  run,"  wrote  the 
Prince  to  his  brother,  "  for  their  intention  is  to  suffer  no 
person  of  that  faith  to  have  a  fixed  domicile  in  the  Nether- 
lands. "l  It  was,  therefore,  with  a  calm  determination 
to  counteract  and  crush  the  policy  of  the  youthful 
Governor  that  William  the  Silent  awaited  his  antagonist. 
Were  Don  John  admitted  to  confidence,  the  peace  of 
Holland  and  Zeland  was  gone.  He  had  arrived,  with  all 
the  self-confidence  of  a  conqueror;  he  did  not  know  that 
he  was  to  be  played  upon  like  a  pipe — to  be  caught  in 
meshes  spread  by  his  own  hands — to  struggle  blindly — 
to  rage  impotently — to  die  ingloriously. 

The  Prince  had  lost  no  time  in  admonishing  the  states- 

1  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  v.  544. 


Dutch  Republic  75 

general  as  to  the  course  which  should  now  be  pursued. 
He  was  of  opinion  that  upon  their  conduct  at  this  crisis 
depended  the  future  destinies  of  the  Netherlands.  "  If 
we  understand  how  to  make  proper  use  of  the  new  Gover- 
nor's arrival,"  said  he,  "  it  may  prove  very  advantageous 
to  us ;  if  not,  it  will  be  the  commencement  of  our  total 
ruin."1  The  spirit  of  all  his  communications  was  to  in- 
fuse the  distrust  which  he  honestly  felt,  and  which  he 
certainly  took  no  pains  to  disguise ;  to  impress  upon  his 
countrymen  the  importance  of  improving  the  present 
emergency  by  the  enlargement,  instead  of  the  threatened 
contraction  of  their  liberties,  and  to  enforce  with  all  his 
energy  the  necessity  of  a  firm  union.  He  assured  the 
estates  that  Don  John  had  been  sent,  in  this  simple  man- 
ner, to  the  country,  because  the  King  and  cabinet  had 
begun  to  despair  of  carrying  their  point  by  force.  At  the 
same  time  he  warned  them  that  force  would  doubtless 
be  replaced  by  fraud.  He  expressed  his  conviction  that 
so  soon  as  Don  John  should  attain  the  ascendency  which 
he  had  been  sent  to  secure,  the  gentleness  which  now 
smiled  upon  the  surface  would  give  place  to  the  deadlier 
purposes  which  lurked  below.  He  went  so  far  as  dis- 
tinctly to  recommend  the  seizure  of  Don  John's  person. 
By  so  doing,  much  bloodshed  might  be  saved ;  for  such 
was  the  King's  respect  for  the  Emperor's  son  that  their 
demands  would  be  granted  rather  than  that  his  liberty 
should  be  permanently  endangered.2  In  a  very  striking 
and  elaborate  letter  which  he  addressed  from  Middelburg 
to  the  estates-general,  he  insisted  on  the  expediency  of 
seizing  the  present  opportunity  in  order  to  secure  and  to 
expand  their  liberties,  and  urged  them  to  assert  broadly 
the  principle  that  the  true  historical  polity  of  the  Nether- 
lands was  a  representative,  constitutional  government. 
Don  John,  on  arriving  at  Luxemburg,  had  demanded  hos- 
tages for  his  own  security,  a  measure  which  could  not 
but  strike  the  calmest  spectator  as  an  infraction  of  all 
provincial  rights.  "  He  asks  you  to  disarm,"  continued 
William  of  Orange;  "  he  invites  you  to  furnish  hostages, 
but  the  time  has  been  when  the  lord  of  the  land  came 
unarmed  and  uncovered,  before  the  estates-general,  and 
swore  to  support  the  constitutions  before  his  own 
sovereignty  could  be  recognized." 

He  reiterated  his  suspicions  as  to  the  honest  intentions 

1  Archives  et  Correspondance,  v.  495.  2  Ibid.,  v.  496. 


76  The  Rise  of  the 

of  the  government,  and  sought,  as  forcibly  as  possible, 
to  infuse  an  equal  distrust  into  the  minds  of  those  he 
addressed.  "  Antwerp,"  said  he,  "  once  the  powerful  and 
blooming,  now  the  most  forlorn  and  desolate  city  of 
Christendom,  suffered  because  she  dared  to  exclude  the 
King's  troops.  You  may  be  sure  that  you  are  all  to  have 
a  place  at  the  same  banquet.  We  may  forget  the  past,  but 
princes  never  forget,  when  the  means  of  vengeance  are 
placed  within  their  hands.  Nature  teaches  them  to  arrive 
at  their  end  by  fraud,  when  violence  will  not  avail  them. 
Like  little  children,  they  whistle  to  the  birds  they  would 
catch.  Promises  and  pretences  they  will  furnish  in 
plenty."1 

He  urged  them  on  no  account  to  begin  any  negotiation 
with  the  Governor,  except  on  the  basis  of  the  immediate 
departure  of  the  soldiery.  "  Make  no  agreement  with 
him,  unless  the  Spanish  and  other  foreign  troops  have 
been  sent  away  beforehand ;  beware,  meantime,  of  dis- 
banding your  own,  for  that  were  to  put  the  knife  into  his 
hands  to  cut  your  own  throats  withal."2  He  then  pro- 
ceeded to  sketch  the  outlines  of  a  negotiation,  such  as 
he  could  recommend.  The  plan  was  certainly  sufficiently 
bold,  and  it  could  hardly  cause  astonishment,  if  it  were 
not  immediately  accepted  by  Don  John,  as  the  basis  of 
an  arrangement.  "  Remember  this  is  not  play,"  said  the 
Prince,  "  and  that  you  have  to  choose  between  the  two, 
either  total  ruin  or  manly  self-defence.  Don  John  must 
command  the  immediate  departure  of  the  Spaniards.  All 
our  privileges  must  be  revised,  and  an  oath  to  maintain 
them  required.  New  councils  of  state  and  finance  must 
be  appointed  by  the  estates.  The  general  assembly  ought 
to  have  power  to  come  together  twice  or  thrice  yearly, 
and,  indeed,  as  often  as  they  choose.  The  states-general 
must  administer  and  regulate  all  affairs.  The  citadels 
must  be  demolished  everywhere.  No  troops  ought  to  be 
enlisted,  nor  garrisons  established,  without  the  consent 
of  the  estates."3 

In  all  the  documents,  whether  public  memorials  or 
private  letters,  which  came  at  this  period  from  the  hand  of 
the  Prince,  he  assumed,  as  a  matter  of  course,  that  in  any 
arrangement  with  the  new  Governor  the  Pacification  of 

1  Letter  to  the  States-General,  goth  of  November,  1576,  in  Bor,  747,  748,  749. 

2  "  Het  ware  hem  het  mes  in  de  hand  gegeven  daer  mede  hy  u  den  hals  soude  afsnyden," 
etc.  -Ibid.,  p.  748.  3  Letter  to  States-General,  etc. 


Dutch  Republic  77 

Ghent  was  to  be  maintained.  This,  too,  was  the  deter- 
mination of  almost  every  man  in  the  country.  Don  John, 
soon  after  his  arrival  at  Luxemburg1,  had  despatched 
messengers  to  the  states-general,  informing1  them  of  his 
arrival.  It  was  not  before  the  close  of  the  month  of 
November  that  the  negotiations  seriously  began.  Provost 
Fonck,  on  the  part  of  the  Governor,  then  informed  them 
of  Don  John's  intention  to  enter  Namur,  attended  by  fifty 
mounted  troopers.1  Permission,  however,  was  resolutely 
refused,  and  the  burghers  of  Namur  were  forbidden  to 
render  oaths  of  fidelity  until  the  Governor  should  have 
complied  with  the  preliminary  demands  of  the  estates.2 
To  enunciate  these  demands  categorically,  a  deputation 
of  the  estates-general  came  to  Luxemburg*.3  These  gen- 
tlemen were  received  with  courtesy  by  Don  John,  but  their 
own  demeanour  was  not  conciliatory.  A  dislike  to  the 
Spanish  government;  a  disloyalty  to  the  monarch  with 
whose  brother  and  representative  they  were  dealing1, 
pierced  through  all  their  language.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  ardent  temper  of  Don  John  was  never  slow  to  take 
offence.  One  of  the  deputies  proposed  to  the  Governor, 
with  great  coolness,  that  he  should  assume  the  govern- 
ment in  his  own  name,  and  renounce  the  authority  of 
Philip.  Were  he  willing  to  do  so,  the  patriotic  gentleman 
pledged  himself  that  the  provinces  would  at  once  acknow- 
ledge him  as  sovereign,  and  sustain  his  government.  Don 
John,  enraged  at  the  insult  to  his  own  loyalty  which  the 
proposition  implied,  drew  his  dagger  and  rushed  towards 
the  offender.  The  deputy  would,  probably,  have  paid  for 
his  audacity  with  his  life  had  there  not  been  by-standers 
enough  to  prevent  the  catastrophe.  This  scene  was  an 
unsatisfactory  prelude  to  the  opening  negotiations.4 

On  the  6th  of  December  the  deputies  presented  to  the 
Governor  at  Luxemburg  a  paper,  containing  their  de- 
mands, drawn  up  in  eight  articles,  and  their  concessions 

1  EOT,  x.  761.  2  Ibid.  S  Ibid.,  x.  762. 

4  Strada,  x.  512.  The  anecdote  is,  however,  related  differently  by  other  historians, 
according  to  some  of  whom  the  intimation  was  made  indirectly  on  the  part  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  through  Elbertus  Leoninus  to  Don  John,  that  if  he  chose  to  assume  the 
sovereignty  himself,  he  might  rely  on  the  support  of  the  Protestants  and  patriot  party. 
According  to  the  same  authorities,  Don  John  neither  accepted  nor  rejected  the  offer. — See 
Ev.  Reid,  ann.  ii.  27  ;  Wagenaer,  vii.  237. — Compare  V.  d.  Vynckt,  who  relates  the  cir- 
cumstance much  in  the  same  manner  as  Strada.  V.  d.  Vyuckt,  ii.  227,  228. — Also  Tassis, 
iii.  241,  who  states  that  the  Governor  was  so  angry  with  the  deputy — "  ut  punire  audaciam 
propriis  manibus  vix  abstinuerit." — Compare  J.  P.  Van  Cappelle,  Elb.  Leoninus  in  Bijdragen 
tot  de  Gesch.  der  Ned.,  47-49.  The  story  of  Reid  is  entirely  improbable,  and  is  consistent 
with  the  character  of  neither  of  the  principal  personages  implicated. 


78  The  Rise  of  the 

in  ten.1  The  states  insisted  on  the  immediate  removal  of 
the  troops,  with  the  understanding  that  they  were  never 
to  return,  but  without  prohibition  of  their  departure  by 
sea ;  they  demanded  the  immediate  release  of  all  prisoners ; 
they  insisted  on  the  maintenance  of  the  Ghent  treaty, 
there  being  nothing  therein  which  did  not  tend  to  the 
furtherance  of  the  Catholic  religion;  they  claimed  an  act 
of  amnesty;  they  required  the  convocation  of  the  states- 
general,  on  the  basis  of  that  assembly  before  which  took 
place  the  abdication  of  Charles  the  Fifth;  they  demanded 
an  oath,  on  the  part  of  Don  John,  to  maintain  all  the 
charters  and  customs  of  the  country. 

Should  these  conditions  be  complied  with,  the  deputies 
consented,  on  the  part  of  the  estates,  that  he  should  be 
acknowledged  as  Governor,  and  that  the  Catholic  religion 
and  the  authority  of  his  Majesty  should  be  maintained. 
They  agreed  that  all  foreign  leagues  should  be  renounced, 
their  own  foreign  soldiery  disbanded,  and  a  guard  of 
honour,  native  Netherlanders,  such  as  his  Majesty  was 
contented  with  at  his  "  Blythe  Entrance,"  provided.  A 
truce  of  fifteen  days,  for  negotiations,  was  furthermore 
proposed.2 

Don  John  made  answer  to  these  propositions  by  adding 
a  brief  comment,  as  apostille,3  upon  each  of  the  eighteen 
articles,  in  succession.  He  would  send  away  the  troops, 
but,  at  the  same  time,  the  states  must  disband  their  own. 
He  declined  engaging  himself  not  to  recall  his  foreign 
soldiery,  should  necessity  require  their  service.  With 
regard  to  the  Ghent  Pacification,  he  professed  himself 
ready  for  a  general  peace  negotiation,  on  condition  that 
the  supremacy  of  the  Catholic  Church  and  the  authority 
of  his  Majesty  were  properly  secured.  He  would  settle 
upon  some  act  of  amnesty  after  due  consultation  with  the 
State  Council.  He  was  willing  that  the  states  should  be 
convoked  in  general  assembly,  provided  sufficient  security 
were  given  him  that  nothing  should  be  there  transacted 
prejudicial  to  the  Catholic  religion  and  the  King's  sove- 
reignty. As  for  their  privileges,  he  would  govern  as 
had  been  done  in  the  time  of  his  imperial  father.  He 
expressed  his  satisfaction  with  most  of  the  promises 
offered  by  the  estates,  particularly  with  their  expression 
in  favour  of  the  Church  and  of  his  Majesty's  authority; 

1  See  the  articles  in  Bor,  x.  762,  763.  2  Ibid. 

3  Bor,  x.  762,  763. 


Dutch  Republic  79 

the  two  all-important  points  to  secure  which  he  had  come 
thither  unattended,  at  the  peril  of  his  life  :  but  he  received 
their  offer  of  a  body-guard,  by  which  his  hirelings  were 
to  be  superseded,  with  very  little  gratitude.  He  was  on 
the  point,  he  said,  of  advancing  as  far  as  Marche  en 
Famine,  and  should  take  with  him  as  strong  a  guard  as 
he  considered  necessary,  and  composed  of  such  troops 
as  he  had  at  hand.1  Nothing  decisive  came  of  this  first 
interview.  The  parties  had  taken  the  measures  of  their 
mutual  claims,  and  after  a  few  days'  fencing  with  apos- 
tilles,  replies,  and  rejoinders,  they  separated,  their  acri- 
mony rather  inflamed  than  appeased. 

The  departure  of  the  troops  and  the  Ghent  treaty 
were  the  vital  points  in  the  negotiation.  The  estates  had 
originally  been  content  that  the  troops  should  go  by  sea. 
Their  suspicions  were,  however,  excited  by  the  pertinacity 
with  which  Don  John  held  to  this  mode  of  removal. 
Although  they  did  not  suspect  the  mysterious  invasion  of 
England,  a  project  which  was  the  real  reason  why  the 
Governor  objected  to  their  departure  by  land,2  yet  they 
soon  became  aware  that  he  had  been  secretly  tampering 
with  the  troops  at  every  point.  The  effect  of  these  secret 
negotiations  with  the  leading  officers  of  the  army  was  a 
general  expression  of  their  unwillingness,  on  account  of 
the  lateness  of  the  season,  the  difficult  and  dangerous 
condition  of  the  roads  and  mountain-passes,  the  plague  in 
Italy,  and  other  pretexts,  to  undertake  so  long  a  journey 
by  land.3  On  the  other  hand,  the  states,  seeing  the 
anxiety  and  the  duplicity  of  Don  John  upon  this  par- 
ticular point,  came  to  the  resolution  to  thwart  him  at  all 
hazards,  and  insisted  on  the  land  journey.  Too  long  a 
time,  too  much  money,  too  many  ships  would  be  neces- 
sary, they  said,  to  forward  so  large  a  force  by  sea,  and 
in  the  meantime  it  would  be  necessary  to  permit  them 
to  live  for  another  indefinite  period  at  the  charge  of  the 
estates.4 

With  regard  to  the  Ghent  Pacification,  the  estates,  in 
the  course  of  December,  procured  an  express  opinion  from 
the  eleven  professors  of  theology,  and  doctors  utriusque 
juris  of  Louvain,  that  the  treaty  contained  nothing  which 
conflicted  with  the  supremacy  of  the  Catholic  religion.5 

1  Bor,  x.  762,  763.  2  Bor,  x.  765.     Hoofd,  xi.  479.— Compare  Strada,  ix.  420. 

3  Bor,  x.  765,  766.     _  4  Bor,  x.  766.     Hoofd,  479,  48o. 

fi  See  the  document  In  Bor,  x.  766. 


8o  The  Rise  of  the 

The  various  bishops,  deacons,  abbots,  and  pastors  of  the 
Netherlands  made  a  similar  decision.1  An  elaborate  paper, 
drawn  up  by  the  State  Council,  at  the  request  of  the  states- 
general,  declared  that  there  was  nothing  in  the  Pacifica- 
tion derogatory  to  the  supreme  authority  of  his  Majesty.2 
Thus  fortified  with  opinions  which,  it  must  be  confessed, 
were  rather  dogmatically  than  argumentatively  drawn 
up,  and  which  it  would  have  been  difficult  very  logically 
to  defend,  the  states  looked  forward  confidently  to  the 
eventual  acceptance  by  Don  John  of  the  terms  proposed. 
In  the  meantime,  while  there  was  still  an  indefinite  pause 
in  the  negotiations,  a  remarkable  measure  came  to  aid 
the  efficacy  of  the  Ghent  Pacification. 

Early  in  January,  1577,  the  celebrated  "  Union  of 
Brussels  "  was  formed.3  This  important  agreement  was 
originally  signed  by  eight  leading  personages,  the  Abbot 
of  Saint  Gertrude,  the  Counts  Lalain  and  Bossu,  and  the 
Seigneur  de  Champagny  being  among  the  number.  Its 
tenor  was  to  engage  its  signers  to  compass  the  immediate 
expulsion  of  the  Spaniards  and  the  execution  of  the  Ghent 
Pacification,  to  maintain  the  Catholic  religion  and  the 
King's  authority,  and  to  defend  the  fatherland  and  all  its 
constitutions.  Its  motive  was  to  generalize  the  position 
assumed  by  the  Ghent  treaty.  The  new  act  was  to  be 
signed,  not  by  a  few  special  deputies  alone,  like  a  diplo- 
matic convention,  but  by  all  the  leading  individuals  of  all 
the  provinces,  in  order  to  exhibit  to  Don  John  such  an 
array  of  united  strength  that  he  would  find  himself  forced 
to  submit  to  the  demands  of  the  estates.4  The  tenor, 
motive,  and  effect  were  all  as  had  been  proposed  and  fore- 
seen. The  agreement  to  expel  the  Spaniards,  under  the 
Catholic  and  loyal  manifestations  indicated,  passed  from 
hand  to  hand  through  all  the  provinces.  It  soon  received 
the  signature  and  support  of  all  the  respectability,  wealth, 
and  intelligence  of  the  whole  country.  Nobles,  ecclesi- 
astics, citizens,  hastened  to  give  to  it  their  adhesion. 
The  states-general  had  sent  it,  by  solemn  resolution,  to 
every  province,  in  order  that  every  man  might  be  forced 
to  range  himself  either  upon  the  side  of  the  fatherland 
or  of  despotism.  Two  copies  of  the  signatures  procured 
in  each  province  were  ordered,  of  which  one  was  to  be 

1  See  the  document  in  Eor.  x.  766.  2  Bor,  x.  768.     Opinion  of  the  State  Council. 

3  De  Jonghe,  De  Unie  van  Brussel.     Dewez  Hist.  Gen.  de  la  Belg.,  vi.  58,  59.     Groea 
v.  Prinsterer,  v.  589,  sqq.     Bor,  x.  769. 

4  Bor,  x.  769,  770,  and  Meteren,  vi.  116,  117. 


Dutch  Republic  81 

deposited  in  its  archives,  and  the  other  forwarded  to  Brus- 
sels. In  a  short  time,  every  province,  with  the  single 
exception  of  Luxemburg-,  had  loaded  the  document  with 
signatures.  This  was  a  great  step  in  advance.  The 
Ghent  Pacification,  which  was  in  the  nature  of  a  treaty 
between  the  Prince  and  the  estates  of  Holland  and  Zeland 
on  the  one  side,  and  a  certain  number  of  provinces  on 
the  other,  had  only  been  signed  by  the  envoys  of  the 
contracting  parties.  Though  received  with  deserved  and 
universal  acclamation,  it  had  not  the  authority  of  a 
popular  document.  This,  however,  was  the  character 
studiously  impressed  upon  the  "  Brussels  Union."  The 
people,  subdivided  according  to  the  various  grades  of  their 
social  hierarchy,  had  been  solemnly  summoned  to  council, 
and  had  deliberately  recorded  their  conviction.  No  re- 
straint had  been  put  upon  their  freedom  of  action,  and 
there  was  hardly  a  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  necessity 
of  the  measure.1 

A  rapid  revolution  in  Friesland,  Groningen,  and  the 
dependencies,  had  recently  restored  that  important  country 
to  the  national  party.  The  Portuguese  De  Billy  had  been 
deprived  of  his  authority  as  King's  stadholder,  and  Count 
Hoogstraaten's  brother,  Baron  de  Ville,  afterwards  as 
Count  Renneberg  infamous  for  his  treason  to  the  cause 
of  liberty,  had  been  appointed  by  the  estates  in  his  room.2 
In  all  this  district  the  "  Union  of  Brussels  "  was  eagerly 
signed  by  men  of  every  degree.  Holland  and  Zeland, 
no  less  than  the  Catholic  provinces  of  the  south,  willingly 
accepted  the  compromise  which  was  thus  laid  down,  and 
which  was  thought  to  be  not  only  an  additional  security 
for  the  past,  not  only  a  pillar  more  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  Ghent  Pacification,  but  also  a  sure  precursor  of  a 
closer  union  in  the  future.  The  Union  of  Brussels  became, 
in  fact,  the  stepping-stone  to  the  "  Union  of  Utrecht,'* 
itself  the  foundation-stone  of  a  republic  destined  to  endure 
more  than  two  centuries.  On  the  other  hand,  this  early 
union  held  the  seed  of  its  own  destruction  within  itself. 
It  was  not  surprising,  however,  that  a  strong  declaration 
in  favour  of  the  Catholic  religion  should  be  contained  in 
a  document  intended  for  circulation  through  all  the  pro- 
vinces. The  object  was  to  unite  as  large  a  force,  and  to 

1  De  Jonghe,  De  Unie  van  Brussel.  Hoofd,  xi.  479,  480.  Meteren,  vi.  116.  Dewez 
Hist.  Gen.  de  la  Belgique,  vi.  c.  ix.  56-68. — Compare  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  etc.,  v. 
589,  sqq.  a  Ror,  x.  750-752.  Hoofd,  xi.  473-475- 


82  The  Rise  of  the 

make  as  striking  a  demonstration  before  the  eyes  of  the 
Governor-General,  as  was  practicable  under  the  circum- 
stances. The  immediate  purpose  was  answered,  a  tem- 
porary union  was  formed,  but  it  was  impossible  that  it 
should  be  permanent  where  so  strong  a  dissolvent  as  the 
Catholic  clause  had  been  admitted.  In  the  sequel,  there- 
fore, the  union  fell  asunder  precisely  at  this  fatal  flaw. 
The  immediate  effect,  however,  of  the  "  Brussels  Union  " 
was  to  rally  all  lovers  of  the  fatherland  and  haters  of  a 
foreign  tyranny  upon  one  vital  point — the  expulsion  of 
the  stranger  from  the  land.  The  foot  of  the  Spanish 
soldier  should  no  longer  profane  their  soil.  All  men  were 
forced  to  pronounce  themselves  boldly  and  unequivocally, 
in  order  that  the  patriots  might  stand  shoulder  to  shoul- 
der, and  the  traitors  be  held  up  to  infamy.  This  measure 
was  in  strict  accordance  with  the  advice  given  more  than 
once  by  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  was  almost  in  literal 
fulfilment  of  the  Compromise,  which  he  had  sketched 
before  the  arrival  of  Don  John.1 

The  deliberations  were  soon  resumed  with  the  new 
Governor,  the  scene  being  shifted  from  Luxemburg  to 
Huy.2  Hither  came  a  fresh  deputation  from  the  states- 
general — many  signers  of  the  "  Brussels  Union  "  among 
them — and  were  received  by  Don  John  with  stately  courtesy. 
They  had,  however,  come,  determined  to  carry  matters 
with  a  high  and  firm  hand,  being  no  longer  disposed  to 
brook  his  imperious  demeanour,  nor  to  tolerate  his 
dilatory  policy.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  the 
•courtesy  soon  changed  to  bitterness,  and  that  attack  and 
recrimination  usurped  the  place  of  the  dignified  but  empty 
formalities  which  had  characterized  the  interviews  at 
Luxemburg.3 

The  envoys,  particularly  Sweveghem  and  Champagny, 
made  no  concealment  of  their  sentiments  towards  the 
Spanish  soldiery  and  the  Spanish  nation,  and  used  a 
freedom  of  tone  and  language  which  the  petulant  soldier 
had  not  been  accustomed  to  hear.  He  complained,  at  the 
outset,  that  the  Netherlanders  seemed  new-born — that 
instead  of  bending  the  knee,  they  seemed  disposed  to 
grasp  the  sceptre.  Insolence  had  taken  the  place  of 
pliancy,  and  the  former  slave  now  applied  the  chain  and 
whip  to  his  master.  With  such  exacerbation  of  temper  at 

1  Avis  du  Prince  d' Orange,  etc.,  Archives,  etc.,  v.  437,  sqq. 
a  Bor,  x.  771.  3  Bor,  x.  772,  773.     Tassis,  iii.  246. 


Dutch  Republic  83 

the  commencement  of  negotiations,  their  progress  was 
of  necessity  stormy  and  slow.1 

The  envoys  now  addressed  three  concise  questions  to  the 
Governor.  Was  he  satisfied  that  the  Ghent  Pacification 
contained  nothing  conflicting  with  the  Roman  religion  and 
the  King's  authority?  If  so,  was  he  willing  to  approve 
that  treaty  in  all  its  articles?  Was  he  ready  to  dismiss 
his  troops  at  once,  and  by  land,  the  sea  voyage  being 
liable  to  too  many  objections  ?  2 

Don  John  answered  these  three  questions — which,  in 
reality,  were  but  three  forms  of  a  single  question — upon 
the  same  day,  the  24th  of  January.  His  reply  was  as 
complex  as  the  demand  had  been  simple.  It  consisted  of 
a  proposal  in  six  articles,  and  a  requisition  in  twenty-one, 
making  in  all  twenty-seven  articles.  Substantially  he  pro- 
posed to  dismiss  the  foreign  troops — to  effect  a  general 
pacification  of  the  Netherlands — to  govern  on  the  basis 
of  the  administration  in  his  imperial  father's  reign — to 
arrange  affairs  in  and  with  regard  to  the  assembly- 
general  as  the  King  should  judge  to  be  fitting — to  forgive 
and  forget  past  offences — and  to  release  all  prisoners.  On 
the  other  hand  he  required  the  estates  to  pay  the  troops 
before  their  departure,  and  to  provide  ships  enough  to 
transport  them,  as  the  Spaniards  did  not  choose  to  go  by 
land,  and  as  the  deputies  at  Luxemburg  had  consented  to 
their  removal  by  sea.  Furthermore,  he  demanded  that 
the  states  should  dismiss  their  own  troops.  He  required 
ecclesiastical  authority  to  prove  the  Ghent  Pacification  not 
prejudicial  to  the  Catholic  religion;  legal  authority  that  it 
was  not  detrimental  to  his  Majesty's  supremacy;  and  an 
oath  from  the  states-general  to  uphold  both  points  in- 
violably, and  to  provide  for  their  maintenance  in  Holland 
and  Zeland.  He  claimed  the  right  to  employ  about  his 
person  soldiers  and  civil  functionaries  of  any  nation  he 
might  choose,  and  he  exacted  from  the  states  a  promise 
to  prevent  the  Prince  of  Orange  from  removing  his  son, 
Count  van  Buren,  forcibly  or  fraudulently,  from  his 
domicile  in  Spain.3 

The  deputies  were  naturally  indignant  at  this  elaborate 
trifling.  They  had,  in  reality,  asked  him  but  one  ques- 
tion, and  that  a  simple  one — Would  he  maintain  the 

1  " Austriacum  non  lenibus  nee  modestis  modis  sed  loris  ac  fustibus  ut  servum  ad 

suam  voluntatem  adigere,"  etc.  — Tassis,  iii.  246. 

2  Bor,  x.  773.  a  Articles  in  Bor.  x.  772,  773. 


84 


The  Rise  of  the 


treaty  of  Ghent?  Here  were  twenty-seven  articles  in 
reply,  and  yet  no  answer  to  that  question.  They  sat  up 
all  night,  preparing  a  violent  protocol,  by  which  the 
Governor's  claims  were  to  be  utterly  demolished.  Early 
in  the  morning,  they  waited  upon  his  Highness,  presented 
the  document,  and  at  the  same  time  asked  him  plainly,  by 
word  of  mouth,  did  he  or  did  he  not  intend  to  uphold  the 
treaty.  Thus  pressed  into  a  corner  in  presence  of  the 
deputies,  the  members  of  the  State  Council  who  were  in 
attendance  from  Brussels,  and  the  envoys  whom  the 
Emperor  had  recently  sent  to  assist  at  these  deliberations, 
the  Governor  answered,  No.  He  would  not  and  could  not 
maintain  the  treaty,  because  the  Spanish  troops  were  in 
that  instrument  denounced  as  rebels,  because  he  would  not 
consent  to  the  release  of  Count  van  Buren — and  on  account 
of  various  other  reasons  not  then  specified.1  Hereupon 
ensued  a  fierce  debate,  and  all  day  long  the  altercation 
lasted,  without  a  -result  being  reached.  At  ten  o'clock  in 
the  evening,  the  deputies  having  previously  retired  for 
a  brief  interval,  returned  with  a  protest2  that  they  were 
not  to  be  held  responsible  for  the  termination  of  the 
proceedings,  and  that  they  washed  their  hands  of  the 
bloodshed  which  might  follow  the  rupture.  Upon  reading 
this  document,  Don  John  fell  into  a  blazing  passion.  He 
vehemently  denounced  the  deputies  as  traitors.  He  swore 
that  men  who  came  to  him  thus  prepared  with  ready-made 
protests  in  their  pockets,  were  rebels  from  the  commence- 
ment, and  had  never  intended  any  agreement  with  him. 
His  language  and  gestures  expressed  unbounded  fury. 
He  was  weary  of  their  ways,  he  said.  They  had  better 
look  to  themselves,  for  the  King  would  never  leave  their 
rebellion  unpunished.  He  was  ready  to  draw  the  sword 
at  once — not  his  own,  but  his  Majesty's,  and  they  might 
be  sure  that  the  war  which  they  were  thus  provoking, 
should  be  the  fiercest  ever  waged.3  More  abusive  language 
in  this  strain  was  uttered,  but  it  was  not  heard  with  lamb- 
like submission.  The  day  had  gone  by  when  the  deputies 
of  the  states-general  were  wont  to  quail  before  the  wrath 
of  vicarious  royalty.  The  fiery  words  of  Don  John  were 
not  oil  to  troubled  water,  but  a  match  to  a  mine.  The 
passions  of  the  deputies  exploded  in  their  turn,  and 
from  hot  words  they  had  nearly  come  to  hard  blows. 
One  of  the  deputies  replied  with  so  much  boldness  and 

1  Eor,  x.  772,  774.  2  See  the  protest  in  Bor,  x.  774,  775.  3  Bor,  x.  775. 


Dutch  Republic  85 

vehemence  that  the  Governor,  seizing  a  heavy  silver  bell 
which  stood  on  the  table,  was  about  to  hurl  it  at  the 
offender's  head,  when  an  energetic  and  providential  inter- 
ference on  the  part  of  the  imperial  envoys,  prevented 
the  unseemly  catastrophe.1 

The  day  thus  unprofitably  spent,  had  now  come  to  its 
close,  and  the  deputies  left  the  presence  of  Don  John 
with  tempers  as  inflamed  as  his  own.  They  were,  there- 
fore, somewhat  surprised  at  being  awakened  in  their  beds, 
after  midnight,  by  a  certain  Father  Trigoso,  who  came 
to  them  with  a  conciliatory  message  from  the  Governor. 
While  they  were  still  rubbing  their  eyes  with  sleep  and 
astonishment,  the  Duke  of  Aerschot,  the  Bishop  of  Liege, 
and  several  councillors  of  state,  entered  the  room.  These 
personages  brought  the  news  that  Don  John  had  at  last 
consented  to  maintain  the  Pacification  of  Ghent,  as  would 
appear  by  a  note  written  in  his  own  hand,  which  was  then 
delivered.  The  billet  was  eagerly  read,  but  unfortunately 
did  not  fulfil  the  anticipations  which  had  been  excited. 
"  I  agree,"  said  Don  John,  "  to  approve  the  peace  made 
between  the  states  and  the  Prince  of  Orange,  on  con- 
dition that  nothing  therein  may  seem  detrimental  to  the 
authority  of  his  Majesty  and  the  supremacy  of  the  Catholic 
religion,  and  also  with  reservation  of  the  points  mentioned 
in  my  last  communication."2 

Men  who  had  gone  to  bed  in  a  high  state  of  indignation 
were  not  likely  to  wake  in  much  better  humour,  when 
suddenly  aroused  in  their  first  nap,  to  listen  to  such  a 
message  as  this.  It  seemed  only  one  piece  of  trifling  the 
more.  The  deputies  had  offered  satisfactory  opinions  of 
divines  and  jurisconsults,  as  to  the  two  points  specified 
which  concerned  the  Ghent  treaty.  It  was  natural,  there- 
fore, that  this  vague  condition  concerning  them,  the 
determination  of  which  was  for  the  Governor's  breast 
alone,  should  be  instantly  rejected,  and  that  the  envoys 
should  return  to  their  disturbed  slumbers  with  an  increase 
of  ill-humour. 

On  the  morrow,  as  the  envoys,  booted  and  spurred, 
were  upon  the  point  of  departure  for  Brussels,  another 
communication  was  brought  to  them  from  Don  John.3 
This  time,  the  language  of  the  Governor  seemed  more  to 
the  purpose.  "  I  agree,"  said  he,  "  to  maintain  the  peace 
concluded  between  the  estates  and  the  Prince  of  Orange, 

*  Tassis,  iii.  246.  2  Bor,  x.  775.  3  Ibid. 


86  The  Rise  of  the 

on  condition  of  receiving  from  the  ecclesiastical  authori- 
ties, and  from  the  University  of  Louvain,  satisfactory 
assurance  that  the  said  treaty  contains  nothing-  derogatory 
to  the  Catholic  religion — and  similar  assurance  from  the 
State  Council,  the  Bishop  of  Liege,  and  the  imperial 
envoys,  that  the  treaty  is  in  no  wise  prejudicial  to  the 
authority  of  his  Majesty."  Here  seemed,  at  last,  some- 
thing definite.  These  conditions  could  be  complied  with. 
The  assurances  required  as  to  the  two  points  had  already 
been  procured,  as  the  deputies  and  as  Don  John  well 
knew.  The  Pacification  of  Ghent  was,  therefore,  virtually 
admitted.  The  deputies  waited  upon  the  Governor  accord- 
ingly, and  the  conversation  was  amicable.  They  vainly 
endeavoured,  however,  to  obtain  his  consent  to  the  de- 
parture of  the  troops  by  land — the  only  point  then  left 
in  dispute.  Don  John,  still  clinging  to  his  secret  scheme, 
with  which  the  sea  voyage  of  the  troops  was  so  closely 
connected,  refused  to  concede.  He  reproached  the  envoys, 
on  the  contrary,  with  their  importunity  in  making  a  fresh 
demand,  just  as  he  had  conceded  the  Ghent  treaty,  upon 
his  entire  responsibility,  and  without  instructions.  Men- 
tally resolving  that  this  point  should  still  be  wrung  from 
the  Governor,  but  not  suspecting  his  secret  motives  for 
resisting  it  so  strenuously,  the  deputies  took  an  amicable 
farewell  of  the  Governor,  promising  a  favourable  report 
upon  the  proceedings,  as  soon  as  they  should  arrive  in 
Brussels.1 

Don  John,  having  conceded  so  much,  was  soon  obliged 
to  concede  the  whole.  The  Emperor  Rudolph  had  lately 
succeeded  his  father,  Maximilian.2  The  deceased  poten- 
tate, whose  sentiments  on  the  great  subject  of  religious 
toleration  were  so  much  in  harmony  with  those  enter- 
tained by  the  Prince  of  Orange,  had,  on  the  whole,  not- 
withstanding the  ties  of  relationship  and  considerations 
of  policy,  uniformly  befriended  the  Netherlands,  so  far 
as  words  and  protestations  could  go,  at  the  court  of 
Philip.  Active  co-operation,  practical  assistance,  he  had 
certainly  not  rendered.  He  had  unquestionably  been  too 
much  inclined  to  accomplish  the  impossibility  of  assisting 
the  states  without  offending  the  King — an  effort  which, 
in  the  homely  language  of  Hans  Jenitz,  was  "  like  wishing 
his  skin  washed  without  being  wet."  3  He  had  even  inter- 

1  Bor,  x.  775.  2  The  Emperor  Maximilian  died  on  the  i2th  of  October,  1576. 

3  " und  gehts  nach  dem  sprichwort,  wasche  mir  den  beltz  und  mache  mir  ihn  nichfc 

nasz."— MS.  cited  by  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  etc.,  v.  725. 


Dutch  Republic  87 

posed  many  obstacles  to  the  free  action  of  the  Prince,  as 
has  been  seen  in  the  course  of  this  history,  but  neverthe- 
less, the  cause  of  the  Netherlands,  of  religion,  and  of 
humanity  had  much  to  lose  by  his  death.  His  eldest  son 
and  successor,  Rudolph  the  Second,  was  an  ardent 
Catholic,  whose  relations  with  a  proscribed  prince  and 
a  reformed  population  could  hardly  remain  long  in  a 
satisfactory  state.  The  new  Emperor  had,  however,  re* 
ceived  the  secret  envoys  of  Orange  with  bounty,1  and  was 
really  desirous  of  accomplishing  the  pacification  of  the 
provinces.  His  envoys  had  assisted  at  all  the  recent  de- 
liberations between  the  estates  and  Don  John,  and  their 
vivid  remonstrances  removed,  at  this  juncture,  the  last 
objection  on  the  part  of  the  Governor-General.  With  a 
secret  sigh,  he  deferred  the  darling  and  mysterious  hope 
which  had  lighted  him  to  the  Netherlands,  and  consented 
to  the  departure  of  the  troops  by  land.2 

All  obstacles  having  been  thus  removed,  the  memorable 
treaty  called  the  Perpetual  Edict  was  signed  at  Marche 
en  Famine  on  the  i2th,  and  at  Brussels  on  the  lyth  of 
February,  I577-3  This  document,  issued  in  the  name  of 
the  King,  contained  nineteen  articles.  It  approved  and 
ratified  the  peace  of  Ghent,  in  consideration  that  the 
prelates  and  clergy,  with  the  doctors  utriusque  juris  of 
Louvain,  had  decided  that  nothing  in  that  treaty  conflicted 
either  with  the  supremacy  of  the  Catholic  Church  or  the 
authority  of  the  King,  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  it 
advanced  the  interests  of  both.4  It  promised  that  the 
soldiery  should  depart  "  freely,  frankly,  and  without  delay,. 
by  land,5  never  to  return  except  in  case  of  foreign  war  " — 
the  Spaniards  to  set  forth  within  forty  days,  the  Germans 
and  others  so  soon  as  arrangements  had  been  made  by 
the  states-general  for  their  payment.  It  settled  that  alf 
prisoners,  on  both  sides,  should  be  released,  excepting  the 
Count  van  Buren,  who  was  to  be  set  free  so  soon  as  the 
states-general,  having  been  convoked,  the  Prince  of 
Orange  should  have  fulfilled  the  resolutions  to  be  passed 
by  that  assembly.  It  promised  the  maintenance  of  all  the 
privileges,  charters,  and  constitutions  of  the  Netherlands. 
It  required  of  the  states  an  oath  to  maintain  the  Catholic 

1  Archives,  etc.,  v.  426.  2  Bor>  x.  786. 

8  Bor,  x.   786-789.      Hoofd,  xi.   485-487.      Meteren,  vi    f.   117-119.     Cabrera,  xi.  901, 
902.     Strada,  ix.  430.     Bor  and  Meteren  publish  the  treaty  in  full. 

4  Art.  2 — "  Niet  nadelig  maer  ter  contrarie  tot  vordering  van  de  selve,"  etc. 
6  Art.  3 — "  Te  lr.nde,  vry,  vrank  en  onbelet,"  etc. 


88  The  Rise  of  the 

religion.  It  recorded  their  agreement  to  disband  their 
troops.  It  settled  that  Don  John  should  be  received 
as  Governor-General,  immediately  upon  the  departure 
of  the  Spaniards,  Italians,  and  Burgundians  from  the 
provinces.1 

These  were  the  main  provisions  of  this  famous  treaty, 
which  was  confirmed  a  few  weeks  afterwards  by  Philip, 
in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  states  of  Brabant,  and  by  an 
edict  issued  at  Madrid.2  It  will  be  seen  that  everything 
required  by  the  envoys  of  the  states,  at  the  commence- 
ment of  their  negotiations,  had  been  conceded  by  Don 
John.  They  had  claimed  the  departure  of  the  troops, 
either  by  land  or  sea.  He  had  resisted  the  demand  a  long 
time,  but  had  at  last  consented  to  despatch  them  by  sea. 
Their  departure  by  land  had  then  been  insisted  upon. 
This  again  he  had  most  reluctantly  conceded.  The  rati- 
fication of  the  Ghent  treaty  he  had  peremptorily  refused. 
He  had  come  to  the  provinces  at  the  instant  of  its  con- 
clusion, and  had,  of  course,  no  instructions  on  the  subject. 
Nevertheless,  slowly  receding,  he  had  agreed,  under  cer- 
tain reservations,  to  accept  the  treaty.  These  reservations 
relating  to  the  great  points  of  Catholic  and  royal  supremacy, 
he  insisted  upon  subjecting  to  his  own  judgment  alone. 
Again  he  was  overruled.  Most  unwillingly  he  agreed  to 
accept,  instead  of  his  own  conscientious  conviction,  the 
dogmas  of  the  State  Council  and  of  the  Louvain  doctors. 
Not  seeing  very  clearly  how  a  treaty  which  abolished  the 
edicts  of  Charles  the  Fifth  and  the  ordinances  of  Alva — 
which  removed  the  religious  question  in  Holland  and 
Zeland  from  the  King's  jurisdiction  to  that  of  the  states- 
general — which  had  caused  persecution  to  surcease — had 
established  toleration — and  which,  moreover,  had  con- 
firmed the  arch  rebel  and  heretic  of  all  the  Netherlands 
in  the  government  of  the  two  rebellious  and  heretic  pro- 
vinces as  stadholder  for  the  King — not  seeing  very 
clearly  how  such  a  treaty  was  "  advantageous  rather 
than  prejudicial  to  royal  absolutism  and  an  exclusive 
Catholicism,"  he  naturally  hesitated  at  first. 

The  Governor  had  thus  disconcerted  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  not  by  the  firmness  of  his  resistance,  but  by  the 
amplitude  of  his  concessions.  The  combinations  of  William 
the  Silent  were,  for  an  instant,  deranged.  Had  the  Prince 

and  16. 


1  See  in  particular  Articles  8,  10,  IT,  and 

2  Bor,  x.  789,  790.    V.  d.  Vynckt,  ii.  232. 


Dutch  Republic  89 

expected  such  liberality,  he  would  have  placed  his  demands 
upon  a  higher  basis,  for  it  is  not  probable  that  he  con- 
templated or  desired  a  pacification.    The  Duke  of  Aerschot 
and  the  Bishop  of  Liege  in  vain  essayed  to  prevail  upon 
his  deputies  at  Marche  en  Famine  to  sign  the  agreement  of 
the  27th  January,  upon  which  was  founded  the  Perpetual 
Edict.1    They    refused   to   do   so   without   consulting   the 
Prince   and   the   estates.      Meantime,   the  other   commis- 
sioners   forced    the    affair    rapidly   forward.       The    states 
sent  a  deputation  to  the  Prince  to  ask  his  opinion,  and 
signed   the   agreement  before  it  was   possible  to   receive 
his  reply.2     This  was  to  treat  him  with  little  courtesy,  if 
not   absolutely  with   bad   faith.      The   Prince   was   disap- 
pointed and  indignant.     In  truth,  as  it  appeared  from  all 
his  language  and   letters,   he  had  no  confidence  in  Don 
John.     He  believed  him  a  consummate  hypocrite,  and  as 
deadly  a  foe  to  the  Netherlands  as  the  Duke  of  Alva  or 
Philip  himself.    He  had  carefully  studied  twenty-five  inter- 
cepted letters  from  the   King,   the  Governor,   Jerome  de 
Roda,   and  others,   placed   recently   in  his   hands   by   the 
Duke    of    Aerschot,3    and    had    found    much    to    confirm 
previous  and  induce  fresh  suspicion.      Only  a  few  days 
previously   to   the   signature  of   the   treaty,   he   had   also 
intercepted     other    letters    from     influential    personages, 
Alonzo  de  Vargas  and  others,  disclosing  extensive  designs 
to  obtain  possession  of  the  strong  places  in  the  country, 
and  then  to  reduce  the  land  to  absolute  subjection.4     He 
had  assured  the  estates,  therefore,  that  the  deliberate  in- 
tention of  the  Government,  throughout  the  whole  negotia- 
tion, was  to  deceive,  whatever  might  be  the  public  lan- 
guage of  Don  John  and  his  agents.     He  implored  them, 
therefore,  to  have  "  pity  upon  the  poor  country,"  and  to 
save  the  people  from  falling  into  the  trap  which  was  laid 
for  them.      From  first  to  last  he  had  expressed  a  deep 
and  wise  distrust,   and  justified  it  by  ample  proofs.     He 
was   with   reason   irritated,   therefore,    at   the  haste  with 
which  the  states  had  concluded  the  agreement  with  Don 
John — at  the  celerity  with  which,   as  he  afterwards   ex- 
pressed it,  "  they  had  rushed  upon  the  boar-spear  of  that 
sanguinary   heart."5      He   believed   that  everything  had 

Bor,  x.  786. 


i.  f.  258.     MS.,  Hague  Archives.  5  Apologie  du  Prince  d'Orange,  p.  98.  ° 


90  The  Rise  of  the 

been  signed  and  sworn  by  the  Governor,  with  the  mental 
reservation  that  such  agreements  were  valid  only  until 
tie  should  repent  having  made  them.  He  doubted  the 
good  faith  and  the  stability  of  the  grand  seigniors.  He 
had  never  felt  confidence  in  the  professions  of  the  time- 
serving Aerschot,  nor  did  he  trust  even  the  brave  Cham- 
pagny,  notwithstanding  his  services  at  the  sack  of  Ant- 
werp. He  was  especially  indignant  that  provision  had 
been  made  not  for  demolishing  but  for  restoring  to  his 
Majesty  those  hateful  citadels,  nests  of  tyranny,  by  which 
the  flourishing  cities  of  the  land  were  kept  in  perpetual 
anxiety.  Whether  in  the  hands  of  King,  nobles,  or 
magistrates,  they  were  equally  odious  to  him,  and  he  had 
long  since  determined  that  they  should  be  razed  to  the 
ground.  In  short,  he  believed  that  the  estates  had  thrust 
their  heads  into  the  lion's  mouth,  and  he  foresaw  the  most 
gloomy  consequences  from  the  treaty  which  had  just  been 
concluded.  He  believed,  to  use  his  own  language,  "  that 
the  only  difference  between  Don  John  and  Alva  or  Re- 
quesens  was,  that  he  was  younger  and  more  foolish  than 
his  predecessors,  less  capable  of  concealing  his  venom, 
more  impatient  to  dip  his  hands  in  blood."  1 

In  the  Pacification  of  Ghent,  the  Prince  had  achieved 
the  price  of  his  life-long  labours.  He  had  banded  a  mass 
of  provinces  by  the  ties  of  a  common  history,  language, 
and  customs,  into  a  league  against  a  foreign  tyranny. 
He  had  grappled  Holland  and  Zeland  to  their  sister 
provinces  by  a  common  love  for  their  ancient  liberties, 
by  a  common  hatred  to  a  Spanish  soldiery.  He  had  exor- 
cised the  evil  demon  of  religious  bigotry  by  which  the  body 
politic  had  been  possessed  so  many  years ;  for  the  Ghent 
treaty,  largely  interpreted,  opened  the  door  to  universal 
toleration.  In  the  Perpetual  Edict  the  Prince  saw  his 
work  undone.  Holland  and  Zeland  were  again  cut 
adrift  from  the  other  fifteen  provinces,  and  war  would 
soon  be  let  loose  upon  that  devoted  little  territory.  The 
article  stipulating  the  maintenance  of  the  Ghent  treaty 
he  regarded  as  idle  wind ;  the  solemn  saws  of  the  State 
Council  and  the  quiddities  from  Louvain  being  likely  to 
prove  but  slender  bulwarks  against  the  returning  tide  of 
tyranny.  Either  it  was  tacitly  intended  to  tolerate  the 

1  Letter  of  Prince  of  Orange  and  the  States  of  Holland,  Bor,  x.  791. — Compare  Groen 
v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  etc.,  v.  559,  sqq.,  and  "  Instruction  from  le  Sieur  de  Haultain,"  etc. 
Archives,  etc.,  v.  579,  sqq.  Apologia  du  Prince  d'Orange,  97. 


Dutch  Republic  91 

reformed  religion,  or  to  hunt  it  down.  To  argue  that  the 
Ghent  treaty,  loyally  interpreted,  strengthened  ecclesi- 
astical or  royal  despotism,  was  to  contend  that  a  maniac 
was  more  dangerous  in  fetters  than  when  armed  with  a 
sword;  it  was  to  be  blind  to  the  difference  between  a 
private  conventicle  and  a  public  scaffold.  The  Perpetual 
Edict,  while  affecting  to  sustain  the  treaty,  would  neces- 
sarily destroy  it  at  a  blow,  while  during  the  brief  interval 
of  repose,  tyranny  would  have  renewed  its  youth.  Was 
it  possible,  then,  for  William  of  Orange  to  sustain  the 
Perpetual  Edict,  the  compromise  with  Don  John?  Ten 
thousand  ghosts  from  the  Lake  of  Harlem,  from  the 
famine  and  plague-stricken  streets  of  Leyden,  from  the 
smoking  ruins  of  Antwerp,  rose  to  warn  him  against  such 
a  composition  with  a  despotism  as  subtle  as  it  was 
remorseless. 

It  was,  therefore,  not  the  policy  of  William  of  Orange, 
suspecting,  as  he  did,  Don  John,  abhorring  Philip,  doubt- 
ing the  Netherland  nobles,  confiding  only  in  the  mass  of 
the  citizens,  to  give  his  support  to  the  Perpetual  Edict. 
He  was  not  the  more  satisfied  because  the  states  had  con- 
cluded the  arrangement  without  his  sanction,  and  against 
his  express  advice.1  He  refused  to  publish  or  recognize 
the  treaty  in  Holland  and  Zeland.2  A  few  weeks  before, 
he  had  privately  laid  before  the  states  of  Holland  and 
Zeland  a  series  of  questions,  in  order  to  test  their  temper, 
asking  them,  in  particular,  whether  they  were  prepared  to 
undertake  a  new  and  sanguinary  war  for  the  sake  of  their 
religion,  even  although  their  other  privileges  should  be 
recognized  by  the  new  government,  and  a  long  and  earnest 
debate  had  ensued,  of  a  satisfactory  nature,  although  no 
positive  resolution  was  passed  upon  the  subject.3  As  soon 
as  the  Perpetual  Edict  had  been  signed,  the  states-general 
had  sent  to  the  Prince,  requesting  his  opinion  and  demand- 
ing his  sanction.4  Orange,  in  the  name  of  Holland  and 
Zeland,  instantly  returned  an  elaborate  answer,5  taking 
grave  exceptions  to  the  whole  tenor  of  the  edict.  He 
complained  that  the  constitution  of  the  land  was  violated, 
because  the  ancient  privilege  of  the  states-general  to 
assemble  at  their  pleasure,  had  been  invaded,  and  because 

1  Apologia  du  Prince  d'Orange,  p.  98. 

2  Letter  of  Prince  of  Orange  and  the  States  of  Holland,  Bor,  x.  791-793. 

3  Bor,  x.  776.  4  Bor,  x.  790.     Hoofd,  xii.  490. 

5  The  letter  is  published  at  length  in  Bor,  x.  790-792. — Compare  Wagenaer,  vii.  144, 
145.     Meteren,  vi.  119.     Cabrera,  xi.  902,  903. 


92  The  Rise  of  the 

the  laws  of  every  province  were  set  at  nought  by  the  con- 
tinued imprisonment  of  Count  van  Buren,  who  had  com- 
mitted no  crime,  and  whose  detention  proved  that  no  man, 
whatever  might  be  promised,  could  expect  security  for  life 
or  liberty.  The  ratification  of  the  Ghent  treaty,  it  was 
insisted,  was  in  no  wise  distinct  and  categorical,  but 
was  made  dependent  on  a  crowd  of  deceitful  subterfuges.1 
He  inveighed  bitterly  against  the  stipulation  in  the  edict, 
that  the  states  should  pay  the  wages  of  the  soldiers,  whom 
they  had  just  proclaimed  to  be  knaves  and  rebels,  and  at 
whose  hands  they  had  suffered  such  monstrous  injuries. 
He  denounced  the  cowardice  which  could  permit  this  band 
of  hirelings  to  retire  with  so  much  jewelry,  merchandize, 
and  plate,  the  result  of  their  robberies.  He  expressed, 
however,  in  the  name  of  the  two  provinces,  a  willingness 
to  sign  the  edict,  provided  the  states-general  would  agree 
solemnly  beforehand,  in  case  the  departure  of  the 
Spaniards  did  not  take  place  within  the  stipulated  time,  to 
abstain  from  all  recognition  of,  or  communication  with 
Don  John,  and  themselves  to  accomplish  the  removal  of 
the  troops  by  force  of  arms.2 

Such  was  the  first  and  solemn  manifesto  made  by  the 
Prince  in  reply  to  the  Perpetual  Edict ;  the  states  of  Hol- 
land and  Zeland  uniting  heart  and  hand  in  all  that  he 
thought,  wrote,  and  said.  His  private  sentiments  were  in 
strict  accordance  with  the  opinions  thus  publicly  recorded. 
"  Whatever  appearance  Don  John  may  assume  to  the  con- 
trary," wrote  the  Prince  to  his  brother,  "  'tis  by  no  means 
his  intention  to  maintain  the  Pacification,  and  less  still  to 
cause  the  Spaniards  to  depart,  with  whom  he  keeps  up  the 
most  strict  correspondence  possible."  3 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Governor  was  most  anxious  to 
conciliate  the  Prince.  He  was  most  earnest  to  win  the 
friendship  of  the  man  without  whom  every  attempt  to 
recover  Holland  and  Zeland,  and  to  re-establish  royal 
and  ecclesiastical  tyranny,  he  knew  to  be  hopeless.  "  This 
is  the  pilot,"  wrote  Don  John  to  Philip,  "  who  guides  the 
bark.  He  alone  can  destroy  or  save  it.  The  greatest 
obstacles  would  be  removed  if  he  could  be  gained."  He 
had  proposed,  and  Philip  had  approved  the  proposition, 
that  the  Count  van  Buren  should  be  clothed  with  his 

1  Letter  of  Prince  of  Orange  and  the  Estates,  Bor,  ubi  sup.— "Tot  een  ontalligkheid 
van  bedreegelijke  uitvluchten,''  etc. 

2  Letter  of  Prince  of  Orange,  etc.  3  Archives,  etc.,  v.  in. 


Dutch  Republic  93 

father's  dignities,  on  condition  that  the  Prince  should  him- 
self retire  into  Germany.1  It  was  soon  evident,  however, 
that  such  a  proposition  would  meet  with  little  favour,  the 
office  of  father  of  his  country  and  protector  of  her  liberties 
not  being  transferable. 

While  at  Louvain,  whither  he  had  gone  after  the 
publication  of  the  Perpetual  Edict,  Don  John  had  con- 
ferred with  the  Duke  of  Aerschot,  and  they  had  decided 
that  it  would  be  well  to  send  Doctor  Leoninus  on  a  private 
mission  to  the  Prince.  Previously  to  his  departure  on  this 
errand,  the  learned  envoy  had  therefore  a  full  conversation 
with  the  Governor.  He  was  charged  to  represent  to  the 
Prince  the  dangers  to  which  Don  John  had  exposed  him- 
self in  coming  from  Spain  to  effect  the  pacification  of  the 
Netherlands.  Leoninus  was  instructed  to  give  assurance 
that  the  treaty  just  concluded  should  be  maintained,  that 
the  Spaniards  should  depart,  that  all  other  promises  should 
be  inviolably  kept,  and  that  the  Governor  would  take  up 
arms  against  all  who  should  oppose  the  fulfilment  of  his 
engagements.  He  was  to  represent  that  Don  John,  in 
proof  of  his  own  fidelity,  had  placed  himself  in  the  power 
of  the  states.  He  was  to  intimate  to  the  Prince  that  an 
opportunity  was  now  offered  him  to  do  the  crown  a  service, 
in  recompence  for  which  he  would  obtain,  not  only  pardon 
for  his  faults,  but  the  favour  of  the  monarch,  and  all  the 
honours  which  could  be  desired ;  that  by  so  doing  he  would 
assure  the  future  prosperity  of  his  family;  that  Don  John 
would  be  his  good  friend,  and,  as  such,  would  do  more  for 
him  than  he  could  imagine.2  The  envoy  was  also  to 
impress  upon  the  Prince,  that  if  he  persisted  in  his  opposi- 
tion every  man's  hand  would  be  against  him,  and  the  ruin 
of  his  house  inevitable.  He  was  to  protest  that  Don  John 
came  but  to  forgive  and  to  forget,  to  restore  the  ancient 
government  and  the  ancient  prosperity,  so  that,  if  it  was 
for  those  objects  the  Prince  had  taken  up  arms,  it  was  now 
his  duty  to  lay  them  down,  and  to  do  his  utmost  to  main- 
tain peace  and  the  Catholic  religion.  Finally,  the  envoy  was 
to  intimate  that  if  he  chose  to  write  to  Don  John,  he  might 
be  sure  to  receive  a  satisfactory  answer.  In  these  pacific 
instructions  and  friendly  expressions,  Don  John  was 
sincere.  "The  name  of  your  Majesty,"  said  he,  plainly, 

1  Ext.  from  MS.  letter,  i6th  of  March,  1577,  in  Gachard,  Preface  to  vol.  iii.  Corresp. 
Guillaume  le  Tacit.,  p.  !i. 

2  Gachard,  Corresp.  Guillaume  le  Tacit.,  iii.,  Preface,  Hi. 


94  The  Rise  of  the 

in  giving  an  account  of  this  mission  to  the  King,  "  is  as 
much  abhorred  and  despised  in  the  Netherlands  as  that 
of  the  Prince  of  Orange  is  loved  and  feared.  I  am  nego- 
tiating with  him,  and  giving  him  every  security,  for  I  see 
that  the  establishment  of  peace,  as  well  as  the  maintenance 
of  the  Catholic  religion,  and  the  obedience  to  your  Majesty, 
depend  now  upon  him.  Things  have  reached  that  pass 
that  'tis  necessary  to  make  a  virtue  of  necessity.  If 
he  lend  an  ear  to  my  proposals,  it  will  be  only  upon  very 
advantageous  conditions,  but  to  these  it  will  be  necessary 
to  submit,  rather  than  to  lose  everything.1 

Don  John  was  in  earnest;  unfortunately  he  was  not 
aware  that  the  Prince  was  in  earnest  also.  The  crusader, 
who  had  sunk  thirty  thousand  paynims  at  a  blow,  and 
who  was  dreaming  of  the  Queen  of  Scotland  and  the 
throne  of  England,  had  not  room  in  his  mind  to  entertain 
the  image  of  a  patriot.  Royal  favours,  family  prosperity, 
dignities,  offices,  orders,  advantageous  conditions,  these 
were  the  baits  with  which  the  Governor  angled  for  William 
of  Orange.  He  did  not  comprehend  that  attachment  to  a 
half-drowned  land  and  to  a  despised  religion,  could 
possibly  stand  in  the  way  of  those  advantageous  con- 
ditions and  that  brilliant  future.  He  did  not  imagine  that 
the  rebel,  once  assured  not  only  of  pardon  but  of  advance- 
ment, could  hesitate  to  refuse  the  royal  hand  thus  amicably 
offered. 

The  results  of  the  successive  missions  which  he  de- 
spatched to  the  Prince  were  destined  to  enlighten  him.2 
In  the  course  of  the  first  conversation  between  Leoninus 
and  the  Prince  at  Middelburg,  the  envoy  urged  that  Don 
John  had  entered  the  Netherlands  without  troops,  that  he 
had  placed  himself  in  the  power  of  the  Duke  of  Aerschot, 
that  he  had  since  come  to  Louvain  without  any  security 
but  the  promise  of  the  citizens  and  of  the  students ;  and 
that  all  these  things  proved  the  sincerity  of  his  intentions. 
He  entreated  the  Prince  not  to  let  slip  so  favourable  an 
opportunity  for  placing  his  house  above  the  reach  of  every 
unfavourable  chance,  spoke  to  him  of  Marius,  Sylla,  Julius 
Caesar,  and  other  promoters  of  civil  wars,  and  on  retiring 

1  "  El  nombre  y  servicio  de  V.  M.  estan  aborrecido  y  poco  estimado  cuanto  temido  y 
amado  el  del  Principe  de  Oranges,"  etc.— Gachard,  Corresp.  de  Guillaume  le  Tacit.,  etc. 

2  Full  details  of  the  mission  of  Leoninus  are  given  in  the  preface  to  Gachard's  3rd 
volume  of  the  Corresp.   de  Guillaume  le  Tacit.,   pages   liv.,  sqq.     That  distinguished 
publicist  has  condensed  them  from  a  MS.   relation  made  by  Leoninus,  on  his  return  to- 
Louvain,  a  narrative  of  which  a  Spanish  translation  was  found  by  M.  Gachard  in  the 
archives  of  Simancas. 


Dutch  Republic  95 

for  the  day,  begged  him  to  think  gravely  on  what  he  had 
thus  suggested,  and  to  pray  that  God  might  inspire  him- 
with  good  resolutions. 

Next  day,  William  informed  the  envoy  that,  having 
prayed  to  God  for  assistance,  he  was  more  than  ever  con- 
vinced of  his  obligation  to  lay  the  whole  matter  before  the 
states,  whose  servant  he  was.  He  added,  that  he  could 
not  forget  the  deaths  of  Egmont  and  Horn,  nor  the 
manner  in  which  the  promise  made  to  the  confederate 
nobles  by  the  Duchess  of  Parma  had  been  violated,  nor 
the  conduct  of  the  French  monarch  towards  Admiral 
Coligny.  He  spoke  of  information  which  he  had  received 
from  all  quarters,  from  Spain,  France,  and  Italy,  that 
there  was  a  determination  to  make  war  upon  him  and  upon 
the  states  of  Holland  and  Zeland.  He  added  that  they 
were  taking  their  measures  in  consequence,  and  that  they 
were  well  aware  that  a  Papal  nuncio  had  arrived  in  the 
Netherlands,  to  intrigue  against  them.1  In  the  evening, 
the  Prince  complained  that  the  estates  had  been  so  pre- 
cipitate in  concluding  their  arrangement  with  Don  John. 
He  mentioned  several  articles  in  the  treaty  which  were 
calculated  to  excite  distrust;  dwelling  particularly  on  the 
engagement  entered  into  by  the  estates  to  maintain  the 
Catholic  religion.  This  article  he  declared  to  be  in  direct 
contravention  to  the  Ghent  treaty,  by  which  this  point  was 
left  to  the  decision  of  a  future  assembly  of  the  estates- 
general.  Leoninus  essayed,  as  well  as  he  could,  to  dispute 
these  positions.  In  their  last  interview,  the  Prince  per- 
sisted in  his  intention  of  laying  the  whole  matter  before 
the  states  of  Holland  and  Zeland.  Not  to  do  so,  he  said,, 
would  be  to  expose  himself  to  ruin  on  one  side,  and  on  the 
other,  to  the  indignation  of  those  who  might  suspect  him 
of  betraying  them.  The  envoy  begged  to  be  informed  if 
any  hope  could  be  entertained  of  a  future  arrangement. 
Orange  replied  that  he  had  no  expectation  of  any,  but 
advised  Doctor  Leoninus  to  be  present  at  Dort  when  the 
estates  should  assemble.2 

Notwithstanding  the  unfavourable  result  of  this  mission, 
Don  John  did  not  even  yet  despair  of  bending  the  stubborn 
character  of  the  Prince.  He  hoped  that,  if  a  personal 
interview  between  them  could  be  arranged,  he  should  be 
able  to  remove  many  causes  of  suspicion  from  the  mind 
of  his  adversary.  "  In  such  times  as  these,"  wrote  the 

1  Gachard,  Correspondance  de  Guillaume  le  Tacit.,  iti.  Ivi.        2  ibid.,  Iviii.  sqq. 


96 


The  Rise  of  the 


Governor  to  Philip,  "  we  can  make  no  election,  nor  do  I 
see  any  remedy  to  preserve  the  state  from  destruction, 
save  to  gain  over  this  man,  who  has  so  much  influence 
with  the  nation."1  The  Prince  had,  in  truth,  the  whole 
game  in  his  hands.  There  was  scarcely  a  living  creature 
in  Holland  and  Zeland  who  was  not  willing  to  be  bound 
by  his  decision  in  every  emergency.  Throughout  the  rest 
of  the  provinces,  the  mass  of  the  people  looked  up  to  him 
with  absolute  confidence,  the  clergy  and  the  prominent 
nobles  respecting  and  fearing  him,  even  while  they  secretly 
attempted  to  thwart  his  designs.  Possessing  dictatorial 
power  in  two  provinces,  vast  influences  in  the  other  fifteen, 
nothing  could  be  easier  for  him  than  to  betray  his  country. 
The  time  was  singularly  propitious.  The  revengeful  King 
was  almost  on  his  knees  to  the  denounced  rebel.  Every- 
thing was  proffered  :  pardon,  advancement,  power.  An 
indefinite  vista  was  opened.  "  You  cannot  imagine,"  said 
Don  John,  "  how  much  it  will  be  within  my  ability  to  do 
for  you."  What  service  had  the  Prince  to  render  in  ex- 
change? A  mere  nothing.  He  had  but  to  abandon  the 
convictions  of  a  lifetime,  and  to  betray  a  million  or  two  of 
hearts  which  had  trusted  him. 

As  to  the  promises  made  by  the  Governor  to  rule  the 
country  with  gentleness,  the  Prince  could  not  do  other- 
wise than  commend  the  intention,  even  while  distrusting 
the  fulfilment.  In  his  reply  to  the  two  letters  of  Don 
John,  he  thanked  his  Highness,  with  what  seemed  a  grave 
irony,  for  the  benign  courtesy  and  signal  honour  which  he 
had  manifested  to  him,  by  inviting  him  so  humanely  and 
so  carefully  to  a  tranquil  life,  wherein,  according  to  his 
Highness,  consisted  the  perfection  of  felicity  in  this  mortal 
existence,  and  by  promising  him  so  liberally  favour  and 
grace.2  He  stated,  however,  with  earnestness,  that  the 
promises  in  regard  to  the  pacification  of  the  poor  Nether- 
land  people  were  much  more  important.  He  had  ever 
respected,  he  said,  beyond  all  comparison,  the  welfare 
and  security  of  the  public  before  his  own;  "having 
always  placed  his  particular  interests  under  his  foot, 
even  as  he  was  still  resolved  to  do,  as  long  as  life  should 
endure."3 


d,  Correspondance,  etc.,  p.  lx.,  MS.  Letter  of  the  i6th  of  March,  1577. 

>f  the  Prince  of  Orange  to  Don  John  of  Austria,  May  24,  1577,  in  Gachard, 


1  Gachard, 

2  Letter  of 

•Correspondance  de  Guillaume  le  Tacit.,  iii.  289-291. 

3  Ibid.,  290. — "  Aiant  tousjours  mis  dessoubz  les  pieds  mon  regard  particulier,  ainsi  que 
-suis  encore  resolu  de  faire,  tant  que  la  vie  me  demeurera." 


Dutch  Republic  97 

Thus  did  William  of  Orange  receive  the  private 
advances  made  by  the  government  towards  himself.  Mean- 
time, Don  John  of  Austria  came  to  Louvain.1  Until  the 
preliminary  conditions  of  the  Perpetual  Edict  had  been  ful- 
filled, and  the  Spanish  troops  sent  out  of  the  country,  he 
was  not  to  be  received  as  Governor-General,  but  it  seemed 
unbecoming  for  him  to  remain  longer  upon  the  threshold  of 
the  provinces.  He  therefore  advanced  into  the  heart  of  the 
country,  trusting  himself  without  troops  to  the  loyalty  of 
the  people,  and  manifesting  a  show  of  chivalrous  confi- 
dence which  he  was  far  from  feeling.  He  was  soon  sur- 
rounded by  courtiers,  time-servers,  noble  office-seekers. 
They  who  had  kept  themselves  invisible,  so  long  as  the 
issue  of  a  perplexed  negotiation  seemed  doubtful,  now 
became  obsequious  and  inevitable  as  his  shadow.  One 
grand  seignior  wanted  a  regiment,  another  a  government, 
a  third  a  chamberlain's  key;  all  wanted  titles,  ribbons, 
offices,  livery,  wages.  Don  John  distributed  favours  and 
promises  with  vast  liberality.2  The  object  with  which 
Philip  had  sent  him  to  the  Netherlands,  that  he  might 
conciliate  the  hearts  of  its  inhabitants  by  the  personal 
graces  which  he  had  inherited  from  his  imperial  father, 
seemed  in  a  fair  way  of  accomplishment,  for  it  was  not 
only  the  venal  applause  of  titled  sycophants  that  he  strove 
to  merit,  but  he  mingled  gaily  and  familiarly  with  all 
classes  of  citizens.3  Everywhere  his  handsome  face  and 
charming  manner  produced  their  natural  effect.  He  dined 
and  supped  with  the  magistrates  in  the  town-house, 
honoured  general  banquets  of  the  burghers  with  his 
presence,  and  was  affable  and  dignified,  witty,  fascinating 
and  commanding,  by  turns.  At  Louvain,  the  five  military 
guilds  held  a  solemn  festival.  The  usual  invitations  were 
sent  to  the  other  societies,  and  to  all  the  martial  brother- 
hoods, the  country  round.  Gay  and  gaudy  processions, 
sumptuous  banquets,  military  sports,  rapidly  succeeded 
each  other.  Upon  the  day  of  the  great  trial  of  skill,  all 
the  high  functionaries  of  the  land  were,  according  to 
custom,  invited,  and  the  Governor  was  graciously  pleased 
to  honour  the  solemnity  with  his  presence.  Great  was  the 
joy  of  the  multitude  when  Don  John,  complying  with  the 
habit  of  imperial  and  princely  personages  in  former  days, 

1  Bor,  x.  804.     Hoofd,  xt.  493. 

2  Bor,  Hoofd,  ubi  sup.     Tassis,  iii.  257,  sqq.     Cabrera,  xi.  904. 

3  Bor,  Hoofd,  Tassis,  ubi  sup. 

VOL.  III.  E 


98 


The  Rise  of  the 


enrolled  himself,  cross-bow  in  hand,  among  the  com- 
petitors. Greater  still  was  the  enthusiasm,  when  the 
conqueror  of  Lepanto  brought  down  the  bird,  and  was 
proclaimed  king-  of  the  year,  amid  the  tumultuous  hilarity 
of  the  crowd.  According  to  custom,  the  captains  of  the 
guild  suspended  a  golden  popinjay  around  the  neck  of  his 
Highness,  and  placing  themselves  in  procession,  followed 
him  to  the  great  church.  Thence,  after  the  customary 
religious  exercises,  the  multitude  proceeded  to  the  ban- 
quet, where  the  health  of  the  new  king  of  the  cross-bow- 
men was  pledged  in  deep  potations.1  Long  and  loud  was 
the  merriment  of  this  initiatory  festival,  to  which  many 
feasts  succeeded  during  those  brief  but  halcyon  days,  for 
the  good-natured  Netherlanders  already  believed  in  the 
blessed  advent  of  peace.  They  did  not  dream  that  the  war, 
which  had  been  consuming  the  marrow  of  their  common- 
wealth for  ten  flaming  years,  was  but  in  its  infancy,  and 
that  neither  they  nor  their  children  were  destined  to  see  its 
close. 

For  the  moment,  however,  all  was  hilarity  at  Louvain. 
The  Governor,  by  his  engaging  deportment,  awoke  many 
reminiscences  of  the  once  popular  Emperor.  He  expressed 
unbounded  affection  for  the  commonwealth,  and  perfect 
confidence  in  the  loyalty  of  the  inhabitants.  He  promised 
to  maintain  their  liberties,  and  to  restore  their  prosperity. 
Moreover,  he  had  just  hit  the  popinjay  with  a  skill  which 
his  imperial  father  might  have  envied,  and  presided  at 
burgher  banquets  with  a  grace  which  Charles  could  have 
hardly  matched.  His  personal  graces,  for  the  moment, 
took  the  rank  of  virtues.  "  Such  were  the  beauty  and 
vivacity  of  his  eyes,"  says  his  privy  councillor,  Tassis, 
"  that  with  a  single  glance  he  made  all  hearts  his  own,"  2 
yet,  nevertheless,  the  predestined  victim  secretly  felt  him- 
self the  object  of  a  marksman  who  had  no  time  for  painted 
popinjays,  but  who  rarely  missed  his  aim.  "  The  whole 
country  is  at  the  devotion  of  the  Prince,  and  nearly  every 
one  of  its  inhabitants;"  3  such  was  his  secret  language  to 
his  royal  brother,  at  the  very  moment  of  the  exuberant 
manifestations  which  preceded  his  own  entrance  to 
Brussels. 

1  Tassis,  iii.  257,  258.    Van  Wyn  op  Wagenaer,  vii.  50.  2  Tassis,  iv.  326. 

3  Letter  of  Don  John  to  Philip,  April  7,  1577,  in  the  appendix  to  the  intercepted 
letters,  Discours  Sommier  des  Justes  Causes,  etc.  Qui  ont  contrainct  les  Estats-Generaux 
de  pourveoir  a  leur  defense  centre  le  Seignr.  D.  Jehan  d'Austrice,  p.  41.  Ed.  G.  Sylvius, 
Anvers,  1577. 


Dutch  Republic  99 

While  the  Governor  still  tarried  at  Louvain,  his 
secretary  Escovedo,  was  busily  engaged  in  arranging  the 
departure  of  the  Spaniards,1  for,  notwithstanding  his 
original  reluctance  and  the  suspicions  of  Orange,  Don 
John  loyally  intended  to  keep  his  promise.  He  even 
advanced  twenty-seven  thousand  florins  towards  the 
expense  of  their  removal,2  but  to  raise  the  whole  amount 
required  for  transportation  and  arrears,  was  a  difficult 
matter.  The  estates  were  slow  in  providing  the  one 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  florins  which  they  had  stipu- 
lated to  furnish.  The  King's  credit,  moreover,  was  at  a 
very  low  ebb.  His  previous  bonds  had  not  been  duly 
honoured,  and  there  had  even  been  instances  of  royal 
repudiation  which  by  no  means  lightened  the  task  of  the 
financier,  in  effecting  the  new  loans  required.3  Escovedo 
was  very  blunt  in  his  language  upon  this  topic,  and  both 
Don  John  and  himself  urged  punctuality  in  all  future  pay- 
ments. They  entreated  that  the  bills  drawn  in  Philip's 
name  upon  Lombardy  bankers,  and  discounted  at  a  heavy 
rate  of  interest,  by  the  Fuggers  of  Antwerp,  might  be  duly 
provided  for  at  maturity.  "  I  earnestly  beg,"  said  Esco- 
vedo, "  that  your  Majesty  will  see  to  the  payment  of  these 
bills,  at  all  events;"  adding,  with  amusing  simplicity, 
"  this  will  be  a  means  of  recovering  your  Majesty's  credit, 
and  as  for  my  own,  I  don't  care  to  lose  it,  small  though  it 
be."  Don  John  was  even  more  solicitous.  "  For  the  love 
of  God,  Sire,"  he  wrote,  "  do  not  be  delinquent  now.  You 
must  reflect  upon  the  necessity  of  recovering  your  credit. 
If  this  receives  now  the  final  blow,  all  will  desert  your 
Majesty,  and  the  soldiers  too  will  be  driven  to  despera- 
tion. "* 

By  dint  of  great  diligence  on  the  part  of  Escovedo,  and 
through  the  confidence  reposed  in  his  character,  the  neces- 
sary funds  were  raised  in  the  course  of  a  few  weeks. 
There  was,  however,  a  difficulty  among  the  officers,  as  to 
the  right  of  commanding  the  army  on  the  homeward 
march.  Don  Alonzo  de  Vargas,  as  chief  of  the  cavalry, 
was  appointed  to  the  post  by  the  Governor,  but  Valdez, 
Romero,  and  other  veterans  indignantly  refused  to  serve 
under  one  whom  they  declared  their  inferior  officer.  There 
was  much  altercation  and  heartburning,  and  an  attempt 

1  Letter  of  Escovedo,  Discours  Sommier,  etc.,  p.  24,  sqq.  2  Borj  x>  806,  807. 

3  See  the  letters  of  Escovedo  in  the  intercepted  letters,  Discours  Sommier,  etc.,  passim. 

4  Letter  of  Escovedo  to  the  King,  6  Avril,  1577,  in  Discours  Sommier,  etc.,  p.  n. 
Letter  of  Don  John  to  the  King,  Discours  Sommier,  etc.,  p.  34,  appendix. 


ioo  The  Rise  of  the 

was  made  to  compromise  the  matter  by  the  appointment  of 
Count  Mansfeld  to  the  chief  command.  This  was,  how- 
ever, only  adding-  fuel  to  the  flames.  All  were  dissatisfied 
with  trie  superiority  accorded  to  a  foreigner,  and  Alonzo  de 
Vargas,  especially  offended,  addressed  most  insolent 
language  to  the  Governor.1  Nevertheless,  the  arrange- 
ment was  maintained,  and  the  troops  finally  took  their 
departure  from  the  country  in  the  latter  days  of  April.2 
A  vast  concourse  of  citizens  witnessed  their  departure,  and 
could  hardly  believe  their  eyes,  as  they  saw  this  incubus 
at  last  rolling  off,  by  which  the  land  had  so  many  years 
been  crushed.3  Their  joy,  although  extravagant,  was, 
however,  limited  by  the  reflection  that  ten  thousand  Ger- 
mans still  remained  in  the  provinces,  attached  to  the  royal 
service,  and  that  there  was  even  yet  a  possibility  that  the 
departure  of  the  Spaniards  was  a  feint.  In  truth, 
Escovedo,  although  seconding  the  orders  of  Don  John,  to 
procure  the  removal  of  these  troops,  did  not  scruple  to 
express  his  regret  to  the  King,  and  his  doubts  as  to  the 
result.  He  had  been  ever  in  hopes  that  an  excuse  might 
be  found  in  the  condition  of  affairs  in  France,  to  justify  the 
retention  of  the  forces  near  that  frontier.  He  assured  the 
King  that  he  felt  very  doubtful  as  to  what  turn  matters 
might  take,  after  the  soldiers  were  gone,  seeing  the  great 
unruliness  which  even  their  presence  had  been  insufficient 
to  check.4  He  had  hoped  that  they  might  be  retained  in 
the  neighbourhood,  ready  to  seize  the  islands  at  the  first 
opportunity.  "  For  my  part,"  he  wrote,  "  I  care  nothing 
for  the  occupation  of  places  within  the  interior,  but  the 
islands  must  be  secured.  To  do  this,"  he  continued,  with 
a  deceitful  allusion  to  the  secret  projects  of  Don  John,  "  is 
in  my  opinion,  more  difficult  than  to  effect  the  scheme 
upon  England.  If  the  one  were  accomplished,  the  other 
would  be  easily  enough  managed,  and  would  require  but 
moderate  means.  Let  not  your  Majesty  suppose  that  I 
say  this  as  favouring  the  plan  of  Don  John,  for  this  I  put 
entirely  behind  me. ' '  5 

1  Bor,  x.  807.     Hoofd,  xii.  495.  2  Ibid.     Ibid.,  496.     Strada,  ix.  433. 

8  Among  the  many  witticisms  perpetrated  upon  this  occasion,  the  following  specimen 
may  be  thought  worth  preserving  : — 

Boetica  gens  Abiit :  cur  ploras  Belgica  ?  dicam 
A  quod  in  O  non  est  litera  versa  queror." 

Bor,  x.  807.     Hoofd,  xii.  496. 

*  Letter  of  Escovedo  to  the  King,  6  Abrfl,  1577,  in  Discours  Sommier,  etc.,  p.  16, 
appendix. 

3  Letter  of  Escovedo,  9  April,  1577,  Discours  Sommier,  p.  50. 


Dutch  Republic  101 

Notwithstanding-  these  suspicions  on  the  part  of  the 
people,  this  reluctance  on  the  part  of  the  government,  the 
troops  readily  took  up  their  line  of  march,  and  never 
paused  till  they  reached  Lombardy.1  Don  John  wrote 
repeatedly  to  the  King-,  warmly  urging  the  claims  of  these 
veterans,  and  of  their  distinguished  officers,  Romero, 
Avila,  Valdez,  Montesdocca,  Verdugo,  Mondragon,  and 
others,  to  his  bountiful  consideration.  They  had  departed 
in  very  ill-humour,  not  having  received  any  recompence 
for  their  long  and  arduous  services.  Certainly,  if  un- 
flinching endurance,  desperate  valour,  and  congenial 
cruelty,  could  atone  in  the  monarch's  eyes  for  the  mutiny, 
which  had  at  last  compelled  their  withdrawal,  then  were 
these  labourers  worthy  of  their  hire.  Don  John  had  paci- 
fied them  by  assurances  that  they  should  receive  adequate 
rewards  on  their  arrival  in  Lombardy,  and  had  urged  the 
full  satisfaction  of  their  claims  and  his  promises  in  the 
strongest  language.  Although  Don  Alonzo  de  Vargas 
had  abused  him  "  with  flying  colours,"  2  as  he  expressed 
himself,  yet  he  hastened  to  intercede  for  him  with  the 
King  in  the  most  affectionate  terms.  "  His  impatience 
has  not  surprised  me,"  said  the  Governor,  "  although  I 
regret  that  he  has  been  offended,  for  I  love  and  esteem 
him  much.  He  has  served  many  years  with  great  distinc- 
tion, and  I  can  certify  that  his  character  for  purity  and 
religion  is  something  extraordinary."3 

The  first  scene  in  the  withdrawal  of  the  troops  had 
been  the  evacuation  of  the  citadel  of  Antwerp,  and  it  had 
been  decided  that  the  command  of  this  most  important 
fortress  should  be  conferred  upon  the  Duke  of  Aerschot.4 
His  claims  as  commander-in-chief,  under  the  authority  of 
the  State  Council,  and  as  chief  of  the  Catholic  nobility, 
could  hardly  be  passed  over,  yet  he  was  a  man  whom 
neither  party  trusted.  He  was  too  visibly  governed  by 
interested  motives.  Arrogant  where  he  felt  secure  of  his 
own,  or  doubtful  as  to  another's  position,  he  could  be 
supple  and  cringing  when  the  relations  changed.  He 
refused  an  interview  with  William  of  Orange  before  con- 
sulting with  Don  John,  and  solicited  one  afterwards  when 
he  found  that  every  effort  was  to  be  made  to  conciliate 

1  Mendoza,  xvi.  336.    Van  d.  Vynckt,  ii.  233.     Strada,  ix.  433. 

2  Letter  of  Don  John  to  the  King,  7  Abril,  15^7,  in  Discours  Sommier,  p.  29,  appendix. 
— "  Y  quexase  tan  a  banderas  desplegadas  de  mi."  3  Ibid. 

4  Bor,  x.  805.     Cabrera,  xi.  907.     Meteren,  vi.  119. 


102  The  Rise  of  the 

the  Prince.1  He  was  insolent  to  the  Governor-General 
himself  in  February,  and  respectful  in  March.  He  usurped 
the  first  place  in  the  church,2  before  Don  John  had  been 
acknowledged  Governor,  and  was  the  first  to  go  forth  to 
welcome  him  after  the  matter  had  been  arranged.  He 
made  a  scene  of  virtuous  indignation  in  the  State  Council,3 
because  he  was  accused  of  place-hunting,  but  was  dili- 
gent to  secure  an  office  of  the  highest  dignity  which  the 
Governor  could  bestow.  Whatever  may  have  been  his 
merits,  it  is  certain  that  he  inspired  confidence  neither  in 
the  adherents  of  the  King  nor  of  the  Prince;  while  he  by 
turns  professed  the  warmest  regard  both  to  one  party  and 
the  other.  Spaniards  and  patriots,  Protestants  and 
Catholics,  suspected  the  man  at  the  same  moment,  and 
ever  attributed  to  his  conduct  a  meaning  which  was  the 
reverse  of  the  apparent.4  Such  is  often  the  judgment 
passed  upon  those  who  fish  in  troubled  waters  only  to  fill 
their  own  nets.  , 

The  Duke,  however,  was  appointed  governor  of  the 
citadel.  Sancho  d'Avila,  the  former  constable,  refused, 
with  Castilian  haughtiness,  to  surrender  the  place  to  his 
successor,  but  appointed  his  lieutenant,  Martin  d'Oyo,  to 
perform  that  ceremony.5  Escovedo,  standing  upon  the 
drawbridge  with  Aerschot,  administered  the  oath:  "I, 
Philip,  Duke  of  Aerschot,"  said  the  new  constable, 
"  solemnly  swear  to  hold  this  castle  for  the  King,  and  for 
no  others."  To  which  Escovedo  added,  "  God  help  you, 
with  all  his  angels,  if  you  keep  your  oath ;  if  not,  may 
the  devil  carry  you  away,  body  and  soul."  The  few 
by-standers  cried  Amen ;  and  with  this  hasty  ceremony,  the 
keys  were  delivered,  the  prisoners,  Egmont,  Capres, 
Goignies,  and  others,  liberated,  and  the  Spaniards  ordered 
to  march  forth.6 

1  Gachard, Correspondance  de  Guillaumele  Tacit.,  iii.,  Preface,  p.  Iv.  and  note  i. 

2  Tassis,  iii.  241. — Compare  Van  d.  Vynckt,  ii.  228. 

3  Archives  et  Correspondance,  vi.  66. 

4  Ibid.,  vi.  66,  67.— Compare  letter  of  Escovedo,  Discours  Sommier,  p.  13,  appendix. 
>  Bor,  x.  805.     Meteren,  vi   119.     Hoofd,  xii.  494.     Cabrera,  xi.  907. 

-6  Bor,  Meteren,  Hoofd,  ubi  sup.     Mendoza,  xvi.  325,  326.     Cabrera,  xi.  908. 


Dutch  Republic  103 


CHAPTER    II 

Triumphal  entrance  of  Don  John  into  Brussels — Reverse  of  the  picture — Analysis  of  the 
secret  correspondence  of  Don  John  and  Escovedo  with  Antonio  Perez — Plots  against 
the  Governor's  liberty — His  desponding  language  and  gloomy  anticipations — 


Recommendation  of  severe  measures — Position  and  principles  of  Orange  and  his 
^e  question  of  peace  and  war — His  toleration  to  Catho- 
lics and  Anabaptists  censured  by  his  friends — Death  of  Viglius — New  mission  from 


family — His  private  views  on  the 


the  Governor  to  Orange— Details  of  the  Gertruidenberg  conferences — Nature  and 
results  of  these  negotiations — Papers  exchanged  between  the  envoys  and  Orange — 
Peter  Panis  executed  for  heresy — Three  parties  in  the  N  etherlands — Dissimulation  of 
Don  John — His  dread  of  capture. 

As  already  narrated,  the  soldiery  had  retired  definitely 
from  the  country  at  the  end  of  April,  after  which  Don 
John  made  his  triumphal  entrance  into  Brussels  on  the 
ist  of  May.  It  was  long-  since  so  festive  a  May-day  had 
gladdened  the  hearts  of  Brabant.  So  much  holiday  mag- 
nificence had  not  been  seen  in  the  Netherlands  for  years. 
A  solemn  procession  of  burghers,  preceded  by  six  thou- 
sand troops,  and  garnished  by  the  free  companies  of  archers 
and  musketeers,  in  their  picturesque  costumes,  escorted 
the  young1  prince  along-  the  streets  of  the  capital.  Don 
John  was  on  horseback,  wrapped  in  a  long  green  cloak, 
riding  between  the  Bishop  of  Liege  and  the  Papal  nuncio.1 
He  passed  beneath  countless  triumphal  arches.  Banners 
waved  before  him,  on  which  the  battle  of  Lepanto,  and 
other  striking-  scenes  in  his  life,  were  emblazoned.  Min- 
strels sang  verses,  poets  recited  odes,  rhetoric  clubs 
enacted  fantastic  dramas  in  his  honour,  as  he  rode  along. 
Young  virgins  crowned  him  with  laurels.  Fair  women 
innumerable  were  clustered  at  every  window,  roof,  and 
balcony,  their  bright  robes  floating  like  summer  clouds 
above  him.  "  Softly  from  those  lovely  clouds,"  says  a 
gallant  chronicler,  "  descended  the  gentle  rain  of 
flowers."2  The  proceedings  began  with  the  church  and 
ended  with  the  banquet,  the  day  was  propitious,  the 
populace  pleased,  and  after  a  brilliant  festival,  Don  John 
of  Austria  saw  himself  Governor-General  of  the  provinces. 
Three  days  afterwards,  the  customary  oaths,  to  be  kept 
with  the  customary  conscientiousness,  were  rendered  at 

1  Bor,  x.  8 1 1.     Meteren,  vi.  120.      Hoofd,   xii.   500,  sqq.     Van  d.   Vynckt,   ii.    233. 


lagni 

rouge  cremoisy  brodd  d'or,"  etc.,  etc. — Ibid.,  apud  Gachard,  Documens  Inedits  concernant 
1'Histoire  de  la  Belgique  (Bruxelles,  1833),  i.  362-364. 

2  "  Een  lieflyke  reeghen  uit  zoo  heldere  wolken." — Hoofd,  xii.  500. 


104  The  Rise  of  the 

the    town-house,1    and    for    a    brief    moment    all    seemed 
smiling  and  serene. 

There  was  a  reverse  to  the  picture.  In  truth,  no 
language  can  describe  the  hatred  which  Don  John  enter- 
tained for  the  Netherlands  and  all  the  inhabitants.  He 
had  come  to  the  country  only  as  a  stepping-stone  to  the 
English  throne,  and  he  never  spoke,  in  his  private  letters, 
of  the  provinces  or  the  people  but  in  terms  of  abhorrence. 
He  was  in  a  "  Babylon  of  disgust,"  in  a  "hell,"  sur- 
rounded by  "  drunkards,"  "  wine-skins,"  "  scoundrels," 
and  the  like.  From  the  moment  of  his  arrival  he  had 
strained  every  nerve  to  retain  the  Spanish  troops,  and 
to  send  them  away  by  sea  when  it  should  be  no  longer 
feasible  to  keep  them.  Escovedo  shared  in  the  sentiments 
and  entered  fully  into  the  schemes  of  his  chief.  The  plot, 
the  secret  enterprise,  was  the  great  cause  of  the  advent 
of  Don  John  in  the  uncongenial  clime  of  Flanders.  It  had 
been,  therefore,  highly  important,  in  his  estimation,  to 
set,  as  soon  as  possible,  about  the  accomplishment  of  this 
important  business.  He  accordingly  entered  into  corre- 
spondence with  Antonio  Perez,  the  King's  most  confiden- 
tial Secretary  of  State  at  that  period.  That  the  Governor 
was  plotting  no  treason  is  sufficiently  obvious  from  the 
context  of  his  letters.  At  the  same  time,  with  the  ex- 
pansiveness  of  his  character,  when  he  was  dealing  with 
one  whom  he  deemed  his  close  and  trusty  friend,  he  occa- 
sionally made  use  of  expressions  which  might  be  made  to 
seem  equivocal.  This  was  still  more  the  case  with  poor 
Escovedo.  Devoted  to  his  master,  and  depending  most 
implicitly  upon  the  honour  of  Perez,  he  indulged  in 
language  which  might  be  tortured  into  a  still  more  suspi- 
cious shape,  when  the  devilish  arts  of  Perez  and  the  uni- 
versal distrust  of  Philip  were  tending  steadily  to  that  end. 
For  Perez — on  the  whole,  the  boldest,  deepest,  and  most 
unscrupulous  villain  in  that  pit  of  duplicity,  the  Spanish 
Court — was  engaged  at  that  moment  with  Philip,  in  a  plot 
to  draw  from  Don  John  and  Escovedo,  by  means  of  this 
correspondence,  the  proofs  of  a  treason  which  the  King 
and  minister  both  desired  to  find.  The  letters  from  Spain 
were  written  with  this  view — those  from  Flanders  were 
interpreted  to  that  end.  Every  confidential  letter  received 
by  Perez  was  immediately  laid  by  him  before  the  King, 
every  letter  which  the  artful  demon  wrote  was  filled  with 

1  Bor,  x.  812.     Meteren,  vi.  120. 


Dutch  Republic  105 

hints  as  to  the  danger  of  the  King's  learning  the  existence 
of  the  correspondence,  and  with  promises  of  profound 
secrecy  upon  his  own  part,  and  was  then  immediately 
placed  in  Philip's  hands,  to  receive  his  comments  and 
criticisms,  before  being  copied  and  despatched  to  the 
Netherlands.1  The  minister  was  playing  a  bold,  murder- 
ous, and  treacherous  game,  and  played  it  in  a  masterly 
manner.  Escovedo  was  lured  to  his  destruction,  Don 
John  was  made  to  fret  his  heart  away,  and  Philip — more 
deceived  than  all — was  betrayed  in  what  he  considered  his 
affections,  and  made  the  mere  tool  of  a  man  as  false  as 
himself  and  infinitely  more  accomplished. 

Almost  immediately  after  the  arrival  of  Don  John  in  the 
Netherlands,  he  had  begun  to  express  the  greatest  impa- 
tience for  Escovedo,  who  had  not  been  able  to  accompany 
his  master  upon  his  journey,  but  without  whose  assistance 
the  Governor  could  accomplish  none  of  his  undertakings. 
"  Being  a  man,  not  an  angel,  I  cannot  do  all  which  I  have 
to  do,"  said  he  to  Perez,  "  without  a  single  person  in 
whom  I  can  confide."  2  He  protested  that  he  could  do  no 
more  than  he  was  then  doing.  He  went  to  bed  at  twelve 
and  rose  at  seven,  without  having  an  hour  in  the  day  in 
which  to  take  his  food  regularly ;  in  consequence  of  all 
which  he  had  already  had  three  fevers.  He  was  plunged 
into  a  world  of  distrust.  Every  man  suspected  him,  and 
he  had  himself  no  confidence  in  a  single  individual 
throughout  that  whole  Babylon  of  disgusts.  He  observed 
to  Perez  that  he  was  at  liberty  to  show  his  letters  to  the 
King,  or  to  read  them  in  the  council,  as  he  meant  always 
to  speak  the  truth  in  whatever  he  should  write.  He  was 
sure  that  Perez  would  do  all  for  the  best;  and  there  is 
something  touching  in  these  expressions  of  an  honest  pur- 
pose towards  Philip,  and  of  generous  confidence  in  Perez, 
while  the  two  were  thus  artfully  attempting  to  inveigle 
him  into  damaging  revelations.  The  Netherlanders  cer- 
tainly had  small  cause  to  love  or  trust  their  new  Governor, 
who  very  sincerely  detested  and  suspected  them,  but  Philip 
had  little  reason  to  complain  of  his  brother.  "  Tell  me  if 

1  Many  of  these  letters  are  contained  in  a  very  valuable  MS.  collection  belonging  to 
the  royal  library  at  the  Hague,  and  entitled  "  Cartas  qu'el  Senor  Don  Juan  de  Austria  y 
el  Secretario  Joan  de  Escobedo,  descifradas,  escribieron  a  Su.  Mag.  y  Antonio  Perez, 
desde  Flandes."  It  is  probable  that  these  copies  were  made  by  the  direction  of  Perez 
himself,  when  obliged  to  deposit  the  originals  before  the  judges  of  Aragon. — Vide 
Gachard,  Notice  sur  un  Manuscrit  de  la  Bibliotheque  Royale  de  la  Haye,  etc.  Bullet. 
Com.  Roy.  xiii. 

2  Cartas  del  Senor  Don  J  d' Austria  y  el  Senor  Escobedo,  MS.,  f.  1-4,  21  Die.,  1576. 

E  2 


io6  The  Rise  of  the 

my  letters  are  read  in  council,  and  what  his  Majesty  says 
about  them,"  he  wrote;  *'  and,  above  all,  send  money.  I 
am  driven  to  desperation  at  finding  myself  sold  to  this 
people,  utterly  unprovided  as  I  am,  and  knowing-  the  slow 
manner  in  which  all  affairs  are  conducted  in  Spain."  * 

He  informed  the  King  that  there  was  but  one  man  in 
the  Netherlands,  and  that  he  was  called  the  Prince  of 
Orange.  To  him  everything  was  communicated,  with  him 
everything  was  negotiated,  opinions  expressed  by  him  were 
implicitly  followed.  The  Governor  vividly  described  the 
misgivings  with  which  he  had  placed  himself  in  the  power 
of  the  states  by  going  to  Louvain,  and  the  reluctance  with 
which  he  had  consented  to  send  away  the  troops.  After 
this  concession,  he  complained  that  the  insolence  of  the 
states  had  increased.  "  They  think  that  they  can  do  and 
undo  what  they  like,  now  that  I  am  at  their  mercy,"  he 
wrote  to  Philip.  "  Nevertheless,  I  do  what  you  command 
without  regarding  that  I  am  sold,  and  that  I  am  in  great 
danger  of  losing  my  liberty,  a  loss  which  I  dread  more 
than  anything  in  the  world,  for  I  wish  to  remain  justified 
before  God  and  man."  2  He  expressed,  however,  no  hopes 
as  to  the  result.  Disrespect  and  rudeness  could  be  pushed 
no  further  than  it  had  already  gone,  while  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  the  actual  governor  of  the  country,  considered 
his  own  preservation  dependent  upon  maintaining  things 
as  they  then  were.  Don  John,  therefore,  advised  the  King 
steadily  to  make  preparations  for  "  a  rude  and  terrible 
war,"3  which  was  not  to  be  avoided,  save  by  a  miracle, 
and  which  ought  not  to  find  him  in  this  unprepared  state. 
He  protested  that  it  was  impossible  to  exaggerate  the 
boldness  which  the  people  felt  at  seeing  him  thus  defence- 
less. "They  say  publicly,"  he  continued,  "that  your 
Majesty  is  not  to  be  feared,  not  being  capable  of  carrying 
on  a  war,  and  having  consumed  and  exhausted  every 
resource.  One  of  the  greatest  injuries  ever  inflicted  upon 
us  was  by  Marquis  Havre,  who,  after  his  return  from 
Spain,  went  about  publishing  everywhere  the  poverty 
of  the  royal  exchequer.  This  has  emboldened  them  to 
rise,  for  they  believed  that,  whatever  the  disposition,  there 
is  no  strength  to  chastise  them.  They  see  a  proof  of 
the  correctness  of  their  reasoning  in  the  absence  of 

1  Cartas  del  Senor  Don  J.  d' Austria  y  el  Senor  Escobedo,  MS.  f.  1-4,  21  Die.,  1576. 

2  Cartas  del  S.  Don  Juan,  etc.,  MS.,  f.  4-12,  2  Jan.,  1577 
8  "  Una  cruda  y  terible  guerra." — Ibid. 


Dutch  Republic  107 

new  levies,  and  in  the  heavy  arrearages  due  to  the  old 
troops.1 

He  protested  that  he  desired,  at  least,  to  be  equal  to 
the  enemy,  without  asking,  as  others  had  usually  done, 
for  double  the  amount  of  the  hostile  force.  He  gave  a 
glance  at  the  foreign  complications  of  the  Netherlands, 
telling  Philip  that  the  estates  were  intriguing  both  with 
France  and  England.  The  English  envoy  had  expressed 
much  uneasiness  at  the  possible  departure  of  the  Spanish 
troops  from  the  Netherlands  by  sea,  coupling  it  with  a 
probable  attempt  to  liberate  the  Queen  of  Scots.  Don 
John,  who  had  come  to  the  provinces  for  no  other  pur- 
pose, and  whose  soul  had  been  full  of  that  romantic 
scheme,  of  course  stoutly  denied  and  ridiculed  the  idea. 
"  Such  notions,"  he  had  said  to  the  envoy,  "  were  sub- 
jects for  laughter.  If  the  troops  were  removed  from  the 
country,  it  was  to  strengthen  his  Majesty's  force  in  the 
Levant."2  Mr.  Rogers,  much  comforted,  had  expressed 
the  warm  friendship  which  Elizabeth  entertained  both  for 
his  Majesty  and  his  Majesty's  representative;  protesta- 
tions which  could  hardly  seem  very  sincere,  after  the 
series  of  attempts  at  the  Queen's  life,  undertaken  so 
recently  by  his  Majesty  and  his  Majesty's  former  repre- 
sentative. Nevertheless,  Don  John  had  responded  with 
great  cordiality,  had  begged  for  Elizabeth's  portrait,  and 
had  expressed  the  intention,  if  affairs  went  as  he  hoped, 
to  go  privately  to  England  for  the  purpose  of  kissing  her 
royal  hand.3  Don  John  further  informed  the  King,  upon 
the  envoy's  authority,  that  Elizabeth  had  refused  assist- 
ance to  the  estates,  saying,  if  she  stirred  it  would  be  to 
render  aid  to  Philip,  especially  if  France  should  meddle 
in  the  matter.  As  to  France,  the  Governor  advised  Philip 
to  hold  out  hopes  to  Alencon  of  espousing  the  Infanta, 
but  by  no  means  ever  to  fulfil  such  a  promise,  as  the 
Duke,  "  besides  being  the  shield  of  heretics,  was  un- 
scrupulously addicted  to  infamous  vices."4 

A  month  later,  Escovedo  described  the  downfall  of  Don 
John's  hopes  and  his  own  in  dismal  language.  "  You 
are  aware,"  he  wrote  to  Perez,  "  that  a  throne — a  chair 

1  Cartas  del  S.  Don  Juan,  etc.,  MS.,  f.  4-12,  2  Jan  ,  1577.  2  ibid. 

3  " y  yo  compedirle  su  retrato  y  diciendo  que  si   las  cossas  de  aqui  tomassen 

assiento  come  esperava,  hiria  prividamente  a  besar  la  las  manos." — Ibid.     Upon  this 
passage  in  his  brother's  letter,  Philip  made  the  pithy  annotation,  "  Mucho  dedrfue  eslo  ; 
that  was  saying  a  good  deal." — Ibid. 

4  "  Porque  de  mas  de  ser  este  el  escudo  de  los  hereges,  se  tiene  entendido  que  no  hace 
escrupulo  del  pecado  nefando." — Ibid. 


io8  The  Rise  of  the 

with  a  canopy — is  our  intention  and  our  appetite,  and  all 
the  rest  is  good  for  nothing.  Having  failed  in  our  scheme, 
we  are  desperate  and  like  madmen.  All  is  now  weariness 
and  death."  *  Having  expressed  himself  in  such  despond- 
ing accents,  he  continued,  a  few  days  afterwards,  in  the 
same  lugubrious  vein,  "  I  am  ready  to  hang  myself," 
said  he,  * '  and  I  would  have  done  it  already,  if  it  were 
not  for  keeping  myself  as  executioner  for  those  who  have 
done  us  so  much  harm.  Ah,  Senor  Antonio  Perez!"  he 
added,  "  what  terrible  pertinacity  have  those  devils 
shown  in  making  us  give  up  our  plot.  It  seems  as  though 
hell  were  opened  and  had  sent  forth  heaps  of  demons  to 
oppose  our  schemes."  2  After  these  vigorous  ejaculations 
he  proceeded  to  inform  his  friend  that  the  English  envoy 
and  the  estates,  governed  by  the  Prince  of  Orange,  in 
whose  power  were  the  much-coveted  ships,  had  prevented 
the  departure  of  the  troops  by  sea.  ' '  These  devils  com- 
plain of  the  expense,"  said  he;  "  but  we  would  willingly 
swallow  the  cost  if  we  could  only  get  the  ships."  He 
then  described  Don  John  as  so  cast  down  by  his  disap- 
pointment as  to  be  fit  for  nothing,  and  most  desirous  of 
quitting  the  Netherlands  as  soon  as  possible.  He  had  no 
disposition  to  govern  these  wine-skins.3  Any  one  who 
ruled  in  the  provinces  was  obliged  to  do  exactly  what 
they  ordered  him  to  do.  Such  rule  was  not  to  the  taste 
of  Don  John.  Without  any  comparison,  a  woman  would 
answer  the  purpose  better  than  any  man,  and  Escovedo 
accordingly  suggested  the  Empress  Dowager,  or  Madame 
de  Parma,  or  even  Madame  de  Lorraine.  He  further 
recommended  that  the  Spanish  troops,  thus  forced  to 
leave  the  Netherlands  by  land,  should  be  employed  against 
the  heretics  in  France.  This  would  be  a  salvo  for  the 
disgrace  of  removing  them.4  "  It  would  be  read  in 
history,"  continued  the  secretary,  "  that  the  troops  went 
-to  France  in  order  to  render  assistance  in  a  great  religi- 
ous necessity;  while,  at  the  same  time,  they  will  be  on 
hand  to  chastise  these  drunkards,  if  necessary.5  To  have 

1  Cartas,  etc.,  MS.,  f.  12,  3  Feb.,  1577. — "  Vin  se  prevenga  y  crea  que  silla  y  cortina  es 
nuestro  intento  y  apetito,  y  que  todo  lo  demas  es  ymproprio  y  que  abiendose  caydo  la 
tra^a  de  aquel  amigo  con  loqual  estamos  desperados  y  como  locos  ;  todo  a  de  ser  cansancio 
y  muerte." 

2  Cartas,  etc.,  MS.,  f.  12-16,7  Feb.,  1577. — "  Estoy  por  aorcarme,  yalohabiahechosino 
me  guardase  para  verdugo  de  quien  tanto  mal  nos  hace.     A  !  Senor  Antonio  Perez  y  que 
pertinacia  y  terribilidad  a  sido  la  desos  demonios  en  quitarnos  nuestra  traca  :  el  ynfierno 
parece  que  sea  abierto  y  que  enbian  de  allk  gentes  a  montones  a  este  efeto. 

3  "  Y  para  gobiernar  estos  cueros  realmente  no  lo  quiere." — Ibid. 

4  Cartas,  etc.,  MS.,  f.  12-16,  7  Feb.,  1577. 

•>.*  "  Y  tanbien  servir£  esto  de  refrenar  estos  borrachos." — Ibid. 


Dutch  Republic  109 

the  troops  in  France  is  almost  as  well  as  to  keep  them 
here."  He  begged  to  be  forgiven  if  he  spoke  incoherently. 
'Twas  no  wonder  that  he  should  do  so,  for  his  reason 
had  been  disordered  by  the  blow  which  had  been  received. 
As  for  Don  John,  he  was  dying  to  leave  the  country,  and 
although  the  force  was  small  for  so  great  a  general, 
yet  it  would  be  well  for  him  to  lead  these  troops  to 
France  in  person.  "  It  would  sound  well  in  history," 
said  poor  Escovedo,  who  always  thought  of  posterity, 
without  ever  dreaming  that  his  own  private  letters  would 
be  destined,  after  three  centuries,  to  comment  and  earnest 
investigation;  "  It  would  sound  well  in  history,  that  Don 
John  went  to  restore  the  French  kingdom  and  to  extirpate 
heretics,  with  six  thousand  foot  and  two  thousand  horse. 
'Tis  a  better  employment,  too,  than  to  govern  such  vile 
creatures  as  these. ' '  * 

If,  however,  all  their  plans  should  fail,  the  secretary 
suggested  to  his  friend  Antonio,  that  he  must  see  and 
make  courtiers  of  them.  He  suggested  that  a  strong 
administration  might  be  formed  in  Spain,  with  Don  John, 
the  Marquis  de  Los  Velez,  and  the  Duke  of  Sesa.  "  With 
such  chiefs,  and  with  Anthony  and  John2  for  acolytes," 
he  was  of  opinion  that  much  good  work  might  be  done, 
and  that  Don  John  might  become  "the  staff  for  his 
Majesty's  old  age."3  He  implored  Perez,  in  the  most 
urgent  language,  to  procure  Philip's  consent  that  his 
brother  should  leave  the  provinces.  "  Otherwise,"  said 
he,  "  we  shall  see  the  destruction  of  the  friend  whom  we 
so  much  love  !  He  will  become  seriously  ill,  and  if  so, 
good  night  to  him!4  His  body  is  too  delicate."  Esco- 
vedo protested  that  he  would  rather  die  himself.  '*  In 
the  catastrophe  of  Don  John's  death,"  he  continued, 
"adieu  the  court,  adieu  the  world!"  He  would  incon- 
tinently bury  himself  among  the  mountains  of  San  Sebas- 
tian, "  preferring  to  dwell  among  wild  animals  than 
among  courtiers."  Escovedo  accordingly,  not  urged  by 
the  most  disinterested  motives  certainly,  but  with  as  warm 
a  friendship  for  his  master  as  princes  usually  inspire, 
proceeded  to  urge  upon  Perez  the  necessity  of  aiding  the 
man  who  was  able  to  help  them.  The  first  step  was  to 

1  "  Se  olgara  mas  de  servir  en  esto  que  no  en  govierno  de  tan  ruin  gente." — Cartas,  etc., 
MS.,  f.  12-16,  7  Feb.,  1577. 

2  Viz.  John  of  Escovedo  and  Antony  Perez. 

3  "El  baculo  por  su  bexez." — Cartas,  etc.,  MS.,  f.  12-16,  7  Feb.,  1577. 

4  "  Y  es  de  cuerpo  tan  delicado  que  lo  temo  dexarnos  hia  a  buenas  noches." — Ibid.. 


no  The  Rise  of  the 

get  him  out  of  the  Netherlands.  That  was  his  constant 
thoug-ht,  by  day  and  night.  As  it  would  hardly  be  desir- 
able for  him  to  go  alone,  it  seemed  proper  that  Escovedo 
should,  upon  some  pretext,  be  first  sent  to  Spain.  Such 
a  pretext  would  be  easily  found,  because,  as  Don  John 
had  accepted  the  government,  *'  it  would  be  necessary  for 
him  to  do  all  which  the  rascals  bade  him."  *  After  these 
minute  statements,  the  secretary  warned  his  correspond- 
ent of  the  necessity  of  secrecy,  adding  that  he  especially 
feared  "  all  the  court  ladies,  great  and  small,  but  that 
he  in  everything  confided  entirely  in  Perez." 

Nearly  at  the  same  time,  Don  John  wrote  to  Perez  in  a 
similar  tone.  "  Ah,  Sefior  Antonio,"  he  exclaimed,  "  how 
certain  is  my  disgrace  and  my  misfortune.  Ruined  is  our 
enterprise,  after  so  much  labour  and  such  skilful  manage- 
ment. "2  He  was  to  have  commenced  the  work  with  the 
very  Spanish  soldiers  who  were  now  to  be  sent  off  by 
land,  and  he  had  nothing  for  it  but  to  let  them  go,  or  to 
come  to  an  open  rupture  with  the  states.  "The  last, 
his  conscience,  his  duty,  and  the  time,  alike  forbade."3 
He  was  therefore  obliged  to  submit  to  the  ruin  of  his 
plans,  and  "  could  think  of  nothing  save  to  turn  hermit, 
a  condition  in  which  a  man's  labours,  being  spiritual, 
might  not  be  entirely  in  vain."4  He  was  so  overwhelmed 
by  the  blow,  he  said,  that  he  was  constantly  thinking  of  an 
anchorite's  life.  That  which  he  had  been  leading  had 
become  intolerable.  He  was  not  fitted  for  the  people  of 
the  Netherlands,  nor  they  for  him.  Rather  than  stay 
longer  than  was  necessary  in  order  to  appoint  his  suc- 
cessor, there  was  no  resolution  he  might  not  take,  even 
to  leaving  everything  and  coming  upon  them  when  they 
least  expected  him,  although  he  were  to  receive  a  bloody 
punishment  in  consequence.  He,  too,  suggested  the  Em- 
press, who  had  all  the  qualities  which  he  lacked  himself, 
or  Madame  de  Parma,  or  Madame  de  Lorraine,  as  each 
of  them  was  more  fit  to  govern  the  provinces  than  he  pre- 
tended to  be.  "  The  people,"  said  he,  plainly,  "  are  be- 
ginning to  abhor  me,  and  I  abhor  them  already."5  He 

1  "Porque  recebido  el  gobierno  a  de  acerloquele  aconsejaren  estos  bellacos." — Cartas, 
etc.,  MS.,  f.  12-16,  7  Feb.,  1577. 

2  Ibid.,  16  Feb.,  1577,  f.  16-18. — "A,  Sefior  Antonio  y  cuan  cierto  es  de  mi  desgracia  y 
desdicha — la  quiebra  de  nostro  designio  tras  muy  trabajado  y  bien  guido  que  se  tenia." 

3  Ibid. 

4  "  Pues  no  se  en  que  pensar  sino  en  una  hermita  y  donde  no  sera  en  vano  lo  que  el 
hombre  trabaja  se  con  el  espiritu." — Ibid. 

6  "  Por  lo  que  me  enpie£an  avorrecer  y  por  lo  que  yo  les  aborresco." — Ibid. 


Dutch   Republic^  1 1 1 

entreated  Perez  to  get  him  out  of  the  country  by  fair 
means  or  foul,  "per  fas  aut  per  nefas."  *  His  friends 
ought  to  procure  his  liberation,  if  they  wished  to  save  him 
from  the  sin  of  disobedience,  and  even  of  infamy.  He  ex- 
pressed the  most  unbounded  confidence  in  the  honour  of. 
his  correspondent,  adding  that  if  nothing  else  could  pro- 
cure his  release,  the  letter  might  be  shown  to  the  King. 
In  general,  the  Governor  was  always  willing  that  Perez 
should  make  what  changes  he  thought  advisable  in  the 
letters  for  his  Majesty,  altering  or  softening  whatever 
seemed  crude  or  harsh,  provided  always  the  main  point — 
that  of  procuring  his  recall — were  steadily  kept  in  view. 
"  In  this,"  said  the  Governor,  vehemently,  "  my  life,  my 
honour,  and  my  soul  are  all  at  stake  :  for  as  to  the  two 
first,  I  shall  forfeit  them  both  certainly,  and,  in  my  des- 
perate condition,  I  shall  run  great  risk  of  losing  the 
last.  "2 

On  the  other  hand,  Perez  was  profuse  in  his  professions 
of  friendship  both  to  Don  John  and  to  Escovedo ;  dilating 
in  all  his  letters  upon  the  difficulty  of  approaching  the 
King  upon  the  subject  of  his  brother's  recall,  but  giving 
occasional  information  that  an  incidental  hint  had  been 
ventured  which  might  not  remain  without  effect.  All  these 
letters  were,  however,  laid  before  Philip,  for  his  approval, 
before  being  despatched,  and  the  whole  subject  thoroughly 
and  perpetually  discussed  between  them,  about  which 
Perez  pretended  that  he  hardly  dared  breathe  a  syllable  to 
his  Majesty.  He  had  done  what  he  could,  he  said,  while 
reading,  piece  by  piece,  to  the  King,  during  a  fit  of  the 
gout,  the  official  despatches  from  the  Netherlands,  to 
insinuate  such  of  the  arguments  used  by  the  Governor  and 
Escovedo  as  might  seem  admissible,  but  it  was  soon 
obvious  that  no  impression  could  be  made  upon  the  royal 
mind.  Perez  did  not  urge  the  matter,  therefore,  "  be- 
cause," said  he,  "  if  the  King  should  suspect  that  we  had 
any  other  object  than  his  interests,  ive  should  all  be  lost."3 
Every  effort  should  be  made  by  Don  John  and  all  his 
friends  to  secure  his  Majesty's  entire  confidence,  since  by 
that  course  more  progress  would  be  made  in  their  secre't 
plans,  than  by  proceedings  concerning  which  the  Governor 
wrote  "with  such  fury  and  anxiety  of  heart."4  Perez 

1  Cartas,  etc.,  MS.,  16  Feb.,  1577,  f.  16-18. 

2  Ibid.,  i  Marzo,  1577,  f.  18,  19. — "  Que  en  hacerlo  me  va  la  vida  y  onra  y  alma,  porque 
las  dos  primeras  partes  perdere  cierto y  la  tercera  de  puro  desperado  hira  a  gran  riesgo." 

3  Ibid.,  f.  20-24.  4  Ibid. — "Con  tanta  furia  y  cuidado  de  coracon." 


H2  The  Rise  of  the 

warned  his  correspondent,  therefore,  most  solemnly, 
against  the  danger  of  "  striking  the  blow  without  hitting 
the  mark,"  and  tried  to  persuade  him  that  his  best  in- 
terests required  him  to  protract  his  residence  in  the  pro- 
vinces for  a  longer  period.  He  informed  Don  John  that 
his  disappointment  as  to  the  English  scheme  had  met  with 
the  warmest  sympathy  of  the  King,  who  had  wished  his 
brother  success.  "  I  have  sold  to  him,  at  as  high  a 
price  as  I  could,"  said  Perez,  "the  magnanimity  with 
which  your  Highness  had  sacrificed,  on  that  occasion,  a 
private  object  to  his  service."  * 

The  minister  held  the  same  language,  when  writing,  in 
a  still  more  intimate  and  expansive  style,  to  Escovedo. 
"  We  must  avoid,  by  a  thousand  leagues,  the  possibility 
of  the  King's  thinking  us  influenced  by  private  motives," 
he  observed ;  *  *  for  we  know  the  King  and  the  delicacy 
of  these  matters.  The  only  way  to  gain  the  good-will 
of  the  man  is  carefully  to  accommodate  ourselves  to  his 
tastes,  and  to  have  the  appearance  of  being  occupied  solely 
with  his  interests."2  The  letter,  like  all  the  rest,  being 
submitted  to  "  the  man  "  in  question  before  being  sent, 
was  underlined  by  him  at  this  paragraph,  and  furnished 
with  the  following  annotation  : — "  but  you  must  enlarge 
upon  the  passage  which  I  have  marked — say  more,  even 
if  you  are  obliged  to  copy  the  letter,  in  order  that  we 
may  see  the  nature  of  the  reply."3 

In  another  letter  to  Escovedo,  Perez  enlarged  upon  the 
impropriety,  the  impossibility  of  Don  John's  leaving  the 
Netherlands  at  that  time.  The  King  was  so  resolute  upon 
that  point,  he  said,  that  'twas  out  of  the  question  to 
suggest  the  matter.  "  We  should,  by  so  doing,  only 
lose  all  credit  with  him  in  other  things.  You  know  what 
a  terrible  man  he  is ;  if  he  should  once  suspect  us  of 
having  a  private  end  in  view,  we  should  entirely  miss  our 
mark."4  Especially  the  secretary  was  made  acquainted 
with  the  enormous  error  which  would  be  committed  by 

1  "Su  Mag.  ha  manifestado  gran  deseo  de  que  se  hubiera  podido  executar  en  esta 
occasion  ;  y  yo  le  he  vendido  quan  caro  he  savido  el  aber  pospuesto  V.  A.  su  particular 
servicio." — Cartas,  etc.,  MS.,  20-24.4. 

2  Cartas,  etc.,  MS.,  f.  24-27. — "  Me  parece  que  hemos  de  huir  mil  leguas  de  que  piense 

el  rey  que  tratamos  tan  de  proposito  de  lo  que  toca  al  Senor  Don  Juan pues  cono- 

cemos  al  rey  y  cuan  delicadas  materias  de  estado  son  estas,  pues  por  el  mismo  caso  no  nos 
fiara  nada  y  el  camino  para  ganar  este  hombre  la  •voluntad  no  a  de  ser  sino  tratar  sola- 
mente  de  su  negocio  y  accomodalle  los  estados  y  los  negocios  a  su  gusto." 

3  "  Mas  os  aviades  de  alargnr  en  lo  que  yo  rayo.     Decid  mas  aunque  se  copie  la  carta, 
para  ver  el  animo  de  la  respuesta." — Cartas,  etc.,  MS.,  f.  24-27. 

*  Cartas,  etc.,  MS.,  f,  27-32. — "  Porque  no  perdemos  el  credito  con  el  para  otras 
cosas,  que  como  Vm.  sabe  es  terribile  hombre,"  etc.,  etc. 


Dutch  Republic  113 

Don  John  in  leaving-  his  post.  Perez  "  had  ventured  into 
the  water  "  upon  the  subject,  he  said,  by  praising  the 
Governor  warmly  to  his  Majesty.  The  King  had  re- 
sponded by  a  hearty  eulogium,  adding  that  the  greatest 
comfort  in  having  such  a  brother  was,  that  he  might  be 
where  his  Majesty  could  not  be.  Therefore,  it  was  out 
of  the  question  for  Don  John  to  leave  the  provinces.  The 
greatest  tact  was  necessary,  urged  Perez,  in  dealing  with 
the  King.  If  he  should  once  "  suspect  that  we  have  a 
private  purpose,  we  are  lost,  and  no  Demosthenes  or 
Cicero  would  be  able  to  influence  him  afterwards."1 
Perez  begged  that  his  ardent  attachment  to  Don  John 
might  be  represented  in  the  strongest  colours  to  that 
high  personage,  who  was  to  be  assured  that  every  effort 
would  be  made  to  place  him  at  the  head  of  affairs  in 
Spain,  according  to  the  suggestion  of  Escovedo.  "  It 
would  never  do,  however,"  he  continued,  "to  let  our 
man  see  that  we  desire  it,  for  then  we  should  never  suc- 
ceed. The  only  way  to  conquer  him  is  to  make  him 
believe  that  things  are  going  on  as  he  wishes,  not  as 
his  Highness  may  desire,  and  that  we  have  none  of  us 
any  will  but  the  King's."2  Upon  this  passage  the 
"terrible  man"  made  a  brief  annotation:  "this  para- 
graph does  admirably,"  he  said,  adding,  with  character- 
istic tautology,  "  and  what  you  say  in  it  is  also  ex- 
cellent." * 

"  Therefore,"  continued  the  minister,  "  God  forbid, 
Master  Escovedo,  that  you  should  come  hither  now;  for 
we  should  all  be  lost.  In  the  English  matter,  I  assure 
you  that  his  Majesty  was  extremely  anxious  that  the 
plan  should  succeed,  either  through  the  Pope,  or  other- 
wise. That  puts  me  in  mind,"  added  Perez,  "to  say, 
body  of  God  !  Senor  Escovedo  !  how  the  devil  came  you 
to  send  that  courier  to  Rome  about  the  English  plot 
without  giving  me  warning?"4  He  then  proceeded  to 
state  that  the  papal  nuncio  in  Spain  had  been  much 
troubled  in  mind  upon  the  subject,  and  had  sent  for  him. 
"  I  went,"  said  Perez,  "  and  after  he  had  closed  the 

1  "  Porque  la  ora  que  lleguemos  a  esto  somos  perdidos,  y  no  abra  Demosthenes  ni 
Ciceron  que  li  persuada  despues." — Cartas,  etc.,  MS.,  f.  27-32. 

2  "Pero  no  lo  mostremos  a  este  ombre  jamas  que  lo  deseamos  porque  nunca  lo  vera- 
mos,"  etc. — Ibid. 

3  "  Este  capitulo  va  muy  bien,  y  lo  que  decis  en  el  tanbien." — Ibid. 

4  "  Cuerpo  de  Dios,  Senor  Escobedo,  como  diablos  despacharon  el  correo  a  Roma 
sobre  esto  de  Inglaterra,"  etc. — Ibid.     Upon  this  passage  the  King  has  also  noted  with 
his  own  hand  :  "  and  this  paragraph  is  even  still  more  to  the  purpose  "  ("  Y  este  capitulo 
va  aun  mejor  al  proposito."). — Ibid. 


U4  The  Rise  of  the 

door,  and  looked  through  the  keyhole  to  see  that  there 
were  no  listeners,  he  informed  me  that  he  had  received 
intelligence  from  the  Pope  as  to  the  demands  made  by 
Don  John  upon  his  Holiness  for  bulls,  briefs,  and  money 
to  assist  him  in  his  English  scheme,  and  that  eighty 
thousand  ducats  had  already  been  sent  to  him  in  con- 
sequence." Perez  added  that  the  nuncio  was  very  anxious 
to  know  how  the  affair  should  best  be  communicated 
to  the  King,  without  prejudice  to  his  Highness.  He  had 
given  him  the  requisite  advice,  he  continued,  and  had 
himself  subsequently  told  the  King  that,  no  doubt,  letters 
had  been  written  by  Don  John  to  his  Majesty,  communi- 
cating these  negotiations  at  Rome,  but  that  probably  the 
despatches  had  been  forgotten.  Thus,  giving  himself  the 
appearance  of  having  smoothed  the  matter  with  the  King, 
Perez  concluded  with  a  practical  suggestion  of  much 
importance — the  necessity,  namely,  of  procuring  the  as- 
sassination of  the  Prince  of  Orange  as  soon  as  possible. 
"  Let  it  never  be  absent  from  your  mind,"  said  he,  "  that 
a  good  occasion  must  be  found  for  finishing  Orange, 
since,  besides  the  service  which  will  thus  be  rendered 
to  our  master,  and  to  the  states,  it  will  be  worth  some- 
thing to  ourselves."1 

No  apology  is  necessary  for  laying  a  somewhat  exten- 
sive analysis  of  this  secret  correspondence  before  the 
reader.  If  there  be  any  value  in  the  examples  of  history, 
certainly  few  chronicles  can  furnish  a  more  instructive 
moral.  Here  are  a  despotic  king  and  his  confidential 
minister  laying  their  heads  together  in  one  cabinet ;  the 
viceroy  of  the  most  important  province  of  the  realm, 
with  his  secretary,  deeply  conferring  in  another,  not  as 
to  the  manner  of  advancing  the  great  interests,  moral  or 
material,  of  the  people  over  whom  God  has  permitted 
them  to  rule,  but  as  to  the  best  means  of  arranging  con- 
spiracies against  the  throne  and  life  of  a  neighbouring 
sovereign,  with  the  connivance  and  subsidies  of  the  Pope. 
In  this  scheme,  and  in  this  only,  the  high  conspirators 
are  agreed.  In  every  other  respect,  mutual  suspicion 
and  profound  deceit  characterize  the  scene.  The  governor 
is  filled  with  inexpressible  loathing  for  the  whole  nation 
of  "  drunkards  and  wine-skins  "  who  are  at  the  very 

1  "Ojo  que  no  dexe  Vm.  de  llevar  en  su  pensamiento  para  si  conviniesse  y  se  pudiesse 
en  ocasion  pero  compuesto  todo  de  los  estados  a  acavar  a  Oranxe,  que  demas  del  servicio 
que  se  ara  a  nuestro  Senor  y  bien  a  esos  estados  nos  valdria.  algo,  y  crea  me  que  le  digo 
la  verdad  y  creame  le  digo  otra  vez." — Cartas,  etc.,  MS.,  f.  27-32. 


Dutch  Republic  115 

moment  strewing-  flowers  in  his  path,  and  deafening-  his 
ears  with  shouts  of  welcome;  the  king-,  while  expressing 
unbounded  confidence  in  the  viceroy,  is  doing  his  utmost, 
through  the  agency  of  the  subtlest  intriguer  in  the  world, 
to  inveigle  him  into  confessions  of  treasonable  schemes, 
and  the  minister  is  rilling  reams  of  paper  with  protesta- 
tions of  affection  for  the  governor  and  secretary,  with 
sneers  at  the  character  of  the  king,  and  with  instruc- 
tions as  to  the  best  method  of  deceiving  him,  and  then 
laying  the  despatches  before  his  Majesty  for  correction 
and  enlargement.  To  complete  the  picture,  the  monarch 
and  his  minister  are  seen  urging  the  necessity  of  mur- 
dering the  foremost  man  of  the  age  upon  the  very  dupe 
who,  within  a  twelvemonth,  was  himself  to  be  assassin- 
ated by  the  selfsame  pair;  while  the  arch-plotter  who 
controls  the  strings  of  all  these  complicated  projects  is 
equally  false  to  king,  governor,  and  secretary,  and  is 
engaging  all  the  others  in  these  blind  and  tortuous  paths, 
for  the  accomplishment  of  his  own  secret  and  most  ignoble 
aims. 

In  reply  to  the  letters  of  Perez,  Don  John  constantly 
expressed  the  satisfaction  and  comfort  which  he  derived 
from  them  in  the  midst  of  his  annoyances.  "  He  was 
very  disconsolate,"  he  said,  "  to  be  in  that  hell,  and  to 
be  obliged  to  remain  in  it,"1  now  that  the  English 
plot  had  fallen  to  the  ground,  but  he  would  neverthe- 
less take  patience,  and  wait  for  a  more  favourable  con- 
juncture. 

Escovedo  expressed  the  opinion,  however,  notwithstand- 
ing all  the  suggestions  of  Perez,  that  the  presence  of  Don 
John  in  the  provinces  had  become  entirely  superfluous. 
"An  old  woman  with  her  distaff,"  suggested  the  secre- 
tary, "would  be  more  appropriate;  for  there  would  be 
nothing  to  do,  if  the  states  had  their  way,  save  to  sign 
everything  which  they  should  command."2  If  there 
should  be  war,  his  Highness  would,  of  course,  not  abandon 
his  post,  even  if  permitted  to  do  so ;  but  otherwise,  no- 
thing could  be  gained  by  a  prolonged  residence.  As  to  the 
scheme  of  assassinating  the  Prince  of  Orange,  Escovedo 
prayed  Perez  to  believe  him  incapable  of  negligence  on 
the  subject.  "  You  know  that  the  finishing  of  Orange 

1  Cartas,  etc.,  MS.,  26  Mayo,  1577,  f.  32-34. — "Tiene  me  muy  desconsolado  por  que 
estar  en  este  ynfierno  y  aver  destar." 

2  Ibid.,  29  Mayo,  1577,  f.   33-37. — "El  Senor  Don  Juan  no  sera  menester  sino  una 
duena  con  su  rueca  que  firme  lo  quellos  quisieren." 


ii6  The  Rise  of  the 

is  very  near  my  heart,"  wrote  the  poor  dupe  to  the  man 
by  whom  he  was  himself  so  soon  to  be  finished.  "  You 
may  believe  that  I  have  never  forgotten  it,  and  never 
will  forget  it,  until  it  be  done.  Much,  and  very  much, 
artifice  is,  however,  necessary  to  accomplish  this  object. 
A  proper  person  to  undertake  a  task  fraught  with  such 
well-known  danger,  is  hard  to  find.  Nevertheless,  I  will 
not  withdraw  my  attention  from  the  subject  till  such  a 
person  be  procured,  and  the  deed  be  done."  * 

A  month  later,  Escovedo  wrote  that  he  was  about  to 
visit  Spain.  He  complained  that  he  required  rest  in  his 
old  age,  but  that  Perez  could  judge  how  much  rest  he 
could  get  in  such  a  condition  of  affairs.  He  was,  un- 
fortunately, not  aware,  when  he  wrote,  how  soon  his 
correspondent  was  to  give  him  a  long  repose.  He  said, 
too,  that  the  pleasure  of  visiting  his  home  was  counter- 
balanced by  the  necessity  of  travelling  back  to  the  Nether- 
lands ;2  but  he  did  not  know  that  Perez  was  to  spare  him 
that  trouble,  and  to  send  him  forth  upon  a  much  longer 
journey. 

The  Governor-General  had,  in  truth,  not  inspired  the 
popular  party  or  its  leader  with  confidence,  nor  did  he 
place  the  least  reliance  upon  them.  While  at  Louvain,  he 
had  complained  that  a  conspiracy  had  been  formed  against 
his  life  and  liberty.  Two  French  gentlemen,  Bonnivet 
and  Bellangreville,  had  been  arrested  on  suspicion  of  a 
conspiracy  to  secure  his  person,  and  to  carry  him  off  a 
prisoner  to  Rochelle.  Nothing  came  of  the  examination 
which  followed;  the  prisoners  were  released,  and  an 
apology  was  sent  by  the  states-general  to  the  Duke  of 
Alen£on,  as  well  for  the  indignity  which  had  been  offered 
to  two  of  his  servants,  as  for  the  suspicion  which  had 
been  cast  upon  himself.3  Don  John,  however,  was  not 
satisfied.  He  persisted  in  asserting  the  existence  of  the 
conspiracy,  and  made  no  secret  of  his  belief  that  the 
Prince  of  Orange  was  acquainted  with  the  arrangement.4 
As  may  be  supposed,  nothing  was  discovered  in  the 

1  "  Ya  Vm.  save  cuanto  que  tengo  en  el  pensamiento  el  acavar  a  Oranxe  pues  bien 
crera  que  no  se  me  a  clvidado  ni  olvidara  hasta  acerlo  ;  que  es  menester  mucho  y  muy 
mucho  artificio  y  persona  talque  se  cncargue  del  casso  que  como  trae  consigo  tan  conocido 
peligro  no  acavo  de  allarla  nunque  la  he  buscado.     No perdere  a.1  cuidado  della.  asta.  ver 
lohecho.' '— Cartas,  etc.,  MS.,  29  Mayo,  1577,  f.  33-37. 

2  Ibid.'  21  Junio,  1577,  f.  36,  37.  3  Bor,  x.  805.     Hoofd,  xi.  493.  _ 

4  Cabrera  asserts  that  Count  Lalain,  with  other  deputies  of  the  estates,  had  conspired 
("  por  persuasion  del  Principe  de  Orange  y  orden  del  Duque  de  Alengon  ")  to  make  the 
capture  of  Don  John's  person  ;  adding  that  the  confession  would  have  been  extorted  from 
them  upon  the  rack,  there  being  sufficient  proofs  of  their  guilt,  but  the  affair  was  hushed 
up. — xi.  gooa  and  b. 


Dutch  Republic  117 

course  of  the  investigation  to  implicate  that  astute  politi- 
cian. The  Prince  had  indeed  secretly  recommended  that 
the  Governor  should  be  taken  into  custody  on  his  first 
arrival,  not  for  the  purpose  of  assassination  or  personal 
injury,  but  in  order  to  extort  better  terms  from  Philip, 
through  the  affection  or  respect  which  he  might  be  sup- 
posed to  entertain  for  his  brother.  It  will  be  remem- 
bered that  unsuccessful  attempts  had  also  been  made  to 
capture  the  Duke  of  Alva  and  the  Commander  Reque- 
sens.  Such  achievements  comported  with  the  spirit  of 
the  age,  and  although  it  is  doubtful  whether  any  well- 
concerted  plot  existed  against  the  liberty  of  the  Governor, 
it  is  certain  that  he  entertained  no  doubt  on  the  subject 
himself.1 

In  addition  to  these  real  or  suspected  designs,  there 
was  an  ever-present  consciousness  in  the  mind  of  Don 
John  that  the  enthusiasm  which  greeted  his  presence  was 
hollow,  that  no  real  attachment  was  felt  for  his  person, 
that  his  fate  was  leading  him  into  a  false  position,  that 
the  hearts  of  the  people  were  fixed  upon  another,  and  that 
they  were  never  to  be  won  by  himself.  Instinctively  he 
seemed  to  feel  a  multitude  of  invisible  threads  twining 
into  a  snare  around  him,  and  the  courageous  heart  and 
the  bounding  strength  became  uneasily  conscious  of  the 
net  in  which  they  were  to  be  held  captive  till  life  should 
be  wasted  quite  away. 

The  universal  affection  for  the  rebel  Prince,  and  the 
hopeless  abandonment  of  the  people  to  that  deadliest  of 
sins,  the  liberty  of  conscience,  were  alike  unquestionable. 
"  They  mean  to  remain  free,  Sire,"  wrote  Escovedo  to 
Philip,  "  and  to  live  as  they  please.  To  that  end  they 
would  be  willing  that  the  Turk  should  come  to  be  master 
of  the  country.  By  the  road  which  they  are  travelling, 
however,  it  will  be  the  Prince  of  Orange — which  comes 
to  quite  the  same  thing."2  At  the  same  time,  however, 
it  was  hoped  that  something  might  be  made  of  this  liberty 
of  conscience.  All  were  not  equally  sunk  in  the  horrible 
superstition,  and  those  who  were  yet  faithful  to  Church 
and  King  might  be  set  against  their  besotted  brethren. 
Liberty  of  conscience  might  thus  be  turned  to  account. 
While  two  great  parties  were  "  by  the  ears,  and  pulling 
out  each  other's  hair,  all  might  perhaps  be  reduced  to- 

1  See  the  remarks  of  Groen  van  Prinsterer,  Archives,  etc.,  vi.  42,  43. 

2  Letter  of  Escovedo  to  the   King,  March   27,   1577,  Discours  Sommier,  etc.,  p.  4, 
appendix. 


ii8  The  Rise  of  the 

gether.  "i  His  Majesty  was  warned,  nevertheless,  to 
expect  the  worst,  and  to  believe  that  the  country  could 
only  be  cured  with  fire  and  blood.2  The  position  of  the 
Governor  was  painful  and  perplexing-.  "  Don  John,"  said 
Escovedo,  "  is  thirty  years  old.  I  promise  your  Majesty 
nothing,  save  that  if  he  finds  himself  without  requisite 
assistance,  he  will  take  himself  off  when  your  Majesty  is 
least  thinking  of  such  a  thing."3 

Nothing  could  be  more  melancholy  than  the  tone  of  the 
Governor's  letters.  He  believed  himself  disliked,  even  in 
the  midst  of  affectionate  demonstrations.  He  felt  com- 
pelled to  use  moderate  counsels,  although  he  considered 
moderation  of  no  avail.  He  was  chained  to  his  post,  even 
though  the  post  could,  in  his  opinion,  be  more  advantage- 
ously filled  by  another.  He  would  still  endeavour  to 
gain  the  affections  of  the  people,  although  he  believed 
them  hopelessly  alienated.  If  patience  would  cure  the 
malady  of  the  country,  he  professed  himself  capable  of 
applying  the  remedy,  although  the  medicine  had  so  far 
done  but  little  good,  and  although  he  had  no  very  strong 
hopes  as  to  its  future  effects.4  "Thus  far,  however," 
said  he,  "  I  am  but  as  one  crying  in  the  wilderness."5 
He  took  occasion  to  impress  upon  his  Majesty,  in  very 
strong  language,  the  necessity  of  money.  Secret  agents, 
spies,  and  spies  upon  spies,  were  more  necessary  than 
ever,  and  were  very  expensive  portions  of  government 
machinery.  Never  was  money  more  wanted.  Nothing 
could  be  more  important  than  to  attend  faithfully  to  the 
financial  suggestions  of  Escovedo,  and  Don  John,  there- 
fore, urged  his  Majesty,  again  and  again,  not  to  dis- 
honour their  drafts.  "  Money  is  the  gruel,"  said  he, 
"with  which  we  must  cure  this  sick  man;"6  and  he 
therefore  prayed  all  those  who  wished  well  to  his  efforts, 
to  see  that  his  Majesty  did  not  fail  him  in  this  important 
matter.  Notwithstanding,  however,  the  vigour  of  his 
efforts,  and  the  earnestness  of  his  intentions,  he  gave  but 
little  hope  to  his  Majesty  of  any  valuable  fruit  from  the 
pacification  just  concluded.  He  saw  the  Prince  of  Orange 

1  Letter  of  Escovedo,  etc.,  Discours  Sommier,  p.  16. 

2  "  Este  negocio  no  esta  para  curarse  con  buenas  razones,  sino  con  fuego  y  con  sangre." 
— Ibid.  3  Letter  of  Escovedo,  Discours  Sommier,  appendix,  p.  16. 

4  Letter  of  Don  John  to  the  King,  7  Abril,  1577,  Discours  Sommier,  p.  27. 

5  "Pero  veo  que  hasta  agora  es  todo  predicar  en  desierto." — Letter  of  Don  John,  7 
Abril,  1577,  Discours  Sommier,  etc.,  appendix,  p.  36.  _ 

6  " en  materia  de  dinero  :  porque  este  es  el  pisto  con  que  a  de  bolver  en  si  este. 

enformo,"  etc.— Letter  of  Don  John  to  Perez,  Discours  Sommier,  p.  44. 


Dutch  Republic  119 

strengthening-  himself,  "  with  great  fury,"  in  Holland  and 
Zeland;1  he  knew  that  the  Prince  was  backed  by  the 
Queen  of  England,  who,  notwithstanding  her  promises  to 
Philip  and  himself,  had  offered  her  support  to  the  rebels 
in  case  the  proposed  terms  of  peace  were  rejected  in 
Holland,  and  he  felt  that  "nearly  the  whole  people  was 
at  the  devotion  of  the  Prince."2 

Don  John  felt  more  and  more  convinced,  too,  that  a 
conspiracy  was  on  foot  against  his  liberty.  There  were 
so  many  of  the  one  party,  and  so  few  of  the  other,  that 
if  he  were  once  fairly  "  trussed,"  he  affirmed  that  not 
a  man  among  the  faithful  would  dare  to  budge  an  inch.3 
He  therefore  informed  his  Majesty  that  he  was  secretly 
meditating  a  retreat  to  some  place  of  security ;  judging 
very  properly  that,  if  he  were  still  his  own  master,  he 
should  be  able  to  exert  more  influence  over  those  who 
were  still  well  disposed,  than  if  he  should  suffer  himself 
to  be  taken  captive.  A  suppressed  conviction  that  he 
could  effect  nothing,  except  with  his  sword,  pierced 
through  all  his  more  prudent  reflections.  He  maintained 
that,  after  all,  there  was  no  remedy  for  the  body  but  to 
cutoff  the  diseased  parts  at  once,4  and  he  therefore  begged 
his  Majesty  for  the  means  of  performing  the  operation 
handsomely.  The  general  expressions  which  he  had 
previously  used  in  favour  of  broths  and  mild  treatment 
hardly  tallied  with  the  severe  amputation  thus  recom- 
mended. There  was,  in  truth,  a  constant  struggle  going 
on  between  the  fierceness  of  his  inclinations  and  the 
shackles  which  had  been  imposed  upon  him.  He  already 
felt  entirely  out  of  place,  and  although  he  scorned  to  fly 
from  his  post  so  long  as  it  seemed  the  post  of  danger,  he 
was  most  anxious  that  the  King  should  grant  him  his 
dismissal,  so  soon  as  his  presence  should  no  longer  be 
imperiously  required.  He  was  sure  that  the  people  would 
never  believe  in  his  Majesty's  forgiveness  until  the  man 
concerning  whom  they  entertained  so  much  suspicion 
should  be  removed  ;  for  they  saw  in  him  only  the  "  thunder- 
bolt of  his  Majesty's  wrath."5  Orange  and  England 
confirmed  their  suspicions,  and  sustained  their  malice. 

1  "  El  Principe  de  Oranges  continue  el  fortificar  a  gran  fuia  en  Olanda  y  Zelanda." — 
Letter  of  Don  John  to  the  King,  Discours  Sommier,  p.  35. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  36. — ""La  mayor  parte  de  las  estados  esta  a  su  devocion  y  casi  todo  el 
pueblo,"  etc.  „    ,3  Ibid.,  p.  36. 

4  "  Pues  ne  tiene  este  cuerpo  otro  remedio  que  el  cortar  lo  danado  del :  lo  qual  se  a  de 
hazer  ajora  haziendo  la  provision  que  supliao  de  nuevo,"  etc.,  etc. — Letter  of  Don  John  to 
the  King,  Discours  Sommier,  p.  35.  6  Ibid.,  p.  44. 


120  The  Rise  of  the 

Should  he  be  compelled,  against  his  will,  to  remain,  he 
gave  warning  that  he  might  do  something  which  would 
be  matter  of  astonishment  to  everybody.1 

Meantime,  the  man  in  whose  hands  really  lay  the  ques- 
tion of  war  and  peace,  sat  at  Middelburg,  watching  the 
deep  current  of  events  as  it  slowly  flowed  towards  the 
precipice.  The  whole  population  of  Holland  and  Zeland 
hung  on  his  words.  "  The  people  here,"  he  wrote,  "  are 
bewitched  by  the  Prince  of  Orange.  They  love  him, 
they  fear  him,  and  wish  to  have  him  for  their  master. 
They  inform  him  of  everything,  and  take  no  resolution 
without  consulting  him."2 

While  William  was  thus  directing  and  animating  the 
whole  nation  with  his  spirit,  his  immediate  friends  be- 
came more  and  more  anxious  concerning  the  perils  to 
which  he  was  exposed.  His  mother,  who  had  already 
seen  her  youngest  born,  Henry,  her  Adolphus,  her 
chivalrous  Louis,  laid  in  their  bloody  graves  for  the  cause 
of  conscience,  was  most  solicitous  for  the  welfare  of  her 
"  heart 's-beloved  lord  and  son,"  the  Prince  of  Orange. 
Nevertheless,  the  high-spirited  old  dame  was  even  more 
alarmed  at  the  possibility  of  a  peace  in  which  that  religi- 
ous liberty  for  which  so  much  dear  blood  had  been  poured 
forth  should  be  inadequately  secured.  "  My  heart  longs 
for  certain  tidings  from  my  lord,"  she  wrote  to  William, 
"  for  methinks  the  peace  now  in  prospect  will  prove  but 
an  oppression  for  soul  and  conscience.  I  trust  my  heart's 
dearly-beloved  lord  and  son  will  be  supported  by  divine 
grace  to  do  nothing  against  God  and  his  own  soul's 
salvation.  'Tis  better  to  lose  the  temporal  than  the 
eternal."3  Thus  wrote  the  mother  of  William,  and  we 
can  feel  the  sympathetic  thrill  which  such  tender  and  lofty 
words  awoke  in  his  breast.  His  son,  the  ill-starred 
Philip,  now  for  ten  years  long  a  compulsory  sojourner  in 
Spain,  was  not  yet  weaned  from  his  affection  for  his 
noble  parent,  but  sent  messages  of  affection  to  him  when- 
ever occasion  offered,  while  a  less  commendable  proof 
of  his  filial  affection  he  had  lately  afforded,  at  the  expense 
of  the  luckless  captain  of  his  Spanish  guard.  That  officer 
having  dared  in  his  presence  to  speak  disrespectfully  of 

1  "  Sere  forcado  &  hazer  alguna  cosa  que  de  mucho  que  maravillat  a  todos,"  etc.— Letter 
to  Perez,  Discours  Sommier,  p.  45. 

2  " los  tiene  encantados  porque  le  aman  y  temen  y  quieren  por  Senor.     Ellos  le 

avisan  de  todo  y  sin  el  no  resuelven  cosa." — Extract  of  MS.  letter  in  Gachard,  Correspond- 
ance  de  Guillaume  le  Tacit.,  iii.,  Preface,  Ixiii.,  note  3. 

3  Groen  v.  Prinsterer,  Archives,  etc.,  vi.  49,  50. 


Dutch  Republic  121 

his  father,  was  suddenly  seized  about  the  waist  by  the 
enraged  young  Count,  hurled  out  of  the  window,  and 
killed  stone-dead  upon  the  spot.1  After  this  exhibition 
of  his  natural  feelings,  the  Spanish  government  thought 
it  necessary  to  take  more  subtle  means  to  tame  so  tur- 
bulent a  spirit.  Unfortunately  they  proved  successful. 

Count  John  of  Nassau,  too,  was  sorely  pressed  for 
money.  Six  hundred  thousand  florins,  at  least,  had  been 
advanced  by  himself  and  his  brothers  to  aid  the  cause  of 
Netherland  freedom.2  Louis  and  himself  had,  unhesitat- 
ingly and  immediately,  turned  into  that  sacred  fund  the 
hundred  thousand  crowns  which  the  King  of  France  had 
presented  them  for  their  personal  use,3  for  it  was  not 
the  Prince  of  Orange  alone  who  had  consecrated  his 
wealth  and  his  life  to  the  cause,  but  the  members  of 
his  family,  less  immediately  interested  in  the  country, 
had  thus  furnished  what  may  well  be  called  an  enormous 
subsidy,  and  one  most  disproportioned  to  their  means. 
Not  only  had  they  given  all  the  cash  which  they  could 
command  by  mortgaging  their  lands  and  rents,  their  plate 
and  furniture,  but,  in  the  words  of  Count  John  himself, 
"  they  had  taken  the  chains  and  jewels  from  the  necks  of 
their  wives,  their  children,  and  their  mother,  and  had 
hawked  them  about,  as  if  they  had  themselves  been 
traders  and  hucksters."4  And  yet,  even  now,  while 
stooping  under  this  prodigious  debt,  Count  John  asked 
not  for  present  repayment.  He  only  wrote  to  the  Prince  to 
signify  his  extreme  embarrassment,  and  to  request  some 
obligation  or  recognition  from  the  cities  of  Holland  and 
Zeland,  whence  hitherto  no  expression  of  gratitude  or 
acknowledgment  had  proceeded.5 

The  Prince  consoled  and  assured,  as  best  he  could,  his 
mother,  son,  wife,  and  brother,  even  at  the  same  moment 
that  he  comforted  his  people.  He  also  received  at  this 
time  a  second  and  more  solemn  embassy  from  Don  John.6- 
No  sooner  had  the  Governor  exchanged  oaths  at  Brussels, 
and  been  acknowledged  as  the  representative  of  his 
Majesty,  than  he  hastened  to  make  another  effort  to  con- 
ciliate the  Prince.  Don  John  saw  before  him  only  a 
grand  seignior  of  lofty  birth  and  boundless  influence,  who 
had  placed  himself  towards  the  Crown  in  a  false  position, 

1  De  la  Pise,  p.  603.      Groen  v.  Prinsterer,  Archives,  etc.,  vi.    102.      Du  Maurier, 
Memoires  ;  art.  Phil.  Guill. 

2  Archives  et  Correspondance,  vi.  95,  sqq.  *  Ibid.  *  Ibid.  6  Ibid. 
«  Bor,  x.  814.     Meteren,  vii.  xai. 


122  The  Rise  of  the 

from  which  he  might  even  yet  be  rescued ;  for  to  sacrifice 
the  whims  of  a  reforming-  and  transitory  religious  fanatic- 
ism, which  had  spun  itself  for  a  moment  about  so  clear 
a  brain,  would,  he  thought,  prove  but  a  trifling  task  for 
so  experienced  a  politician  as  the  Prince.  William  of 
Orange,  on  the  other  hand,  looked  upon  his  young  antago- 
nist as  the  most  brilliant  impersonation  which  had  yet 
been  seen  of  the  foul  spirit  of  persecution. 

It  will  be  necessary  to  follow,  somewhat  more  in  detail 
than  is  usually  desirable,  the  interchange  of  conversa- 
tions, letters,  and  protocols,  out  of  which  the  brief  but 
important  administration  of  Don  John  was  composed ;  for 
it  was  exactly  in  such  manifestations  that  the  great  fight 
was  really  proceeding.  Don  John  meant  peace,  William 
meant  war,  for  he  knew  that  no  other  issue  was  possible. 
Peace,  in  reality,  was  war  in  its  worst  shape.  Peace 
would  unchain  every  priestly  tongue,  and  unsheath  every 
knightly  sword  in  the  fifteen  provinces  against  little 
Holland  and  Zeland.  He  had  been  able  to  bind  all  the 
provinces  together  by  the  hastily-forged  chain  of  the 
Ghent  Treaty,  and  had  done  what  he  could  to  strengthen 
that  union  by  the  principle  of  mutual  religious  respect. 
By  the  arrival  of  Don  John  that  work  had  been  deranged. 
It  had,  however,  been  impossible  for  the  Prince  thoroughly 
to  infuse  his  own  ideas  on  the  subject  of  toleration  into 
the  hearts  of  his  nearest  associates.  He  could  not  hope 
to  inspire  his  deadly  enemies  with  a  deeper  sympathy. 
Was  he  not  himself  the  mark  of  obloquy  among  the  Re- 
formers, because  of  his  leniency  to  Catholics?  Nay  more, 
was  not  his  intimate  councillor,  the  accomplished  Sainte 
Aldegonde,  in  despair  because  the  Prince  refused  to  ex- 
clude the  Anabaptists  of  Holland  from  the  rights  of 
citizenship?  At  the  very  moment  when  William  was 
straining  every  nerve  to  unite  warring  sects,  and  to 
persuade  men's  hearts  into  a  system  by  which  their  con- 
sciences were  to  be  laid  open  to  God  alone — at  the  moment 
when  it  was  most  necessary  for  the  very  existence  of  the 
fatherland  that  Catholic  and  Protestant  should  mingle 
their  social  and  political  relations — it  was  indeed  a  bitter 
disappointment  for  him  to  see  wise  statesmen  of  his  own 
creed  unable  to  rise  to  the  idea  of  toleration.  "  The  affair 
of  the  Anabaptists,"  wrote  Sainte  Aldegonde,  "has  been 
renewed.  The  Prince  objects  to  exclude  them  from  citizen- 
ship. He  answered  me  sharply,  that  their  yea  was  equal 


Dutch   Republic  123 

to  our  oath,  and  that  we  should  not  press  this  matter 
unless  we  were  'willing  to  confess  that  it  was  just  for  the 
Papists  to  compel  us  to  a  divine  service  which  was  against 
our  conscience."  It  seems  hardly  credible  that  this  sen- 
tence should  have  been  indited  as  a  bitter  censure,  and 
that,  too,  by  an  enlightened  and  accomplished  Protestant. 
"  In  short,"  continued  Sainte  Aldegonde,  with  increasing 
vexation,  "  I  don't  see  how  we  can  accomplish  our  wish 
in  this  matter.  The  Prince  has  uttered  reproaches  to  me 
that  our  clergy  are  striving  to  obtain  a  mastery  over 
consciences.  He  praised  lately  the  saying  of  a  monk  who 
was  not  long  ago  here,  that  our  pot  had  not  gone  to  the 
fire  as  often  as  that  of  our  antagonists,  but  that  when  the 
time  came  it  would  be  black  enough.  In  short,  the  Prince 
fears  that  after  a  few  centuries  the  clerical  tyranny  on 
both  sides  will  stand  in  this  respect  on  the  same 
footing."  i 

Early  in  the  month  of  May,  Doctor  Leoninus  and  Caspar 
Schetz,  Seigneur  de  Grobbendonck,  had  been  sent  on  a 
mission  from  the  states-general  to  the  Prince  of  Orange.2 
While  their  negotiations  were  still  pending,  four  special 
envoys  from  Don  John  arrived  at  Middelburg.  To  this 
commission  was  informally  adjoined  Leoninus,  who  had 
succeeded  to  the  general  position  of  Viglius.  Viglius  was 
dead.3  Since  the  memorable  arrest  of  the  State  Council, 
he  had  not  appeared  on  the  scene  of  public  affairs.  The 
house-arrest,  to  which  he  had  been  compelled  by  a  revolu- 
tionary committee,  had  been  indefinitely  prolonged  by  a 
higher  power,  and  after  a  protracted  illness  he  had  noise- 
lessly disappeared  from  the  stage  of  life.  There  had  been 
few  more  learned  doctors  of  both  laws  than  he.  There 
had  been  few  more  adroit  politicians,  considered  from  his 
point  of  view.  His  punning  device  was  "  Vita  mortalium 
vigilia,"  4  and  he  acted  accordingly,  but  with  a  narrow 
interpretation.  His  life  had  indeed  been  a  vigil,  but  it 
must  be  confessed  that  the  vigils  had  been  for  Viglius. 
The  weather-beaten  Palinurus,  as  he  loved  to  call  himself, 
had  conducted  his  own  argosy  so  warily  that  he  had  saved 
his  whole  cargo,  and  perished  in  port  at  last,  while 

1  See  the  letter  of  Sainte  Aldegonde  in  Brandt,  Hist,  der  Reformatie,  i.  b.  xi.  588,  589. 

2  Bor,  x.  814.     Hoofd,  xii.  501. 

3  He  died  May  8,  1577. — Bor,  x.  812.     Hoofd,  xii.  501. 

•*  Bor,  x.  812.  Meteren,  vi.  120. — Another  motto  of  his  was,  "  En  groot  jurist  een 
booser  Cft rist ;  "  that  is  to  say,  A  good  lawyer  is  a  bad  Christian. — Meteren,  vi.  120. 
Unfortunately  his  own  character  did  not  give  the  lie  satisfactorily  to  the  device. 


124  The  Rise  of  the 

others,  not  sailing  by  his  compass,  were  still  tossed  by  the 
tempest. 

The  agents  of  Don  John  were  the  Duke  of  Aerschot, 
the  Seigneur  de  Hierges,  Seigneur  de  Willerval,  and 
Doctor  Meetkercke,  accompanied  by  Doctor  Andrew  Gaill, 
one  of  the  imperial  commissioners.1  The  two  envoys 
from  the  states-general,  Leoninus  and  Schetz,  being 
present  at  Gertruidenberg,  were  added  to  the  deputation.2 
An  important  conference  took  place,  the  details  of  which 
have  been  somewhat  minutely  preserved.3  The  Prince  of 
Orange,  accompanied  by  Sainte  Aldegonde,  and  four  other 
councillors,  encountered  the  seven  champions  from  Brus- 
sels in  a  long  debate,  which  was  more  like  a  passage  of 
arms  or  a  trial  of  skill  than  a  friendly  colloquy  with  a 
pacific  result  in  prospect;  for  it  must  be  remembered  that 
the  Prince  of  Orange  did  not  mean  peace.  He  had  devised 
the  Pacification  of  Ghent  as  a  union  of  the  other  provinces 
with  Holland  and  Zeland,  against  Philip.  He  did  not 
intend  that  it  should  be  converted  into  a  union  of  the  other 
provinces  with  Philip  against  Holland  and  Zeland. 

Meetkercke  was  the  first  to  speak.  He  said  that  the 
Governor  had  despatched  them  to  the  Prince,  to  express 
his  good  intentions,  to  represent  the  fidelity  with  which 
his  promises  had  thus  far  been  executed,  and  to  entreat 
the  Prince,  together  with  the  provinces  of  Holland  and 
Zeland,  to  unite  with  their  sister  provinces  in  common 
allegiance  to  his  Majesty.  His  Highness  also  proposed  to 
advise  with  them  concerning  the  proper  method  of  con- 
voking the  states-general.4  As  soon  as  Meetkercke  had 
finished  his  observations,  the  Prince  demanded  that  the 
points  and  articles  should  be  communicated  to  him  in 
writing.  Now  this  was  precisely  what  the  envoys  pre- 
ferred to  omit.  It  was  easier,  and  far  more  agreeable  to 
expatiate  in  a  general  field  of  controversy,  than  to  remain 
tethered  to  distinct  points. 

The  commissioners,  after  whispering  in  each  other's 
ears  for  a  few  minutes,  refused  to  put  down  anything  in 
writing.  Protocols,  they  said,  only  engendered  confusion. 

1  Bor,  x.  814.     Hoofd,  xii.  502.  2  Bor,  x.  816.     Ibid. 

Gac' 


By  the  learned  and  acute  Gachard,  to  whom  the  history  of  the  Netherlands  is  under 
'      ;.     Vide  Correspondance  de  Guillaume  le  Tacit.,  iii.  preface,  Ixii. 
pp.  447-459,  where  is  to  be  found  the  "  Vraye  Narration  des  Pro- 


en  est  il  Philippe  de  Marnix  (St.  Aldegonde)  lui-meme." — Note  to  p.  447,  Guillaume  le 
Tacit.,  iii.  4  Vraye  Narration,  etc.,  447,  448 


Dutch  Republic  125 

"No,  no,"  said  the  Prince,  in  reply,  "we  will  have 
nothing  except  in  black  and  white.  Otherwise  things 
will  be  said  on  both  sides,  which  will  afterwards  be  in- 
terpreted in  different  ways.  Nay,  it  will  be  denied  that 
some  important  points  have  been  discussed  at  all.  We 
know  that  by  experience.  Witness  the  solemn  treaty  of 
Ghent,  which  ye  have  tried  to  make  fruitless,  under  pre- 
tence that  some  points,  arranged  by  word  of  mouth,  and 
not  stated  particularly  in  writing,  had  been  intended  in  a 
different  sense  from  the  obvious  one.  Governments  given 
by  royal  commission,  for  example;  what  point  could  be 
clearer?  Nevertheless,  ye  have  hunted  up  glosses  and 
cavils  to  obscure  the  intention  of  the  contracting  parties. 
Ye  have  denied  my  authority  over  Utrecht,  because  not 
mentioned  expressly  in  the  treaty  of  Ghent."1 

"  But,"  said  one  of  the  envoys,  interrupting  at  this 
point,  "  neither  the  Council  of  State  nor  the  Court  of 
Mechlin  consider  Utrecht  as  belonging  to  your  Excel- 
lency's government."2 

"Neither  the  Council  of  State,"  replied  the  Prince, 
"  nor  the  Court  of  Mechlin  have  anything  to  do  with  the 
matter.  Tis  in  my  commission,  and  all  the  world  knows 
it."3  He  added  that  instead  of  affairs  being  thrown  into 
confusion  by  being  reduced  to  writing,  he  was  of  opinion, 
on  the  contrary,  that  it  was  by  that  means  alone  they 
could  be  made  perfectly  clear. 

Leoninus  replied,  good-naturedly,  that  there  should  be 
no  difficulty  upon  that  score,  and  that  writings  should 
be  exchanged.  In  the  meantime,  however,  he  expressed 
the  hope  that  the  Prince  would  honour  them  with  some 
preliminary  information  as  to  the  points  in  which  he  felt 
aggrieved,  as  well  as  to  the  pledges  which  he  and  the 
states  were  inclined  to  demand. 

"  And  what  reason  have  we  to  hope,"  cried  the  Prince, 
"that  your  pledges,  if  made,  will  be  redeemed?  That 
which  was  promised  so  solemnly  at  Ghent,  and  ratified 
by  Don  John  and  his  Majesty,  has  not  been  fulfilled."4 

"  Of  what  particular  point  do  you  complain?"  asked 
Schetz.  "Wherein  has  the  Pacification  been  violated?" 

Hereupon  the  Prince  launched  forth  upon  a  flowing- 
stream  of  invective.  He  spoke  to  them  of  his  son  detained 

1  Vraye  Narration,  etc.,  449,  450. 

2  See  details  of  Conferences  at  Gertruidenburg.  preserved  by  Bor,  x.  810. 

3  Bor,  x.  819.     Hoofd,  xii.  504. 

4  Vraye  Narration   etc.     Gachard.  Guillaume  le  Tacit.,  iii.  450. 


126  The  Rise  of  the 

in  distant  captivity — of  his  own  property  at  Breda  with- 
held— of  a  thousand  confiscated  estates — of  garrisons  of 
German  mercenaries — of  ancient  constitutions  annihilated 
— of  the  infamous  edicts  nominally  suspended,  but  actually 
in  full  vigour.  He  complained  bitterly  that  the  citadels, 
those  nests  and  dens  of  tyranny,  were  not  yet  demolished. 
"Ye  accuse  me  of  distrust,"  he  cried;  "but  while  the 
castles  of  Antwerp,  Ghent,  Namur,  and  so  many  more 
are  standing,  'tis  yourselves  who  show  how  utterly  ye  are 
without  confidence  in  any  permanent  and  peaceful  ar- 
rangement." 1 

"And  what,"  asked  the  deputy,  smoothly,  "is  the 
point  which  touches  you  most  nearly?  What  is  it  that 
your  Excellency  most  desires?  By  what  means  will 
it  be  possible  for  the  government  fully  to  give  you 
contentment?"  2 

"  I  wish,"  he  answered,  simply,  "the  full  execution  of 
the  Ghent  Pacification.  If  you  regard  the  general  welfare 
of  the  land,  it  is  well,  and  I  thank  you.  If  not,  'tis  idle 
to  make  propositions,  for  I  regard  my  country's  profit, 
not  my  own."3  Afterwards,  the  Prince  simply  repeated 
his  demand  that  the  Ghent  Treaty  should  be  executed ; 
adding  that  after  the  states-general  should  have  been 
assembled,  it  would  be  time  to  propose  the  necessary 
articles  for  mutual  security. 

Hereupon  Doctor  Leoninus  observed  that  the  assembly 
of  the  states-general  could  hardly  be  without  danger.  He 
alluded  to  the  vast  number  of  persons  who  would  thus  be 
convoked,  to  the  great  discrepancy  of  humours  which 
would  thus  be  manifested.  Many  men  would  be  present 
neither  discreet  nor  experienced.  He  therefore  somewhat 
coolly  suggested  that  it  might  be  better  to  obviate  the 
necessity  of  holding  any  general  assembly  at  all.  An 
amicable  conference,  for  the  sake  of  settling  doubtful 
questions,  would  render  the  convocation  superfluous,  and 
save  the  country  from  the  dangers  by  which  the  step 
would  be  attended.  The  Doctor  concluded  by  referring 
to  the  recent  assemblies  of  France,  the  only  result  of 
which  had  been  fresh  dissensions.4  It  thus  appeared  that 
the  proposition  on  the  part  of  Don  John  meant  something 
very  different  from  its  apparent  signification.  To  advise 

l  Bor,  x.  819.     Hoofd,  xii.  504.     Compare  Cabrera,  xi.  913.  914. 
2  Bor,  x.  819.     Hoofd,  xii.  504.  3  Ibid.     Ibid. 

*  Vraye  Narration,  etc.,  451. 


Dutch  Republic  127 

with  the  Prince  as  to  the  proper  method  of  assembling 
the  estates  really  meant,  to  advise  with  him  as  to  the  best 
means  of  preventing-  any  such  assembly.  Here,  certainly, 
was  a  good  reason  for  the  preference  expressed  by  the 
deputies,  in  favour  of  amicable  discussions  over  formal 
protocols.  It  might  not  be  so  easy  in  a  written  document 
to  make  the  assembly,  and  the  prevention  of  the  assembly, 
appear  exactly  the  same  thing. 

The  Prince  replied  that  there  was  a  wide  difference  be- 
tween the  condition  of  France  and  of  the  Netherlands. 
Here,  was  one  will  and  one  intention.  There,  were  many 
factions,  many  partialities,  many  family  intrigues.  Since 
it  had  been  agreed  by  the  Ghent  Treaty  that  certain 
points  should  be  provisionally  maintained  and  others 
settled  by  a  speedy  convocation  of  the  states-general,  the 
plainest  course  was  to  maintain  the  provisional  points, 
and  to  summon  the  states-general  at  once.1  This  certainly 
was  concise  and  logical.  It  is  doubtful,  however,  whether 
he  were  really  as  anxious  for  the  assembly-general  as  he 
appeared  to  be.  Both  parties  were  fencing  at  each  other, 
without  any  real  intention  of  carrying  their  points,  for 
neither  wished  the  convocation,  while  both  affected  an 
eagerness  for  that  event. — The  conversation  proceeded. 

*'  At  least,"  said  an  envoy,  "  you  can  tell  beforehand  in 
what  you  are  aggrieved,  and  what  you  have  to  propose." 

"  We  are  aggrieved  in  nothing,  and  we  have  nothing  to 
propose,"  answered  the  Prince,  "  so  long  as  you  maintain 
the  Pacification.  We  demand  no  other  pledge,  and  are 
willing  to  refer  everything  afterwards  to  the  assembly." 

"  But,"  asked  Schetz,  "  what  security  do  you  offer  us 
that  you  will  yourselves  maintain  the  Pacification?" 

"  We  are  not  bound  to  give  assurances,"  answered  the 
Prince.  "The  Pacification  is  itself  an  assurance.  'Tis  a 
provisional  arrangement,  to  be  maintained  by  both  parties, 
until  after  the  decision  of  the  assembly.  The  Pacification 
must  therefore  be  maintained  or  disavowed.  Choose  be- 
tween the  two.  Only,  if  you  mean  still  to  acknowledge 
it,  you  must  keep  its  articles.  This  ive  mean  to  do,  and  if 
up  to  the  present  time  you  have  any  complaint  to  make 
of  our  conduct,  as  we  trust  you  have  not,  we  are  ready  to 
give  you  satisfaction."2 

"  In  short,"  said  an  envoy,  "  you  mean,  after  we  shall 
have  placed  in  your  hands  the  government  of  Utrecht,. 

1  Vraye  Narration,  etc.,  452.  2  ibid.   452   4-3. 


128  The  Rise  of  the 

Amsterdam,  and  other  places,  to  deny  us  any  pledges  on 
your  part  to  maintain  the  Pacification." 

"  But,"  replied  the  Prince,  "if  we  are  already  accom- 
plishing the  Pacification,  what  more  do  you  wish?" 

"In  this  fashion,"  cried  the  others,  "  after  having  got 
all  that  you  ask,  and  having  thus  fortified  yourselves 
more  than  you  were  ever  fortified  before,  you  will  make 
war  upon  us." 

"War?"  cried  the  Prince,  "what  are  you  afraid  of? 
We  are  but  a  handful  of  people ;  a  worm  compared  to  the 
King  of  Spain.  Moreover,  ye  are  fifteen  provinces  to  two. 
What  have  you  to  fear?"1 

"  Ah,"  said  Meetkercke,  "  we  have  seen  what  you  could 
do,  when  you  were  masters  of  the  sea.  Don't  make  your- 
selves out  quite  so  little."2 

"But,"  said  the  Prince,  "the  Pacification  of  Ghent 
provides  for  all  this.  Your  deputies  were  perfectly  satis- 
fied with  the  guarantees  it  furnished.  As  to  making  war 
upon  you,  'tis  a  thing  without  foundation  or  appearance 
of  probability.  Had  you  believed  then  that  you  had  any- 
thing to  fear,  you  would  not  have  forgotten  to  demand 
pledges  enough.  On  the  contrary,  you  saw  how  roundly 
we  were  dealing  with  you  then,  honestly  disgarnishing 
the  country,  even  before  the  peace  had  been  concluded. 
For  ourselves,  although  we  felt  the  right  to  demand 
guarantees,  we  would  not  do  it,  for  we  were  treating  with 
you  on  terms  of  confidence.  We  declared  expressly  that 
had  we  been  dealing  with  the  King,  we  should  have 
exacted  stricter  pledges.  As  to  demanding  them  of  us  at 
the  moment,  'tis  nonsense.  We  have  neither  the  means 
of  assailing  you,  nor  do  we  deem  it  expedient  to  do  so. "  3 

"To  say  the  truth,"  replied  Schetz,  "we  are  really 
confident  that  you  will  not  make  war  upon  us.  On  the 
other  hand,  however,  we  see  you  spreading  your  religion 
daily,  instead  of  keeping  it  confined  within  your  provinces. 
What  assurance  do  you  give  us  that,  after  all  your 
demand  shall  have  been  accorded,  you  will  make  no  inno- 
vation in  religion?"4 

"  The  assurance  which  we  give  you,"  answered  the 
Prince,  "  is  that  we  will  really  accomplish  the  Pacification." 

"But,"  persisted   Schetz,    "do  you   fairly  promise  to 


1  Vraye  Narration,  etc.,  452,  41:3. 
2" —   — — -• *-*• 

etc.  453. 


Narration,  etc.,  452,  453. 

:t  pourtant'ne  vous  faites  pas  si  petits  comme  vousfaictes."— Vraye  Narration 
3  Ibid.,  454.  4  ibid. 


Dutch  Republic  129 

submit  to  all  which  the  states-general  shall  ordain,  as  well 
on  this  point  of  religious  exercise  in  Holland  and  Zeland, 
as  on  all  the  others?"1 

This  was  a  home  thrust.  The  Prince  parried  it  for  a 
while.  In  his  secret  thoughts  he  had  no  expectation  or 
desire  that  the  states-general,  summoned  in  a  solemn 
manner  by  the  Governor-General,  on  the  basis  of  the 
memorable  assembly  before  which  was  enacted  the  grand 
ceremony  of  the  imperial  abdication,  would  ever  hold  their 
session,  and  although  he  did  not  anticipate  the  prohibition 
by  such  assembly,  should  it  take  place,  of  the  reformed 
worship  in  Holland  and  Zeland,  he  did  not  intend  to 
submit  to  it,  even  should  it  be  made. 

"  I  cannot  tell,"  said  he,  accordingly,  in  reply  to  the 
last  question,  "  for  ye  have  yourselves  already  broken  and 
violated  the  Pacification;  having  made  an  accord  with 
Don  John  without  our  consent,  and  having  already  received 
him  as  Governor." 

"  So  that  you  don't  mean,"  replied  Schetz,  "  to  accept 
the  decision  of  the  states?"2 

11  I  don't  say  that,"  returned  the  Prince,  continuing  to 
parry ;  "  it  is  possible  that  we  might  accept  it ;  it  is  possible 
that  we  might  not.  We  are  no  longer  in  our  entire  rights, 
as  we  were  at  the  time  of  our  first  submission  at  Ghent." 

"  But  we  will  make  you  whole,"  said  Schetz. 

"That  you  cannot  do,"  replied  the  Prince,  "for  you 
have  broken  the  Pacification  all  to  pieces.  We  have 
nothing,  therefore,  to  expect  from  the  states,  but  to  be 
condemned  off-hand."3 

'  You  don't  mean,  then,"  repeated  Schetz,  "  to  submit 
to  the  estates  touching  the  exercise  of  religion?" 

"No,  we  do  not!"  replied  the  Prince,  driven  into  a 
corner  at  last,  and  striking  out  in  his  turn.  "  We  certainly 
do  not.  To  tell  you  the  truth,  we  see  that  you  intend  our 
extirpation,  and  we  don't  mean  to  be  extirpated."  4 

"  Ho!"  said  the  Duke  of  Aerschot,  "  there  is  nobody 
who  wishes  that." 

"  Indeed,  but  you  do,"  said  the  Prince.  "  We  have 
submitted  ourselves  to  you  in  good  faith,  and  you  now 
would  compel  us  and  all  the  world  to  maintain  exclusively 
the  Catholic  religion.  This  cannot  be  done  except  by 
extirpating  us." 

1  Vraye  Narration,  etc.,  455.  z  Ibid        5 

3  "  Que  d'estre  condamnds  a  pur  et  a  plain."— Ibid.  4  ibid  ' 

VOL.  III.  '  F 


130  The  Rise  of  the 

A  long,  learned,  vehement  discussion  upon  abstract 
points,  between  Sainte  Aldegonde,  Leoninus,  and  Doctor 
Gaill,  then  ensued,  during  which  the  Prince,  who  had 
satisfied  himself  as  to  the  result  of  the  conference,  retired 
from  the  apartment.  He  afterwards  had  a  private  con- 
vention with  Schetz  and  Leoninus,  in  which  he  reproached 
them  with  their  inclination  to  reduce  their  fatherland  to 
slavery.1  He  also  took  occasion  to  remark  to  Hierges, 
that  it  was  a  duty  to  content  the  people;  that  whatever 
might  be  accomplished  for  them  was  durable,  whereas  the 
will  of  kings  was  perishing.  He  told  the  Duke  of  Aerschot 
that  if  Utrecht  were  not  restored,  he  would  take  it  by 
force.  He  warned  the  Duke  that  to  trust  the  King  was 
to  risk  his  head.  He,  at  least,  would  never  repose  con- 
fidence in  him,  having  been  deceived  too  often.  The  King 
cherished  the  maxim,  h&reticis  non  est  servanda  fides; 
as  for  himself  he  was  calbo  y  calbanista,  and  meant  to 
die  so.2 

The  formal  interchange  of  documents  soon  afterwards 
took  place.  The  conversation  thus  held  between  the 
different  parties  shows,  however,  the  exact  position  of 
affairs.  There  was  no  change  in  the  intentions  of  either 
Reformers  or  Royalists.  Philip  and  his  representatives 
still  contended  for  two  points,  and  claimed  the  praise  of 
moderation  that  their  demands  were  so  few  in  number. 
They  were  willing  to  concede  everything,  save  the  un- 
limited authority  of  the  King  and  the  exclusive  main- 
tenance of  the  Catholic  religion.  The  Prince  of  Orange, 
on  his  side,  claimed  two  points  also — the  ancient  con- 
stitutions of  the  country  and  religious  freedom.  It  was 
obvious  enough  that  the  contest  was  the  same,  in  reality, 
as  it  had  ever  been.  No  approximation  had  been  made 
towards  reconciling  absolutism  with  national  liberty,  per- 
secution with  toleration.  The  Pacification  of  Ghent  had 
been  a  step  in  advance.  That  treaty  opened  the  door  to 
civil  and  religious  liberty,3  but  it  was  an  agreement 
among  the  provinces,  not  a  compact  between  the  people 
and  the  monarch.  By  the  casuists  of  Brussels  and  the 
licentiates  of  Louvain,  it  had,  to  be  sure,  been  dog- 

*  Vraye  Narration,  etc.,  459. 

2  Extracts  from  the  MS.  Betters  (28th  and  2pth  of  May,  1577)  of  Don  John  to  the 
King,  given  by  M.  Gachard  in  the  preface  to  the  third  vol.  Correspondance  de  Guillaume 
le  Tacit.,  p.  Ixiii. 

3  Even  Tassis  admits  this  fact,  which  is  indeed  indisputable.— "Abhorrebat  Austria- 
cus,"  says  he  (liii.   p.   245),   "  a  confirmatione  Pacis  Gandavensis,  quod  per  earn  tacite 
introducebatur  libertas  religionis." 


Dutch  Republic  131 

matically  pronounced  orthodox,  and  had  been  confirmed 
by  royal  edict.  To  believe,  however,  that  his  Catholic 
Majesty  had  faith  in  the  dogmas  propounded,  was  as 
absurd  as  to  believe  in  the  dogmas  themselves.  If  the 
Ghent  Pacification  really  had  made  no  breach  in  royal 
and  Roman  infallibility,  then  the  efforts  of  Orange  and 
the  exultation  of  the  Reformers  had  indeed  been  idle. 

The  envoys  accordingly,  in  obedience  to  their  instruc- 
tions, made  a  formal  statement  to  the  Prince  of  Orange 
and  the  states  of  Holland  and  Zeland,  on  the  part  of 
Don  John.1  They  alluded  to  the  departure  of  the 
Spaniards,  as  if  that  alone  had  fulfilled  every  duty  and 
authorized  every  claim.  They  therefore  demanded  the 
immediate  publication  in  Holland  and  Zeland  of  the 
Perpetual  Edict.  They  insisted  on  the  immediate  discon- 
tinuance of  all  hostile  attempts  to  reduce  Amsterdam  to 
the  jurisdiction  of  Orange ;  required  the  Prince  to  abandon 
his  pretensions  to  Utrecht,  and  denounced  the  efforts 
making  by  him  and  his  partisans  to  diffuse  their  heretical 
doctrines  through  the  other  provinces.  They  observed, 
in  conclusion,  that  the  general  question  of  religion  was 
not  to  be  handled,  because  reserved  for  the  consideration 
of  the  states-general,  according  to  the  treaty  of  Ghent.2 

The  reply,  delivered  on  the  following  day  by  the  Prince 
of  Orange  and  the  deputies,  maintained  that  the  Per- 
petual Edict  was  widely  different  from  the  Pacification  of 
Ghent,  which  it  affected  to  uphold,  that  the  promises  to 
abstain  from  all  violation  of  the  ancient  constitutions  had 
not  been  kept,  that  the  German  troops  had  not  been  dis- 
missed, that  the  property  of  the  Prince  in  the  Netherlands 
and  Burgundy  had  not  been  restored,  that  his  son  was 
detained  in  captivity,  that  the  government  of  Utrecht  was 
withheld  from  him,  that  the  charters  and  constitution  of 
the  country,  instead  of  being  extended,  had  been  con- 
tracted, and  that  the  Governor  had  claimed  the  right  to 
convoke  the  states-general  at  his  pleasure,  in  violation  of 
the  ancient  right  to  assemble  at  their  own.  The  document 
further  complained  that  the  adherents  of  the  reformed 
religion  were  not  allowed  to  frequent  the  different  pro- 
vinces in  freedom,  according  to  the  stipulations  of  Ghent; 
that  Don  John,  notwithstanding  all  these  short-comings, 

1  See  it  in  Bor,  x.  816,  817. — Compare  the  letter  of  instruction  published  by  Gachard 
Correspondance  de  Guillaume  le  Tacit.,  Hi.  438-446. 

2  Bor,  x.  816,  817.     Cachard,  Correspondance  de  Guillaume  le  Tacit.,  iii.  438-446. 


132  The  Rise  of  the 

had  been  acknowledged  as  Governor-General,  without  the 
consent  of  the  Prince;  that  he  was  surrounded  with  a 
train  of  Spaniards,  Italians,  and  other  foreigners — Gon- 
zaga,  Escovedo,  and  the  like — as  well  as  by  renegade 
Netherlanders  like  Tassis,  by  whom  he  was  unduly  in- 
fluenced against  the  country  and  the  people,  and  by  whom 
a  "  back  door  was  held  constantly  open  "  to  the  admis- 
sion of  evils  innumerable.1  Finally,  it  was  asserted  that, 
by  means  of  this  last  act  of  union,  a  new  form  of  inquisi- 
tion had  been  introduced,  and  one  which  was  much  more 
cruel  than  the  old  system ;  inasmuch  as  the  Spanish  inqui- 
sition did  not  take  information  against  men  except  upon 
suspicion,  whereas,  by  the  new  process,  all  the  world 
would  be  examined  as  to  their  conscience  and  religion, 
under  pretence  of  maintaining  the  union.2 

Such  was  the  result  of  the  second  mission  to  the  Prince 
of  Orange  on  the  part  of  the  Governor-General.  Don  John 
never  sent  another.  The  swords  were  now  fairly  measured 
between  the  antagonists,  and  the  scabbard  was  soon  to  be 
thrown  away.  A  few  weeks  afterwards  the  Governor 
wrote  to  Philip  that  there  was  nothing  in  the  world  which 
William  of  Orange  so  much  abhorred  as  his  Majesty; 
adding,  with  Castilian  exaggeration,  that  if  the  Prince 
could  drink  the  King's  blood  he  would  do  so  with  great 
pleasure.3 

Don  John,  being  thus  seated  in  the  saddle,  had  a 
moment's  leisure  to  look  around  him.  It  was  but  a 
moment,  for  he  had  small  confidence  in  the  aspect  of 
affairs,  but  one  of  his  first  acts  after  assuming  the  govern- 
ment afforded  a  proof  of  the  interpretation  which  he  had 
adopted  of  the  Ghent  Pacification.  An  edict  was  issued, 
addressed  to  all  bishops,  "heretic-masters,"4  and  pro- 
vincial councils,  commanding  the  strict  enforcement  of  the 
Canons  of  Trent,  and  other  ecclesiastical  decrees.  These 
authorities  were  summoned  instantly  to  take  increased 
heed  of  the  flocks  under  their  charge,  "  and  to  protect 
them  from  the  ravening  wolves  which  were  seeking  to 
devour  them." 

The  measure  bore  instant  fruit.  A  wretched  tailor  of 
Mechlin,  Peter  Panis  by  name,  an  honest  man,  but  a 

1  "Dat  Don  Johan  een  achter  deure  open  houd  met  de  boven  genoemde,  en  andere 
van  Kelijke  stoffe,"  etc.,  etc. 

2  Reply  of  the  States  of  Holland.     Bor,  x.  8i8b. 

3  Extract  from  MS.  letter  (s8th  of  July,  1577)  of  Don  John  to  the  King,  apud  Gachard, 
preface  to  Correspondance  de  Guillaume  le  Tacit.,  iii.  Ixiv.,  notes,  112. 

4  "  Ketter  meesters." — See  the  edict,  Bor,  x.  819,  820. 


Dutch  Republic  133 

heretic,  was  arrested  upon  the  charge  of  having  preached 
or  exhorted  at  a  meeting  in  that  city.  He  confessed  that 
he  had  been  present  at  the  meeting,  but  denied  that  he 
had  preached.  He  was  then  required  to  denounce  the 
others  who  had  been  present,  and  the  men  who  had 
actually  officiated.  He  refused,  and  was  condemned  to 
death.  The  Prince  of  Orange,  while  the  process  was 
pending,  wrote  an  earnest  letter  to  the  Council  of  Mechlin, 
imploring  them  not  now  to  rekindle  the  fires  of  religious 
persecution.1  His  appeal  was  in  vain.  The  poor  tailor 
was  beheaded  at  Mechlin  on  the  isth  of  June,  the  con- 
queror of  Lepanto  being  present  at  the  execution,2  and 
adding  dignity  to  the  scene.  Thus,  at  the  moment  when 
William  of  Orange  was  protecting  the  Anabaptists  of 
Middelburg  in  their  rights  of  citizenship,  even  while  they 
refused  its  obligations,  the  son  of  the  Emperor  was 
dipping  his  hands  in  the  blood  of  a  poor  wretch  who  had 
done  no  harm  but  to  listen  to  a  prayer  without  denouncing 
the  preacher.  The  most  intimate  friends  of  the  Prince 
were  offended  with  his  liberality.  The  imperial  shade  of 
Don  John's  father  might  have  risen  to  approve  the  son 
who  had  so  dutifully  revived  his  bloody  edicts  and  his 
ruthless  policy. 

Three  parties  were  now  fairly  in  existence  :  the  nobles, 
who  hated  the  Spaniards,  but  who  were  disposed  to  hold 
themselves  aloof  from  the  people;  the  adherents  of  Don 
John,  commonly  called  "  Johanists;"  and  the  partizans  of 
the  Prince  of  Orange — for  William  the  Silent  had  always 
felt  the  necessity  of  leaning  for  support  on  something 
more  substantial  than  the  court  party,  a  reed  shaken  by 
the  wind,  and  failing  always  when  most  relied  upon.  His 
efforts  were  constant  to  elevate  the  middle  class,  to  build 
up  a  strong  third  party  which  should  unite  much  of  the 
substantial  wealth  and  intelligence  of  the  land,  drawing 
constantly  from  the  people,  and  deriving  strength  from 
national  enthusiasm — a  party  which  should  include  nearly 
all  the  political  capacity  of  the  country ;  and  his  efforts 
were  successful.  No  doubt  the  Governor  and  his  secretary 
were  right  when  they  said  the  people  of  the  Netherlands 
were  inclined  to  brook  the  Turk  as  easily  as  the  Spaniard 
for  their  master,  and  that  their  hearts  were  in  reality 
devoted  to  the  Prince  of  Orange. 

1  Bor,  x.  820.     Hoofd,  xii.  507.     Meteren,  vIL  i22a. 

2  Bor,  Hoofd,  Meteren,  ubi  sup. 


134  The  Rise  of  the 

As  to  the  grandees,  they  were  mostly  of  those  who 
"  sought  to  swim  between  two  waters,"  according  to  the 
Prince's  expression.  There  were  but  few  unswerving  sup- 
porters of  the  Spanish  rule,  like  the  Berlaymont  and  the 
Tassis  families.  The  rest  veered  daily  with  the  veering 
wind.  Aerschot,  the  great  chief  of  the  Catholic  party,  was 
but  a  cringing  courtier,  false  and  fawning  both  to  Don 
John  and  the  Prince.  He  sought  to  play  a  leading  part 
in  a  great  epoch ;  he  only  distinguished  himself  by  courting 
and  betraying  all  parties,  and  being  thrown  away  by  all. 
His  son  and  brother  were  hardly  more  respectable.  The 
Prince  knew  how  little  dependence  could  be  placed  on  such 
allies,  even  although  they  had  signed  and  sworn  the  Ghent 
Pacification.  He  was  also  aware  how  little  it  was  the 
intention  of  the  Governor  to  be  bound  by  that  famous 
treaty.  The  Spanish  troops  had  been,  indeed,  disbanded, 
but  there  were  still  between  ten  and  fifteen  thousand 
German  mercenaries  in  the  service  of  the  King ;  these  were 
stationed  in  different  important  places,  and  held  firm  pos- 
session of  the  citadels.  The  great  keys  of  the  country 
were  still  in  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards.  Aerschot,  indeed, 
governed  the  castle  of  Antwerp,  in  room  of  Sancho 
d'Avila,  but  how  much  more  friendly  would  Aerschot  be 
than  Avila,  when  interest  prompted  him  to  sustain  Don 
John  against  the  Prince? 

Meanwhile,  the  estates,  according  to  their  contract, 
were  straining  every  nerve  to  raise  the  requisite  sum 
for  the  payment  of  the  German  troops.  Equitable  offers 
were  made,  by  which  the  soldiers  were  to  receive  a  certain 
proportion  of  the  arrears  due  to  them  in  merchandize, 
and  the  remainder  in  cash.1  The  arrangement  was  re- 
jected, at  the  secret  instance  of  Don  John.2  While  the 
Governor  affected  an  ingenuous  desire  to  aid  the  estates 
in  their  efforts  to  free  themselves  from  the  remaining 
portion  of  this  incumbrance,  he  was  secretly  tampering 
with  the  leading  German  officers,  in  order  to  prevent  their 
acceptance  of  any  offered  terms.3  He  persuaded  these 
military  chiefs  that  a  conspiracy  existed,  by  which  they 
were  not  only  to  be  deprived  of  their  wages,  but  of  their 
lives.  He  warned  them  to  heed  no  promises,  to  accept  no 
terms.  Convincing  them  that  he,  and  he  only,  was  their 
friend,  he  arranged  secret  plans  by  which  they  should 

1  Bor,  x.  820.  2  Meteren,,  vii.  122.     Bor,  x.  820,  sqq.     Hoofd.  xii.  505. 

3  Meteren,  Bor,  Hoofd,  ubi  sup. 


Dutch  Republic  135 

assist  him  in  taking1  the  fortresses  of  the  country  into 
still  more  secure  possession,1  for  he  was  not  more  inclined 
to  trust  to  the  Aerschots  and  the  Havres  than  was  the 
Prince  himself. 

The  Governor  lived  in  considerable  danger,  and  in  still 
greater  dread  of  capture,  if  not  of  assassination.  His 
imagination,  excited  by  endless  tales  of  ambush  and  half- 
discovered  conspiracies,  saw  armed  soldiers  behind  every 
bush,  a  pitfall  in  every  street.  Had  not  the  redoubtable 
Alva  been  nearly  made  a  captive?  Did  not  Louis  of 
Nassau  nearly  entrap  the  Grand  Commander?  No  doubt 
the  Prince  of  Orange  was  desirous  of  accomplishing  a  feat 
by  which  he  would  be  placed  in  regard  to  Philip  on  the 
vantage  ground  which  the  King-  had  obtained  by  his 
seizure  of  Count  van  Buren,  nor  did  Don  John  need  for 
warnings  coming  from  sources  far  from  obscure.  In  May, 
the  Viscount  of  Ghent  had  forced  his  way  to  his  bedside 
in  the  dead  of  night,  and  wakening  him  from  his  sleep, 
had  assured  him,  with  great  solemnity,  that  his  life  was 
not  worth  a  pin's  purchase  if  he  remained  in  Brussels. 
He  was  aware,  he  said,  of  a  conspiracy  by  which  both 
his  liberty  and  his  life  were  endangered,  and  assured  him 
that  in  immediate  flight  lay  his  only  safety.2 

The  Governor  fled  to  Mechlin,  where  the  same  warnings 
were  soon  afterwards  renewed,  for  the  solemn  sacrifice  of 
Peter  Panis,  the  poor  preaching  tailor  of  that  city,  had 
not  been  enough  to  strike  terror  to  the  hearts  of  all  the 
Netherlands.  One  day,  toward  the  end  of  June,  the  Duke 
of  Aerschot,  riding  out  with  Don  John,3  gave  him  a 
circumstantial  account  of  plots,  old  and  new,  whose  exist- 
ence he  had  discovered  or  invented,  and  he  showed  a  copy 
of  a  secret  letter,  written  by  the  Prince  of  Orange  to  the 
estates,  recommending  the  forcible  seizure  of  his  Highness. 
It  is  true  that  the  Duke  was,  at  that  period  and  for  long 
after,  upon  terms  of  the  most  "  fraternal  friendship  "  with 
the  Prince,  and  was  in  the  habit  of  signing  himself  "  his 
very  affectionate  brother  and  cordial  friend  to  serve 
him,"4  yet  this  did  not  prevent  him  from  accomplishing 
what  he  deemed  his  duty,  in  secretly  denouncing  his 
plans.  It  is  also  true  that  he,  at  the  same  time,  gave  the 
Prince  private  information  concerning  the  government, 

1  Bor,  Meteren,  Hoofd. 

2  Vera  et  simplex  Narratio  eorum  quse  ab  adventu  D.  Joannis  Austriaci,  etc.,  gesta 
sunt,  p.  13. — Luxembergi,  1578.  3  Ibid.,  p.  17. 

4  Archives  et  Correspondance,  vi.  141-143. 


136  The  Rise  of  the 

and  sent  him  intercepted  letters  from  his  enemies,1  thus 
easing  his  conscience  on  both  sides,  and  trimming  his  sails 
to  every  wind  which  might  blow.  The  Duke  now,  how- 
ever, reminded  his  Highness  of  the  contumely  with  which 
he  had  been  treated  at  Brussels,  of  the  insolent  threats 
with  which  the  citizens  had  pursued  his  servants  and 
secretaries  even  to  the  very  door  of  his  palace.2  He 
assured  him  that  the  same  feeling  existed  at  Mechlin, 
and  that  neither  himself  nor  family  were  much  safer  there 
than  in  the  capital,  a  plot  being  fully  organized  for  secur- 
ing his  person.  The  conspirators,  he  said,  were  openly 
supported  by  a  large  political  party,  who  called  themselves 
anti-Johanists,  and  who  clothed  themselves  in  symbolic 
costume,  as  had  been  done  by  the  disaffected  in  the  days 
.of  Cardinal  Granvelle.  He  assured  the  Governor  that 
•nearly  all  the  members  of  the  states-general  were  impli- 
-cated  in  these  schemes.  "  And  what  becomes,  then,  of 
their  promises?"  asked  Don  John.  "That  for  their 
promises!"  cried  the  Duke,  snapping  his  fingers;3  "no 
man  in  the  land  feels  bound  by  engagements  now."  The 
•Governor  demanded  the  object  of  the  states  in  thus  seek- 
ing to  deprive  him  of  his  liberty.  The  Duke  informed 
him  that  it  was  to  hold  him  in  captivity  until  they  had 
compelled  him  to  sign  every  paper  which  they  chose  to 
lay  before  him.  Such  things  had  been  done  in  the  Nether- 
lands in  former  days,  the  Duke  observed,  as  he  proceeded 
to  narrate  how  a  predecessor  of  his  Highness  and  a  prince 
of  the  land,  after  having  been  compelled  to  sign  innumer- 
able documents,  had  been,  in  conclusion,  tossed  out  of 
the  windows  of  his  own  palace,  with  all  his  retinue,  to 
perish  upon  the  pikes  of  an  insurgent  mob  below.4  The 
Governor  protested  that  it  did  not  become  the  son  of 
Charles  the  Fifth  and  the  representative  of  his  Catholic 
Majesty  to  hear  such  intimations  a  second  time.  After  his 
return,  he  brooded  over  what  had  been  said  to  him  for  a 
few  days,  and  he  then  broke  up  his  establishment  at 
Mechlin,  selling  off  his  superfluous  furniture  and  even  the 
wine  in  his  cellars.5  Thus  showing  that  his  absence,  both 

1  See  the  letter  last  quoted,  Archives,  etc.,  vi.  143,  144. 

2  Vera  et  simplex  Narratio,  etc.,  p.  14. — Compare  the  Memoire  de  Grobbendonck,  p. 
172  ;  Bull.  Com.  Roy.,  x. 

8  Ibid.,  p.  19. — See  also  the  letter  of  Don  John  to  the  states-general,  dated  August  24, 
I577>  in  Bor,  xi.  864,  865. — "  Daerop  hy  antwoorde  klickende  mette  fingern,"  etc. 
4  Vera  Narratio,  etc.,  p.  18,  19.     Letter  of  Don  John,  ubi  sup. 
8  Discours  Sommier  des  Justes  Causes,  etc.,  etc.,  p.  17.     Bor,  x.  828. 


Dutch  Republic  137 

from  Brussels  and  Mechlin,  was  to  be  a  prolonged  one, 
he  took  advantage  of  an  unforeseen  occurrence  again  to 
remove  his  residence. 


CHAPTER    III 

The  city  of  Namur — Margaret  of  Valois — Her  intrigues  in  Hainault  in  favour  of  Alengon 
— Her  reception  by  Don  John  at  Namur — Festivities  in  her  honour — Seizure  of 
Namur  Citadel  by  Don  John — Plan  for  seizing  that  of  Antwerp — Letter  of  the 
estates  to  Philip,  sent  by  Escovedo — Fortunes  and  fate  of  Escovedo  in  Madrid — 
Repairing  of  dykes— The  Prince's  visit  to  Holland— His  letter  to  the  estates- 
general  on  the  subject  of  Namur  Citadel — His  visit  to  Utrecht — Correspondence  and 
commissioners  between  Don  John  and  the  estates — Acrimonious  and  passionate 
character  of  these  colloquies — Attempt  of  Treslong  upon  Antwerp  Citadel  frustrated 
by  De  Bourse — Fortunate  panic  of  the  German  mercenaries — Antwerp  evacuated  by 
the  foreign  troops — Renewed  correspondence — Audacity  of  the  Governor's  demands 
— Letters  of  Escovedo  and  others  intercepted — Private  schemes  of  Don  John  not 
understood  by  the  estates — His  letter  to  the  Empress  Dowager — More  correspondence 
with  the  estates — Painful  and  false  position  of  the  Governor — Demolition,  in  part,  of 
Antwerp  Citadel,  and  of  other  fortresses  by  the  patriots — Statue  of  Alva — Letter  of 
estates-general  to  the  King. 

THERE  were  few  cities  of  the  Netherlands  more  picturesque 
in  situation,  more  trimly  built,  and  more  opulent  of  aspect, 
than  the  little  city  of  Namur.  Seated  at  the  confluence  of 
the  Sombre  with  the  Meuse,  and  throwing  over  each  river 
a  bridge  of  solid  but  graceful  structure,  it  lay  in  the  lap  of 
a  most  fruitful  valley.  A  broad  crescent-shaped  plain, 
fringed  by  the  rapid  Meuse,  and  enclosed  by  gently  rolling 
hills  cultivated  to  their  crests,  or  by  abrupt  precipices  of 
limestone  crowned  with  verdure,  was  divided  by  numerous 
hedgerows,  and  dotted  all  over  with  corn-fields,  vineyards, 
and  flower-gardens.  Many  eyes  have  gazed  with  delight 
upon  that  well-known  and  most  lovely  valley,  and  many 
torrents  of  blood  have  mingled  with  those  glancing  waters 
since  that  long-buried  and  most  sanguinary  age  which 
forms  our  theme ;  and  still  placid  as  ever  is  the  valley, 
brightly  as  ever  flows  the  stream.  Even  now,  as  in  that 
vanished,  but  never-forgotten  time,  nestles  the  little  city 
in  the  angle  of  the  two  rivers ;  still  directly  over  its  head 
seems  to  hang  in  mid-air  the  massive  and  frowning  for- 
tress, like  the  gigantic  helmet  in  the  fiction,  as  if  ready 
to  crush  the  pigmy  town  below. 

It  was  this  famous  citadel,  crowning  an  abrupt  preci- 
pice five  hundred  feet  above  the  river's  bed,  and  placed 
near  the  frontier  of  France,  which  made  the  city  so  im- 
portant, and  which  had  now  attracted  Don  John's  atten- 
tion in  this  hour  of  his  perplexity.  The  unexpected  visit 

F  2 


138 


The  Rise  of  the 


of  a  celebrated  personage  furnished  him  with  the  pretext 
which  he  desired.  The  beautiful  Margaret  of  Valois, 
Queen  of  Navarre,  was  proceeding-  to  the  baths  of  Spa, 
to  drink  the  waters.1  Her  health  was  as  perfect  as  her 
beauty,  but  she  was  flying  from  a  husband  whom  she 
hated,  to  advance  the  interest  of  a  brother  whom  she 
loved  with  more  than  sisterly  fondness — for  the  worth- 
less Duke  of  Alencon  was  one  of  the  many  competitors 
for  the,,  Netherland  government ;  the  correspondence  be- 
tween himself  and  his  brother  with  Orange  and  his  agents 
being  still  continued.  The  hollow  truce  with  the  Hugue- 
nots in  France  had,  however,  been  again  succeeded  by 
war.  Henry  of  Valois  had  already  commenced  operations 
in  Gascony  against  Henry  of  Navarre,  whom  he  hated 
almost 2  as  cordially  as  Margaret  herself  could  do,  and 
the  Duke  of  Alencon  was  besieging  Issoire.3  Meantime, 
the  beautiful  Queen  came  to  mingle  the  golden  thread  of 
her  feminine  intrigues  with  the  dark  woof  of  the  Nether- 
land  destinies. 

Few  spirits  have  been  more  subtle,  few  faces  so  fatal 
as  hers.  True  child  of  the  Medicean  mother,  worthy 
sister  of  Charles,  Henry,  and  Francis — princes  for  ever 
infamous  in  the  annals  of  France — she  possessed  more 
beauty  and  wit  than  Mary  of  Scotland,  more  learning  and 
accomplishments  than  Elizabeth  of  England.  In  the  blaze 
of  her  beauty,  according  to  the  inflated  language  of  her 
most  determined  worshipper,  the  wings  of  all  rivals  were 
melted.  Heaven  required  to  be  raised  higher  and  earth 
made  wider,  before  a  full  sweep  could  be  given  to  her  own 
majestic  flight.4  We  are  further  informed  that  she  was 
a  Minerva  for  eloquence,  that  she  composed  matchless 
poems,  which  she  sang  most  exquisitely  to  the  sound  of 
her  lute,  and  that  her  familiar  letters  were  so  full  of 
genius  that  "  poor  Cicero  "  was  but  a  fool  to  her  in 
the  same  branch  of  composition.5  The  world  has  shud- 
dered for  ages  at  the  dark  tragedy  of  her  nuptials.  Was 
it  strange  that  hatred,  incest,  murder,  should  follow  in 
the  train  of  a  wedding  thus  hideously  solemnized? 

1  Bor,  x.  828.     Meteren,  vii.  122.     Cabrera,  xi.  929.     Hoofd,  xii.  508,  et  alu. 

2  Me'moires  de  Marguerite  de  Valois,  p.  123.     Liege,  1714. 
8  De  Thou,  vii.  500,  sqq.,  liv.  6$. 

*  Eloge  de  Marguerite  de  Valois,  Rayne  de  France  et  de  Navarre,  etc. ,  par  Brantome, 
p.  2,  usa. 

6  «' Ses  belles  lettres— les  mieux  couche'es  soit  pour  estre  graves,  que  pour  estre 

familieres il  n'y  a  mil  qui  les  voyant  ne  se  mocque  du  pauvre  Ciceron  avec  les  siennes 

familieres,"  etc.,  etc. — Eloge,  etc.,  etc.,  p.  18. 


Dutch  Republic  139 

Don  John,  as  in  his  Moorish  disguise  he  had  looked 
upon  her  perfections,  had  felt  in  danger  of  becoming  really 
the  slave  he  personated — "  her  beauty  is  more  divine  than 
human,"  he  had  cried,  "  but  fitter  to  destroy  men's  souls 
than  to  bless  them;"  * — and  now  the  enchantress  was  on 
her  way  to  his  dominions.  Her  road  led  through  Namur 
to  Liege,  and  gallantry  required  that  he  should  meet  her 
as  she  passed.  Attended  by  a  select  band  of  gentle- 
men and  a  few  horsemen  of  his  body-guard,  the  Governor 
came  to  Namur.2 

Meantime,  the  Queen  crossed  the  frontier,  and  was 
courteously  received  at  Cambray.  The  bishop — of  the 
loyal  house  of  Berlaymont — was  a  stanch  supporter  of 
the  King,  and  although  a  Fleming,  was  Spanish  to  the 
core.  On  him  the  cajolery  of  the  beautiful  Queen  was 
first  essayed,  but  was  found  powerless.  The  prelate  gave 
her  a  magnificent  ball,  but  resisted  her  blandishments. 
He  retired  with  the  appearance  of  the  confections,  but 
the  governor  of  the  citadel,  the  Seigneur  d'Inchy,  re- 
mained, with  whom  Margaret  was  more  successful.  She 
found  him  a  cordial  hater  of  Spain,  a  favourer  of  France, 
and  very  impatient  under  the  authority  of  the  bishop. 
He  obtained  permission  to  accompany  the  royal  visitor  a 
few  stages  of  her  journey,  and  returned  to  Cambray,  her 
willing  slave ;  holding  the  castle  in  future  neither  for  king 
nor  bishop,  but  for  Margaret's  brother,  Alenson,  alone. 
At  Mons  she  was  received  with  great  state  by  the  Count 
Lalain,  who  was  governor  of  Hainault,  while  his  Countess 
governed  him.  A  week  of  festivities  graced  the  advent 
of  the  Queen,  during  which  period  the  hearts  of  both 
Lalain  and  his  wife  were  completely  subjugated.  They 
agreed  that  Flanders  had  been  too  long  separated  from 
the  parental  France  to  which  it  of  right  belonged.  The 
Count  was  a  stanch  Catholic,  but  he  hated  Spain.  He 
was  a  relative  of  Egmont,  and  anxious  to  avenge  his 
death,  but  he  was  no  lover  of  the  people,  and  was  jealous 
of  Orange.  Moreover,  his  wife  had  become  entirely 
fascinated  by  the  designing  Queen.  So  warm  a  friendship 
had  sprung  up  between  the  two  fair  ladies  as  to  make  it 
indispensable  that  Flanders  and  Hainault  should  be  an- 
nexed to  France.  The  Count  promised  to  hold  his  whole 

1  "  Aunque  la  hermosura  desta  Reyna  se  mas  divina  que  humana,  es  mas  pare  perder 
y  danar  los  hombres  que  salvarlos." — Eloge,  etc.,  etc.,  p.  4. 

2  Bor,  x.  828.     Hoofd,  xi.  508.     Cabrera,  xi.  929. 


140  The  Rise  of  the 

government  at  the  service  of  Alencon,  and  recommended 
that  an  attempt  should  be  made  to  gain  over  the  incor- 
ruptible Governor  of  Cambray.  Margaret  did  not  inform 
him  that  she  had  already  turned  that  functionary  round 
her  finger,  but  she  urged  Lalain  and  his  wife  to  seduce 
him  from  his  allegiance,  if  possible.1 

The  Count  with  a  retinue  of  mounted  men,  then  accom- 
panied her  on  her  way  towards  Namur,  but  turned  as  the 
distant  tramp  of  Don  John's  cavalcade  was  heard  ap- 
proaching, for  it  was  not  desirable  for  Lalain,  at  that 
moment,  to  find  himself  face  to  face  with  the  Governor. 
Don  John  stood  a  moment  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the 
Queen.  He  did  not  dream  of  her  political  intrigues,  nor 
see  in  the  fair  form  approaching  him  one  mortal  enemy 
the  more.  Margaret  travelled  in  a  splendid  litter  with 
gilt  pillars,  lined  with  scarlet  velvet,  and  entirely  enclosed 
in  glass,2  which  was  followed  by  those  of  the  Princess  de 
la  Roche  sur  Yon,  and  of  Madame  de  Tournon.  After 
these  came  ten  ladies  of  honour  on  horseback,  and  six 
chariots  filled  with  female  domestics.  These,  with  the 
guards  and  other  attendants,  made  up  the  retinue.  On 
meeting  the  Queen's  litter,  Don  John  sprang  from  his 
horse  and  presented  his  greetings.  The  Queen  returned 
his  salutation,  in  the  French  fashion,  by  offering  her  cheek 
to  his  embrace,  extending  the  same  favour  to  the  Duke  of 
Aerschot  and  the  Marquis  of  Havre".3  The  cavaliers  then 
remounted  and  escorted  the  Queen  to  Namur,  Don  John 
riding  by  the  side  of  her  litter,  and  conversing  with  her  all 
the  way.  It  was  late  in  the  evening  when  the  procession 
arrived  in  the  city.  The  streets  had,  however,  been  bril- 
liantly illuminated ;  houses  and  shops,  although  it  was 
near  midnight,  being1  in  a  blaze  of  light.  Don  John,  be- 
lieving that  no  attentions  could  be  so  acceptable  at  that 
hour  as  to  provide  for  the  repose  of  his  guest,  conducted 
the  Queen  at  once  to  the  lodgings  prepared  for  her. 
Margaret  was  astonished  at  the  magnificence  of  the 
apartments  into  which  she  was  ushered.  A  spacious  and 
stately  hall,  most  gorgeously  furnished,  opened  into  a 
series  of  chambers  and  cabinets,  worthy,  in  their  appoint- 
ments, of  a  royal  palace.  The  tent  and  bed  coverings 
prepared  for  the  Queen  were  exquisitely  embroidered  in 
needlework  with  scenes  representing  the  battle  of  Le- 

1  M^moires  de  Marguerite  de  Valois,  ii.  pp.  125,  129-134,  sqq. 

2  Ibid.,  ii.  124,  125,  sqq.  3  Ibid.,  ii.  135.     Hoofd,  xii.  508. 


Dutch  Republic  141 

panto.1  The  great  hall  was  hung-  with  gorgeous  tapestry 
of  satin  and  velvet,  ornamented  with  columns  of  raised 
silver  work,  and  with  many  figures  in  antique  costume, 
of  the  same  massive  embroidery.  The  rest  of  the  furni- 
ture was  also  of  satin,  velvet,  cloth  of  gold,  and  brocade. 
The  Queen  was  dazzled  with  so  much  magnificence,  and 
one  of  the  courtiers  could  not  help  expressing  astonish- 
ment at  the  splendour  of  the  apartments  and  decorations, 
which,  as  he  observed  to  the  Duke  of  Aerschot,  seemed 
more  appropriate  to  the  palace  of  a  powerful  monarch 
than  to  the  apartments  of  a  young  bachelor  prince.2  The 
Duke  replied  by  explaining  that  the  expensive  embroid- 
ery which  they  saw  was  the  result,  not  of  extravagance, 
but  of  valour  and  generosity.  After  the  battle  of  Le- 
panto,  Don  John  had  restored,  without  ransom,  the  two 
sons,  who  had  been  taken  prisoners,  of  a  powerful  Turkish 
bashaw.  The  father,  in  gratitude,  had  sent  this  magnifi- 
cent tapestry  as  a  present  to  the  conqueror,  and  Don 
John  had  received  it  at  Milan,  in  which  city,  celebrated 
for  the  taste  of  its  upholsterers,  it  had  been  arranged  for 
furniture.3 

The  next  morning  a  grand  mass  with  military  music  was 
performed,  followed  by  a  sumptuous  banquet  in  the  grand 
hall.  Don  John  and  the  Queen  sat  at  a  table  three  feet 
apart  from  the  rest,  and  Ottavio  Gonzaga  served  them 
wine  upon  his  knees.4  After  the  banquet  came,  as  usual, 
the  ball,  the  festivities  continuing  till  late  in  the  night, 
and  Don  John  scarcely  quitting  his  fair  guest  for  a 
moment.  The  next  afternoon,  a  festival  had  been 
arranged  upon  an  island  in  the  river.  The  company  em- 
barked upon  the  Meuse,  in  a  fleet  of  gaily-scarfed  and 
painted  vessels,  many  of  which  were  filled  with  musicians.5 
Margaret  reclined  in  her  gilded  barge,  under  a  richly- 
embroidered  canopy.  A  fairer  and  falser  queen  than 
"  Egypt  "  had  bewitched  the  famous  youth  who  had 
triumphed,  not  lost  the  world,  beneath  the  heights  of 
Actium.  The  revellers  landed  on  the  island,  where  the 
banquet  was  already  spread  within  a  spacious  bower  of 
ivy,  and  beneath  umbrageous  elms.  The  dance  upon  the 
sward  was  protracted  to  a  late  hour,  and  the  summer  stars 

1  Memoires  de  Marguerite  de  Valois,  137. 

2  "  Ces  meubles  me  semblent  plustost  d'un  grand  Roy  que  d  un  jeune  Prince  a  marier 
tel  qu'est  le  Sgr.  Dom  Jean,"  etc.— Memoires  de  Marguerite  de  Valois,  ii.  136. 

3  Ibid. — Compare  Van  der  Hammen  y  Leon,  D.  J.  d' Austria,  lib.  ii. 

4  Memoires  de  M.  de  Valois,  p.  137.     Hoofd,  xii.  508. 

6  Memoires  de  Marguerite  de  Valois,  ii.  137,  138.     Hoofd,  xii.  508. 


142  The  Rise  of  the 

had   been   long-   in   the   sky   when   the   company   returned 
to  their  barges. 

Don  John,  more  than  ever  enthralled  by  the  bride  of 
St.  Bartholomew,  knew  not  that  her  sole  purpose  in 
visiting  his  dominion  had  been  to  corrupt  his  servants  and 
to  undermine  his  authority.  His  own  purpose,  however, 
had  been  less  to  pay  court  to  the  Queen  than  to  make  use 
of  her  presence  to  cover  his  own  designs.  That  purpose 
he  proceeded  instantly  to  execute.  The  Queen  next  morn- 
ing pursued  her  voyage  by  the  river  to  Liege,  and  scarcely 
had  she  floated  out  of  his  sight  than  he  sprang  upon 
his  horse  and,  accompanied  by  a  few  trusty  attendants, 
galloped  out  of  the  gate  and  across  the  bridge  which  led 
to  the  citadel.1  He  had  already  despatched  the  loyal 
Berlaymont,  with  his  four  equally  loyal  sons,  the  Seign- 
eurs de  Meghen,  Floyon,  Hierges,  and  Haultepenne  to 
that  fortress.  These  gentlemen  had  informed  the  castel- 
lan that  the  Governor  was  about  to  ride  forth  hunting, 
and  that  it  would  be  proper  to  offer  him  the  hospitalities 
of  the  castle  as  he  passed  on  his  way.  A  considerable 
number  of  armed  men  had  been  concealed  in  the  woods 
and  thickets  of  the  neighbourhood.  The  Seigneur  de 
Froymont,  suspecting  nothing,  acceded  to  the  propriety 
of  the  suggestion  made  by  the  Berlaymonts.  Meantime, 
with  a  blast  of  his  horn,  Don  John  appeared  at  the  castle 
gate.  He  entered  the  fortress  with  the  castellan,  while 
one  of  the  gentlemen  watched  outside,  as  the  ambushed 
soldiers  came  toiling  up  the  precipice.  When  all  was 
ready  the  gentleman  returned  to  the  hall,  and  made  a 
signal  to  Don  John,  as  he  sat  at  breakfast  with  the 
constable.  The  Governor  sprang  from  the  table  and  drew 
his  sword ;  Berlaymont  and  his  four  sons  drew  their 
pistols,  while  at  the  same  instant,  the  soldiers  entered. 
Don  John,  exclaiming  that  this  was  the  first  day  of  his 
government,  commanded  the  castellan  to  surrender.  De 
Froymont,  taken  by  surprise,  and  hardly  understanding 
this  very  melo-dramatic  attack  upon  a  citadel  by  its  own 
lawful  governor,  made  not  much  difficulty  in  complying. 
He  was  then  turned  out  of  doors,  along  with  his  garrison, 
mostly  feeble  old  men  and  invalids.  The  newly-arrived 
soldiers  took  their  places,  at  command  of  the  Governor, 
and  the  stronghold  of  Namur  was  his  own.2 

1  Mdmoires  de  Marguerite  de  Valois,  145,  who  relates  the  occurrence  on  the  authority 
of  the  Marchioness  of  Havr£.     Hoofd,  xii.  508. 

2  Hoofd,  xii.  509. — "Stokouwde  of  verminkte  soldaaten,"  etc.     Bor,  x.  832.     Discours 
Sommier  des  Justes  Causes,  pp.  26,  27.     Meteren,  vii.  122.     Bentivoglio,  x.  194,  195. 


Dutch  Republic  143 

There  was  little  doubt  that  the  representative  of  Philip 
had  a  perfect  right  to  possess  himself  of  any  fortress 
within  his  government;  there  could  be  as  little  that  the 
sudden  stratagem  by  which  he  had  thus  made  himself 
master  of  this  citadel  would  prove  offensive  to  the  estates, 
while  it  could  hardly  be  agreeable  to  the  King;  and  yet 
it  is  not  certain  that  he  could  have  accomplished  his 
purpose  in  any  other  way.  Moreover,  the  achievement 
was  one  of  a  projected  series  by  which  he  meant  to  re- 
vindicate his  dwindling  authority.  He  was  weary  of 
playing  the  hypocrite,  and  convinced  that  he  and  his 
monarch  were  both  abhorred  by  the  Netherlanders.  Peace 
was  impossible — war  was  forbidden  him.  Reduced  almost 
to  a  nullity  by  the  Prince  of  Orange,  it  was  time  for  him 
to  make  a  stand,  and  in  this  impregnable  fastness  his 
position  at  least  was  a  good  one.  Many  months  before, 
the  Prince  of  Orange  had  expressed  his  anxious  desire 
that  this  most  important  town  and  citadel  should  be  se- 
cured for  the  estates.  "You  know,"  he  had  written  to 
Bossu  in  December,  "  the  evil  and  the  dismay  which  the 
loss  of  the  city  and  fortress  of  Namur  would  occasion 
to  us.  Let  me  beseech  you  that  all  possible  care  be  taken 
to  preserve  them."1  Nevertheless,  their  preservation 
had  been  entrusted  to  a  feeble-minded  old  constable,  at 
the  head  of  a  handful  of  cripples. 

We  know  how  intense  had  been  the  solicitude  of  the 
Prince,  not  only  to  secure  but  to  destrov  these  citadels, 
"nests  of  tyranny,"  which  had  been  built  by  despots  to 
crush,  not  protect,  the  towns  at  their  feet.  These  precau- 
tions had  been  neglected,  and  the  consequences  were  dis- 
playing themselves,  for  the  castle  of  Namur  was  not  the 
only  one  of  which  Don  John  felt  himself  secure.  Although 
the  Duke  of  Aerschot  seemed  so  very  much  his  humble 
servant,  the  Governor  did  not  trust  him,  and  wished  to 
see  the  citadel  of  Antwerp  in  more  unquestionable  keep- 
ing. He  had  therefore  withdrawn,  not  only  the  Duke, 
but  his  son,  the  Prince  of  Chimay,  commander  of  the 
castle  in  his  father's  absence,  from  that  important  post, 
and  insisted  upon  their  accompanying  him  to  Namur.2 
So  gallant  a  courtier  as  Aerschot  could  hardly  refuse  to 
pay  his  homage  to  so  illustrious  a  princess  as  Margaret 
of  Valois,  while  during  the  absence  of  the  Duke  and 
Prince  the  keys  of  Antwerp  citadel  had  been,  at  the 

1  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  v.  571.  2  Bor,  x.  828.     Meteren,  vii.  i22b. 


144  The  Rise  of  the 

command  of  Don  John,  placed  in  the  keeping  of  the 
Seigneur  de  Treslong,1  an  unscrupulous  and  devoted 
royalist.  The  celebrated  Colonel  van  Ende,  whose  par- 
ticipation, at  the  head  of  his  German  cavalry,  in  the 
terrible  sack  of  that  city,  which  he  had  been  ordered  to 
defend,  has  been  narrated,  was  commanded  to  return  to 
Antwerp.  He  was  to  present  himself  openly  to  the  city 
authorities,  but  he  was  secretly  directed  by  the  Governor- 
General  to  act  in  co-operation  with  the  Colonels  Fugger, 
Frondsberger,  and  Polwiller,  who  commanded  the  forces 
already  stationed  in  the  city.2  These  distinguished  offi- 
cers had  been  all  the  summer  in  secret  correspondence 
with  Don  John,  for  they  were  the  instruments  with  which 
he  meant  by  a  bold  stroke  to  recover  his  almost  lost  au- 
thority. While  he  had  seemed  to  be  seconding  the  efforts 
of  the  states-general  to  pay  off  and  disband  these  merce- 
naries, nothing  had  in  reality  been  further  from  his 
thoughts,  and  the  time  had  now  come  when  his  secret 
plans  were  to  be  executed,  according  to  the  agreement 
between  himself  and  the  German  colonels.  He  wrote  to 
them,  accordingly,  to  delay  no  longer  the  accomplishment 
of  the  deed  3 — that  deed  being  the  seizure  of  Antwerp 
citadel,  as  he  had  already  successfully  mastered  that  of 
Namur.  The  Duke  of  Aerschot,  his  brother,  and  son, 
were  in  his  power,  and  could  do  nothing  to  prevent  the 
co-operation  of  the  colonels  in  the  city  with  Treslong  in 
the  castle,  so  that  the  Governor  would  thus  be  enabled, 
laying  his  head  tranquilly  upon  "  the  pillow  of  the  Ant- 
werp citadel,"4  according  to  the  reproachful  expression 
subsequently  used  by  the  estates,  to  await  the  progress  of 
events. 

The  current  of  his  adventurous  career  was  not,  however, 
destined  to  run  thus  smoothly.  It  is  true  that  the  estates 
had  not  yet  entirely  lost  their  confidence  in  his  character, 
but  the  seizure  of  Namur,  and  the  attempt  upon  Ant- 
werp, together  with  the  contents  of  the  intercepted  letters 
written  by  himself  and  Escovedo  to  Philip,  to  Perez,  to 
the  Empress,  to  the  Colonels  Frondsberger  and  Fugger, 

1  Bor,  x.  828.     Louis  de  Bloys,  Seigneur  de  Treslon.     Meteren,  ubi  sup.     Discours 
Sommier  des  Tustes  Causes,  etc.,  pp.  19,  20. 

2  Discours  Sommier,  etc.,  pp.  18,  iq.     See  the  original  letters  in  the  appendix  to  Dis- 
cours Sommier,  etc.,  p.  56,  et  seq.  ;  also  in  Bor,  x.  848,  sqq. — translated. 

3  Letter  of  Don  John,  July  16,  1577,  to  the  Colonels  Frondsberger  and  Fugger.     Dis- 
cours  Sommier,  ubi  sup.     Bor,  x.  843. 

4  Et  se  reposant  sur  1'oreiller  du  Chasteau  d'Anvers  duquel  il  se  tenoit  entierement 
asseuri,"  etc. — Discours  Sommier,  etc.,  p.  35. 


Dutch   Republic  145 

were  soon  destined  to  open  their  eyes.  In  the  meantime, 
almost  exactly  at  the  moment  when  Don  John  was  execut- 
ing- his  enterprise  against  Namur,  Escovedo  had  taken 
an  affectionate  farewell  of  the  estates  at  Brussels,1  for  it 
had  been  thought  necessary,  as  already  intimated,  both 
for  the  apparent  interests  and  the  secret  projects  of  Don 
John,  that  the  secretary  should  make  a  visit  to  Spain. 
At  the  command  of  the  Governor-General  he  had  offered 
to  take  charge  of  any  communication  for  his  Majesty 
which  the  estates  might  be  disposed  to  entrust  to  him, 
and  they  had  accordingly  addressed  a  long  epistle  to  the 
King,  in  which  they  gave  ample  expression  to  their  in- 
dignation and  their  woe.  They  remonstrated  with  the 
King  concerning  the  continued  presence  of  the  German 
mercenaries,  whose  knives  were  ever  at  their  throats, 
whose  plunder  and  insolence  impoverished  and  tortured  the 
people.  They  reminded  him  of  the  vast  sums  which  the 
provinces  had  contributed  in  times  past  to  the  support  of 
government,  and  they  begged  assistance  from  his  bounty 
now.  They  recalled  to  his  vision  the  melancholy  spec- 
tacle of  Antwerp,  but  lately  the  "  nurse  of  Europe,  the 
fairest  flower  in  his  royal  garland,  the  foremost  and 
noblest  city  of  the  earth,2  now  quite  desolate  and  for- 
lorn," and  with  additional  instructions  to  Escovedo,  that 
he  should  not  fail,  in  his  verbal  communications,  to 
represent  the  evil  consequences  of  the  course  hitherto 
pursued  by  his  Majesty's  governors  in  the  Netherlands, 
they  dismissed  him  with  good  wishes,  and  with  "  crowns 
for  convoy  "  in  his  purse  to  the  amount  of  a  revenue  of 
two  thousand  yearly.  His  secret  correspondence  was  in- 
tercepted and  made  known  a  few  weeks  after  his 
departure.3 

For  a  moment  we  follow  him  thither.  With  a  single 
word  in  anticipation,  concerning  the  causes  and  the  con- 
summation of  this  celebrated  murder,  which  was  delayed 
till  the  following  year,  the  unfortunate  Escovedo  may  be 
dismissed  from  these  pages.  It  has  been  seen  how  art- 
fully Antonio  Perez,  Secretary  of  State,  paramour  of 
Princess  Eboli,  and  ruling  councillor  at  that  day  of  Philip, 
had  fostered  in  the  King's  mind  the  most  extravagant 

1  Bor,  x.  825.     Hoofd,  xii.  507.     Discours  Sommier,  etc.,  p.  47. 

2  " voodster  van  geheel  Europa,  d'edelste  bloeme  van  uwe  majesteits  krone  en  de 

vornaemste  en  rijxste  van  de  wereld,"  etc.,  etc. — Letter  of  the  States,  Bor,  826,  827. 

3  Bor,  x.  825.     Hoofd,  xii.  508.     Discours  Sommier,  p.  47.     Meteren,  vii.  121.     Bor, 
x.  827-842. 


146 


The  Rise  of  the 


suspicions  as  to  the  schemes  of  Don  John,  and  of  his 
confidential  secretary.1  He  had  represented  it  as  their 
fixed  and  secret  intention,  after  Don  John  should  be 
finally  established  on  the  throne  of  England,  to  attack 
Philip  himself  in  Spain,  and  to  deprive  him  of  his  crown, 
Escovedo  being  represented  as  the  prime  instigator  and 
controller  of  this  astounding  plot,  which  lunatics  only 
could  have  engendered,  and  which  probably  never  had 
existence. 

No  proof  of  the  wild  design  was  offered.  The  language 
which  Escovedo  was  accused  by  Perez  of  having  held  pre- 
viously to  his  departure  for  Flanders — that  it  was  the  in- 
tention of  Don  John  and  himself  to  fortify  the  rock  of 
Mogro,  with  which,  and  with  the  command  of  the  city  of 
Santander,  they  could  make  themselves  masters  of  Spain 
after  having  obtained  possession  of  England,2 — is  too  ab- 
surd to  have  been  uttered  by  a  man  of  Escovedo 's  capa- 
city. Certainly,  had  Perez  been  provided  with  the  least 
scrap  of  writing  from  the  hands  of  Don  John  or  Escovedo 
which  could  be  tortured  into  evidence  upon  this  point,  it 
would  have  been  forthcoming,  and  would  have  rendered 
such  fictitious  hearsay  superfluous.  Perez,  in  connivance 
with  Philip,  had  been  systematically  conducting  his  cor- 
respondence with  Don  John  and  Escovedo,  in  order  to 
elicit  some  evidence  of  the  imputed  scheme.  "  'Twas  the 
only  way,"  said  Perez  to  Philip,  "  to  make  them  unbare 
their  bosoms  to  the  sword."  "  I  am  quite  of  the  same 
opinion,"  replied  Philip  to  Perez,  "  for,  according  to  my 
theology,  you  would  do  your  duty  neither  to  God  nor  the 
world,  unless  you  did  as  you  are  doing."  3  Yet  the  excel- 
lent pair  of  conspirators  at  Madrid  could  wring  no  damn- 
ing proofs  from  the  lips  of  the  supposititious  conspirators 
in  Flanders,  save  that  Don  John,  after  Escovedo's  arrival 
in  Madrid,  wrote,  impatiently  and  frequently,  to  demand 
that  he  should  be  sent  back,  together  with  the  money 
which  he  had  gone  to  Spain  to  procure.  "  Money,  more 
money,  and  Escovedo,"4  wrote  the  Governor,  and  Philip 
was  quite  willing  to  accept  this  most  natural  exclamation 
as  evidence  of  his  brother's  designs  against  his  crown. 

1  Mem.  de  Ant.  Perez,  passim ;  particularly  pages  284-317.  Obras  y  Relaciones. 
Geneva,  1644.  2  Mem.  de  Ant.  Perez,  313. 

3  "  Es  menester  de  escrivir  y  oyr  de  aquella  manera porque  assy  se  meten  porla 

espada,"  etc.— Billet  of  Ant.  Perez  to  the  King.  "  Y  segun  mi  theologia  yo  entiendo  lo 

mismo  que  vos Que  no  haviadps  para  con  Dios  ni  para  con  el  mundo,  sino  lo 

hiziessedes  ansy,"  etc. — Annotation  in  Philip's  hand  on  the  billet,  Mem.  de  Perez,  pp. 
310,  311.  4  "  Dinero,  y  mas  dinero,  y  Escovedo." — Ibid.,  314. 


Dutch  Republic  147 

Out  of  these  shreds  and  patches — the  plot  against  Eng- 
land, the  Pope's  bull,  the  desire  expressed  by  Don  John 
to  march  into  France  as  a  simple  adventurer,  with  a  few 
thousand  men  at  his  back — Perez,  according  to  his  own 
statement,  drew  up  a  protocol,  afterwards  formally  ap- 
proved by  Philip,  which  concluded  with  the  necessity  of 
taking  Escovedo's  life,  instantly  but  privately,  and  by 
poison.  The  Marquis  de  Los  Velos,  to  whom  the 
memorial  was  submitted  for  his  advice,  averred  that  if 
the  death-bed  wafer  were  in  his  own  lips,  he  should  vote 
for  the  death  of  the  culprit  j1  Philip  had  already  jumped 
to  the  same  conclusion ;  Perez  joyfully  undertook  the  busi- 
ness, having  received  carte  blanche  from  the  King,  and 
thus  the  unfortunate  secretary  was  doomed.  Immediately 
after  the  arrival  of  Escovedo  in  Madrid,  he  addressed  a 
letter  to  the  King.  Philip  filed  it  away  among  other 
despatches,  with  this  annotation:  "  the  avant  courier  has 
arrived — it  is  necessary  to  make  great  haste,  and  to 
despatch  him  before  he  murders  us."2 

The  King,  having  thus  been  artfully  inflamed  against  his 
brother  and  his  unfortunate  secretary,  became  clamorous 
for  the  blood  of  Escovedo.  At  the  same  time  that  per- 
sonage, soon  after  his  return  to  Spain,  was  shocked  by 
the  discovery  of  the  amour  of  Perez  with  the  Princess 
Eboli.3  He  considered  it  his  duty,  both  towards  the 
deceased  Prince  and  the  living  King,  to  protest  against 
this  perfidy.  He  threatened  to  denounce  to  the  King, 
who  seemed  the  only  person  about  the  court  ignorant  of 
the  affair,  this  double  treason  of  his  mistress  and  his 
minister.  Perez  and  Anna  of  Eboli,  furious  at  Escovedo's 
insolence,  and  anxious  lest  he  should  execute  his  menace, 
determined  to  disembarrass  themselves  of  so  meddlesome 
a  person.4  Philip's  rage  against  Don  John  was  accord- 
ingly turned  to  account,  and  Perez  received  the  King's 
secret  orders  to  procure  Escovedo's  assassination.5  Thus 

1  "Que  con  el  Sacramento  en  la  boca votara  la  (muerte)  de  Juan  de  Escovedo," 

etc.,  etc. — Mem.  de  Ant.  Perez,  317. 


contemporary.  4  Mignet,  p.  32. 

5  Mem.  de  Ant.  Perez,  314-317.  Mignet,  Ant.  Perez  et  Philippe  II.,  pp.  32,  33. 
Hoofd,  xii.  514. — Compare  Cabrera,  xii.  972,  who,  seeking  as  usual  to  excuse  the  King, 
whose  official  panegyrist  he  is,  narrates  that  Escovedo's  death  warrant  was  filled  out  on 
one  of  those  blanks  with  the  King's  signature,  such  as  ambassadors  and  viceroys  have. 
He  does  not  state  why  Perez  (being  neither  viceroy  nor  ambassador)  came  to  be  provided 
with  such  documents.  He  admits,  too,  "  que  no  desplaria  al  Rey  su  muerte  violenta." — 
p.  972. 


148 


The  Rise  of  the 


an  imaginary  conspiracy  of  Don  John  against  the  crown 
of  Philip  was  the  pretext,  the  fears  and  rage  of  Eboli 
and  her  paramour  were  the  substantial  reason,  for  the 
crime  now  projected. 

The  details  of  the  murder  were  arranged  and  executed 
by  Perez,1  but  it  must  be  confessed,  in  justice  to  Philip, 
with  much  inferior  nicety  to  that  of  his  own  performances 
in  the  same  field.  Many  persons  were  privy  to  the  plot. 
There  was  much  blundering,  there  was  great  public 
scandal  in  Madrid,  and  no  one  ever  had  a  reasonable 
doubt  as  to  the  instigators  and  the  actual  perpetrators 
of  the  crime.  Two  attempts  to  poison  Escovedo  were 
made  by  Perez,  at  his  own  table,  through  the  agency  of 
Antonio  Enriquez,  a  confidential  servant  or  page.  Both 
were  unsuccessful.  A  third  was  equally  so,  but  suspi- 
cions were  aroused.  A  female  slave  in  the  household  of 
Escovedo,  was  in  consequence  arrested,  and  immediately 
hanged  in  the  public  square,  for  a  pretended  attempt  to 
murder  her  master.2  A  few  days  afterwards  (on  the 
3ist  of  March,  1578)  the  deed  was  accomplished  at  night- 
fall, in  the  streets  of  Madrid,  by  six  conspirators.  They 
consisted  of  the  major-domo  of  Perez,  a  page  in  his 
household,  the  page's  brother  from  the  country,  an  ex- 
scullion  from  the  royal  kitchens,  Juan  Rubio  by  name, 
who  had  been  the  unsuccessful  agent  in  the  poisoning 
scheme,  together  with  two  professional  bravos,  hired  for 
the  occasion.  It  was  Insausti,  one  of  this  last-mentioned 
couple,  who  despatched  Escovedo  with  a  single  stab,  the 
others  aiding  and  abetting,  or  keeping  watch  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood.3 

The  murderers  effected  their  escape,  and  made  their  re- 
port to  Perez,  who,  for  the  sake  of  appearances,  was  upon 
a  visit  in  the  country.  Suspicion  soon  tracked  the  real 
culprits,  who  were  above  the  reach  of  justice ;  nor,  as 
to  the  motives  which  had  prompted  the  murders  were 
many  ignorant,  save  only  the  murderer  himself.  Philip 
had  ordered  the  assassination,  but  he  was  profoundly 
deceived  as  to  the  causes  of  its  accomplishment.  He  was 
the  dupe  of  a  subtler  villain  than  himself,  and  thought 

1  The  narrative  of  this  assassination,  so  remarkable  in  its  character,  and  so  important 
in  its  remote  consequences,  has  been  given  in  a  masterly  manner  by  Mignet  (Antonio 
Perez  et  Philippe  II.),  P-  34,  sqq.,  from  the  MS.  copy  of  the  famous  process  belonging  to 
the  Foreign  Office  of  France. 

2  Mignet ;  from  the  MS.  process,  pp.  38,  39.     Cabrera  also  narrates  briefly  the  attempts 
at  poisoning  made  by  Perez  at  his  ov/n  table,  together  with  the  execution  of  the  slave. — 
xii.  972.  3  Mignet,  p.  40. 


Dutch  Republic  149 


himself  sacrificing  a  conspirator  against  his  crown,  while 
he  had  really  only  crushed  a  poor  creature  who  had  been 
but  too  solicitous  for  what  he  thought  his  master's 
honour. 

The  assassins  were,  of  course,  protected  from  prosecu- 
tion, and  duly  recompensed.  Miguel  Bosque,  the  country 
boy,  received  one  hundred  crowns  in  gold,  paid  by  a 
clerk  of  Perez.  Mesa,  one  of  the  bravos,  was  rewarded 
with  a  gold  chain,  fifty  doubloons  of  eight,  and  a  silver 
cup,  besides  receiving  from  the  fair  hand  of  Princess 
Eboli  herself  a  certificate  as  under-steward  upon  her 
estates.1  The  second  bravo,  Insausti,  who  had  done  the 
deed,  the  page  Enriquez,  and  the  scullion,  were  all 
appointed  ensigns  in  his  Majesty's  army,  with  twenty 
gold  crowns  of  annual  pension  besides.2  Their  com- 
missions were  signed  by  Philip  on  the  igth  of  April, 
1578.  Such  were  the  wages  of  murder  at  that  day  in 
Spain;  gold  chains,  silver  cups,  doubloons,  annuities, 
and  commissions  in  the  army  !  The  reward  of  fidelity, 
as  in  poor  Escovedo's  case,  was  oftener  the  stiletto. 
Was  it  astonishing  that  murder  was  more  common  than 
fidelity? 

With  the  subsequent  career  of  Antonio  Perez — his 
famous  process,  his  banishment,  his  intrigues,  his  in- 
nuendos,  his  long  exile,  and  his  miserable  death,  this 
history  has  no  concern.  We  return  from  our  brief 
digression. 

In  the  brief  breathing  space  now  afforded  them,  the  in- 
habitants of  Holland  and  Zeland  had  been  employing 
themselves  in  the  extensive  repairs  of  their  vast  system 
of  dykes.  These  barriers,  which  protected  their  country 
against  the  ocean,  but  which  their  own  hands  had  de- 
stroyed to  preserve  themselves  against  tyranny,  were  now 
thoroughly  reconstructed  at  a  great  expense,  the  Prince 
everywhere  encouraging  the  people  with  his  presence, 
directing  them  by  his  experience,  inspiring  them  with  his 
energy.5  The  task  accomplished  was  stupendous,  and 
worthy,  says  a  contemporary,  of  eternal  memory.4 

At  the  popular  request,  the  Prince  afterwards  made  a 
tour  through  the  little  provinces,  honouring  every  city  with 
a  brief  visit.  There  were  no  triumphal  arches,  no  martial 
music,  no  banners,  no  theatrical  pageantry — nothing  but 

1  Mignet  (from  the  MS.  process),  p.  41.  2  Ibid. 

8  Bor,  x.  819.     Wagenaer,  vii.  158.     Hoofd,  xii.  504.  4  Bor,  x.  819. 


150  The  Rise  of  the 

the  choral  anthem  from  thousands  of  grateful  hearts. 
"  Father  William  has  come  !  Father  William  has  come  !" 
cried  men,  women,  and  children  to  each  other  when  the 
news  of  his  arrival  in  town  or  village  was  announced.1 
He  was  a  patriarch  visiting-  his  children,  not  a  conqueror, 
nor  a  vulgar  potentate  displaying-  himself  to  his  admirers. 
Happy  were  they  who  heard  his  voice,  happier  they  who 
touched  his  hands,  for  his  words  were  full  of  tender- 
ness, his  hand  was  offered  to  all.  There  were  none  so 
humble  as  to  be  forbidden  to  approach  him,  none  so 
ignorant  as  not  to  know  his  deeds. 

He  found  time,  notwithstanding-  the  congratulating 
crowds  who  thronged  his  footsteps,  to  direct  the  labours 
of  the  states-general,  who  still  looked  more  than  ever 
to  his  guidance,  as  their  relations  with  Don  John  be- 
came more  complicated  and  unsatisfactory.  In  a  letter 
addressed  to  them,  on  the  2oth  of  June,  from  Harlem, 
he  warned  them  most  eloquently  to  hold  to  the  Ghent 
Pacification  as  to  their  anchor  in  the  storm.  He  assured 
them,  if  it  was  torn  from  them,  that  their  destruction  was 
inevitable.  He  reminded  them  that  hitherto  they  had 
got  but  the  shadow,  not  the  substance  of  the  treaty; 
that  they  had  been  robbed  of  that  which  was  to  have 
been  its  chief  fruit — union  among  themselves.  He  and 
his  brothers,  with  their  labour,  their  wealth,  and  their 
blood,  had  laid  down  the  bridge  over  which  the  country 
had  stepped  to  the  Pacification  of  Ghent.  It  was  for 
the  nation  to  maintain  what  had  been  so  painfully  won  ; 
yet  he  proclaimed  to  them  that  the  government  were 
not  acting  in  good  faith,  that  secret  preparations  were 
making  to  annihilate  the  authority  of  the  states,  to  re- 
store the  edicts,  to  put  strangers  into  high  places,  and 
to  set  up  again  the  scaffold  and  the  whole  machinery  of 
persecution.2 

In  consequence  of  the  seizure  of  Namur  Castle,  and  the 
accusations  made  by  Don  John  against  Orange,  in  order 
to  justify  that  act,  the  Prince  had  already  despatched 
Taffin  and  Sainte  Aldegonde  to  the  states-general  with  a 
commission  to  declare  his  sentiments  upon  the  subject. 
He  addressed,  moreover,  to  the  same  body  a  full  letter 
of  sincere  and  simple  eloquence.  "  The  Seigneur  Don 
John,"  said  he,  "has  accused  me  of  violating  the  peace, 

1  Bor,  x.  830.     Hoofd,  xii.  520.     Wagenaer,  viL  159,  160. 

2  See  the  letter  in  Bor,  x.  829,  830. 


Dutch  Republic  151 

and  of  countenancing  attempts  against  his  life,  and  is 
endeavouring  to  persuade  you  into  joining  him  in  a  de- 
claration of  war  against  me  and  against  Holland  and 
Zeland ;  but  I  pray  you,  most  affectionately,  to  remember 
our  mutual  and  solemn  obligations  to  maintain  the  treaty 
of  Ghent."  He  entreated  the  states,  therefore,  to  be- 
ware of  the  artifices  employed  to  seduce  them  from  the 
only  path  which  led  to  the  tranquillity  of  their  common 
country,  and  her  true  splendour  and  prosperity.  "  I 
believe  there  is  not  one  of  you,"  he  continued,  "  who  can 
doubt  me,  if  he  will  weigh  carefully  all  my  actions,  and 
consider  closely  the  course  which  I  am  pursuing  and  have 
always  pursued.  .Let  all  these  be  confronted  with  the  con- 
duct of  Don  John,  and  any  man  will  perceive  that  all  my 
views  of  happiness,  both  for  my  country  and  myself, 
imply  a  peaceable  enjoyment  of  the  union,  joined  with  the 
legitimate  restoration  of  our  liberties,  to  which  all  good 
patriots  aspire,  and  towards  which  all  my  designs  have 
ever  tended.  As  all  the  grandeur  of  Don  John,  on  the  con- 
trary, consists  in  war,  as  there  is  nothing  which  he  so 
much  abhors  as  repose,  as  he  has  given  ample  proof  of 
these  inclinations  in  all  his  designs  and  enterprises,  both 
before  and  after  the  treaty  of  Marche  en  Famine,  both 
within  the  country  and  beyond  its  borders,  as  it  is  most 
manifest  that  his  purpose  is,  and  ever  has  been,  to  embroil 
us  with  our  neighbours  of  England  and  Scotland  in  new 
dissensions,  as  it  must  be  evident  to  every  one  of  you 
that  his  pretended  accusations  against  me  are  but  colours 
and  shadows  to  embellish  and  to  shroud  his  own  desire 
for  war,  his  appetite  for  vengeance,  and  his  hatred  not 
only  to  me  but  to  yourselves,  and  as  his  determination  is, 
in  the  words  of  Escovedo,  to  chastise  some  of  us  by  means 
of  the  rest,  and  to  excite  the  jealousy  of  one  portion  of 
the  country  against  the  other — therefore,  gentlemen,  do 
I  most  affectionately  exhort  you  to  found  your  decision, 
as  to  these  matters,  not  upon  words,  but  upon  actions. 
Examine  carefully  my  conduct  in  the  points  concerning 
which  the  charges  are  made  :  listen  attentively  to  what 
my  envoys  will  communicate  to  you  in  my  behalf;  and 
then,  having  compared  it  with  all  the  proceedings  of 
Seigneur  Don  John,  you  will  be  able  to  form  a  resolution 
worthy  the  rank  which  you  occupy,  and  befitting  your 
obligations  to  the  whole  people,  of  whom  you  have  been 
chosen  chiefs  and  protectors  by  God  and  by  men.  Put 


152  The  Rise  of  the 

away  all  considerations  which  might  obscure  your  clear 
eye-sight;  maintain  with  magnanimity,  and  like  men,  the 
safety  of  yourselves,  your  wives,  your  children,  your 
estates,  your  liberties ;  see  that  this  poor  people,  whose 
eyes  are  fixed  upon  you,  does  not  perish;  preserve  them 
from  the  greediness  of  those  who  would  grow  great  at 
your  expense ;  guard  them  from  the  yoke  of  miserable 
servitude;  let  not  all  our  posterity  lament  that,  by  our 
pusillanimity,  they  have  lost  the  liberties  which  our  an- 
cestors had  conquered  for  them,  and  bequeathed  to  them 
as  well  as  to  us,  and  that  they  have  been  subjugated  by 
the  proud  tyranny  of  strangers. 

'Trusting,"  said  the  Prince,  in  conclusion,  "that  you 
will  accord  faith  and  attention  to  my  envoys,  I  will  only 
add  an  expression  of  my  sincere  determination  to  employ 
myself  incessantly  in  your  service,  and  for  the  welfare 
of  the  whole  people,  without  sparing  any  means  in  my 
power,  nor  my  life  itself."1 

The  vigilant  Prince  was  indeed  not  slow  to  take  advan- 
tage of  the  Governor's  false  move.  While  in  reality  in- 
tending peace,  if  it  were  possible,  Don  John  had  thrown 
down  the  gauntlet;  while  affecting  to  deal  openly  and 
manfully,  like  a  warrior  and  an  emperor's  son,  he  had 
involved  himself  in  petty  stratagems  and  transparent  in- 
trigues, by  all  which  he  had  gained  nothing  but  the 
character  of  a  plotter,  whose  word  could  not  be  trusted. 
Sainte  Aldegonde  expressed  the  hope  2  that  the  seizure  of 
Namur  Castle  would  open  the  eyes  of  the  people,  and 
certainly  the  Prince  did  his  best  to  sharpen  their  vision. 

While  in  North  Holland,  William  of  Orange  received 
an  urgent  invitation  from  the  magistracy  and  community 
of  Utrecht  to  visit  that  city.  His  authority,  belonging 
to  him  under  his  ancient  commission,  had  not  yet  been 
recognized  over  that  province,  but  there  was  no  doubt 
that  the  contemplated  convention  of  "  Satisfaction  "  was 
soon  to  be  arranged,  for  his  friends  there  were  numerous 
and  influential.  His  princess,  Charlotte  de  Bourbon,  who 
accompanied  him  on  his  tour,  trembled  at  the  danger 
to  which  her  husband  would  expose  himself  by  ventur- 
ing thus  boldly  into  a  territory  which  might  be  full  of 

1  This  letter,  of  date  August,  1577,  the  original  of  which_  is  in  French,  has  never  been 
published.     It  is  in  a  collection  of  MSS.  in  the  Hague  Archives,  entitled,  "  Acta  Statuum 
Belgii,"  torn.  i.  fol.  367,  368.— Compare  Bor,  x.  830. 

2  Sainte  Aldegonde  to  Count  John  of  Nassau. — Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vi. 
116. 


Dutch  Republic  153 

his  enemies,  but  the  Prince  determined  to  trust  the 
loyalty  of  a  province  which  he  hoped  would  be  soon  his 
own.  With  anxious  forebodings,  the  Princess  followed 
her  husband  to  the  ancient  episcopal  city.  As  they 
entered  its  gates,  where  an  immense  concourse  was  wait- 
ing to  receive  him,  a  shot  passed  through  the  carriage 
window,  and  struck  the  Prince  upon  the  breast.  The 
affrighted  lady  threw  her  arms  about  his  neck,  shrieking 
that  they  were  betrayed,  but  the  Prince,  perceiving  that 
the  supposed  shot  was  but  a  wad  from  one  of  the  cannon, 
which  were  still  roaring  their  welcome  to  him,  soon  suc- 
ceeded in  calming  her  fears.1  The  carriage  passed  slowly 
through  the  streets,  attended  by  the  vociferous  greetings 
of  the  multitude ;  for  the  whole  population  had  come 
forth  to  do  him  honour.  The  citizens  of  Utrecht  became 
more  than  ever  inclined  to  accept  the  dominion  of  the 
Prince,  and  it  was  certain  before  he  took  his  departure 
that  the  treaty  of  "  Satisfaction  "  would  not  be  long  de- 
layed. It  was  drawn  up,  accordingly,  in  the  autumn  of 
the  same  year,  upon  the  basis  of  that  accepted  by  Harlem 
and  Amsterdam — a  basis  wide  enough  to  support  both 
religions,  with  a  nominal  supremacy  to  the  ancient 
Church.  2 

Meantime,  much  fruitless  correspondence  had  taken 
place  between  Don  John  and  the  states.  Envoys  de- 
spatched by  the  two  parties  to  each  other,  had  indulged 
in  bitterness  and  recrimination.  As  soon  as  the  Governor 
had  taken  possession  of  Namur  Castle,  he  had  sent  the 
Seigneur  de  Rassinghem  to  the  states-general.  That 
gentleman  carried  with  him  copies  of  two  anonymous 
letters,  received  by  Don  John  upon  the  igth  and  2ist 
of  July,  1577,  in  which  a  conspiracy  against  his  life  and 
liberty  was  revealed.3  It  was  believed  by  the  Governor 
that  Count  Lalain,  who  had  secretly  mvited  him  to  a 
conference,  had  laid  an  ambush  for  him.  It  was  known 
that  the  country  was  full  of  disbanded  soldiers,  and  the 
Governor  asserted  confidently  that  numbers  of  despera- 
does were  lying  in  wait  for  him  in  every  village  alehouse 
of  Hainault  and  Flanders.  He  called  on  the  states  to 
ferret  out  these  conspirators,  and  to  inflict  condign 
punishment  upon  their  more  guilty  chiefs ;  he  required 

1  Bor,  x.  830.     Hoofd,  xii.  520. 

2  The  articles  of  the  "  Satisfactie,"  dated  October  9,  1577,  are  given  in  Bor,  x.  893-896. 
Vera  et  simplex  Narratio,  etc.,  p.  26. 

3  Bor,  x.  832.     Hoofd,  xii.  509.     Discours  Sommier  des  Justes  Causes,  etc.,  29. 


154  The  Rise  of  the 

that  the  soldiers,  as  well  as  the  citizens,  should  be  dis- 
armed at  Brussels  and  throughout  Brabant,  and  he  justi- 
fied his  seizure  of  Namur  upon  the  general  ground  that 
his  life  was  no  longer  safe  except  in  fortress.1 

In  reply  to  the  letter  of  the  Governor,  which  was  dated 
the  24th  July,  the  states  despatched  Marolles,  Archdeacon 
of  Ypres,  and  the  Seigneur  de  Bresse,  to  Namur,  with  a 
special  mission  to  enter  into  the  whole  subject  of  these 
grievances.2  These  gentlemen,  professing  the  utmost 
devotion  to  the  cause  of  his  Majesty's  authority  and  the 
Catholic  religion,  expressed  doubts  as  to  the  existence  of 
the  supposed  conspiracy.  They  demanded  that  Don  John 
should  denounce  the  culprits,  if  any  such  were  known,  in 
order  that  proper  chastisement  might  be  instantly 
inflicted.  The  conversation  which  ensued  was  certainly 
unsatisfactory.  The  Governor  used  lofty  and  somewhat 
threatening  language,  assuring  Marolles  that  he  was  at 
that  moment  in  possession,  not  only  of  Namur  but  of 
Antwerp  citadel ;  and  the  deputies  accordingly  departed, 
having  accomplished  very  little  by  their  journey.  Their 
backs  were  scarcely  turned,  when  Don  John,  on  his  part, 
immediately  appointed  another  commission,  consisting  of 
Rassinghem  and  Grobbendonck,  to  travel  from  Namur  to 
Brussels.3  These  envoys  carried  a  long  letter  of  griev- 
ances, enclosing  a  short  list  of  demands.4  The  letter 
reiterated  his  complaints  about  conspiracies  and  his  pro- 
testations of  sincerity.  It  was  full  of  censure  upon  the 
Prince  of  Orange ;  stigmatized  his  intrigues  to  obtain 
possession  of  Amsterdam  without  a  proper  "  Satisfaction," 
and  of  Utrecht,  to  which  he  had  no  claim  at  all.  It  main- 
tained that  the  Hollanders  and  Zelanders  were  bent  upon 
utterly  exterminating  the  Catholic  religion,  and  that  they 
avowed  publicly  their  intention  to  refuse  obedience  to  the 
assembly-general,  should  it  decree  the  maintenance  of  the 
ancient  worship  only.  His  chief  demands  were  that  the 
states  should  send  him  a  list  of  persons  qualified  to  be 
members  of  the  general  assembly,  that  he  might  see 
whether  there  were  not  individuals  among  them  whom  he 
might  choose  to  reject.  He  further  required  that,  if  the 
Prince  of  Orange  did  not  instantly  fulfil  the  treaty  of 
Ghent,  the  states  should  cease  to  hold  any  communication 

l  See  the  letter  of  Don  John  in  Bor,  x.  832.  2  Bor,  xi.  834. 

8  Ibid.,  834,  835.     Discours  Sommier,  etc.,  pp.  29,  30. 
4  See  the  letter  in  Bor,  xi.  836,  837. 


Dutch  Republic  155 

with  him.     He  also  summoned  the  states  to  provide  him 
forthwith  with  a  suitable  body-guard.1 

To  these  demands  and  complaints,  the  estates  replied  by 
a  string  of  resolutions.2  They  made  their  usual  protesta- 
tions of  attachment  to  his  Majesty  and  the  Catholic  faith, 
and  they  granted  willingly  a  foot-guard  of  three  hundred 
archers.  They,  however,  stoutly  denied  the  Governor's 
right  to  make  eliminations  in  their  lists  of  deputies, 
because,  from  time  immemorial,  these  representatives  had 
been  chosen  by  the  clergy,  nobles,  cities,  and  boroughs. 
The  names  might  change  daily,  nor  were  there  any  sus- 
picious ones  among  them,  but  it  was  a  matter  with  which 
the  Governor  had  no  concern.  They  promised  that  every 
effort  should  be  made  to  bring  about  the  execution  of  the 
treaty  by  the  Prince  of  Orange.  They  begged  Don  John, 
however,  to  abandon  the  citadel  of  Namur,  and  gave  him 
to  understand  that  his  secret  practices  had  been  discovered, 
a  large  packet  of  letters  having  recently  been  intercepted 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bordeaux,  and  sent  to  the  Prince 
of  Orange.3  Among  them  were  some  of  the  despatches  of 
Don  John  and  Escovedo,  to  his  Majesty  and  to  Antonio 
Perez,  to  which  allusion  has  already  been  made. 

Count  Bossu,  De  Bresse,  and  Meetkercke  were  the  en- 
voys deputed  to  convey  these  resolutions  to  Namur.  They 
had  a  long  and  bitter  conversation  with  Don  John,  who 
complained  more  furiously  than  ever  of  the  conspiracies 
against  his  person,  and  of  the  intrigues  of  Orange.  He 
insisted  that  this  arch-traitor  had  been  sowing  the  seed  of 
his  damnable  doctrines  broadcast  through  the  Nether- 
lands; that  the  earth  was  groaning  with  a  daily  ripening 
harvest  of  rebellion  and  heresy.  It  was  time,  he  cried,  for 
the  states  to  abandon  the  Prince,  and  rally  round  their 
King.  Patience  had  been  exhausted.  He  had  himself 
done  all,  and  more  than  could  have  been  demanded.  He 
had  faithfully  executed  the  Ghent  Pacification,  but  his 
conduct  had  neither  elicited  gratitude  nor  inspired  con- 
fidence.4 

The  deputies  replied,  that  to  the  due  execution  of  the 
Ghent  Treaty  it  was  necessary  that  he  should  disband  the 
German  troops,  assemble  the  states-general,  and  carry  out 

1  Letter  of  Don  John,  July  27,  1577.     Bor,  ubi  sup.  2  Jn  Bor,  xi.  837,  838. 

3  They  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Henry  of  Navarre,  who  had  forwarded  them  to 
the  Prince  of  Orange,  by  whom  they  were  laid  before  the  deputies  of  the  states-general 
on  the  28th  of  July. — Meteren,  vii.  121.  Hoofd,  xii.  516. — Compare  Discours  Sommier, 
etc.,  pp.  32,  33.  4  Bor,  xi.  838,  839. 


156  The  Rise  of  the 

their  resolutions.  Until  these  things,  now  undone,  had 
been  accomplished,  he  had  no  right  to  plead  his  faithful 
fulfilment  of  the  Pacification.  After  much  conversation — 
in  which  the  same  grievances  were  repeated,  the  same 
statements  produced  and  contradicted,  the  same  demands 
urged  and  evaded,  and  the  same  menaces  exchanged  as 
upon  former  occasions — the  deputies  returned  to  Brussels.1 
Immediately  after  their  departure,  Don  John  learned  the 
result  of  his  project  upon  Antwerp  Castle.  It  will  be  re- 
membered that  he  had  withdrawn  Aerschot,  under  pretext 
of  requiring  his  company  on  the  visit  to  Queen  Margaret, 
and  that  he  had  substituted  Treslong,  an  unscrupulous 
partizan  of  his  own,  in  the  government  of  the  citadel.  The 
temporary  commander  soon  found,  however,  that  he  had 
undertaken  more  than  he  could  perform.  The  troops 
under  Van  Ende  were  refused  admittance  into  the  town, 
although  permission  to  quarter  them  there  had  been  re- 
quested by  the  Governor-General.2  The  authorities  had 
been  assured  that  the  troops  were  necessary  for  the  pro- 
tection of  their  city,  but  the  magistrates  had  learned, 
but  too  recently,  the  nature  of  the  protection  which 
Van  Ende,  with  his  mercenaries,  would  afford.  A 
detachment  of  states  troops  under  De  Vers,  Cham- 
pagny's  nephew,  encountered  the  regiment  of  Van  Ende, 
and  put  it  to  flight  with  considerable  loss.  At  the 
same  time,  an  officer  in  the  garrison  of  the  citadel  itself, 
Captain  De  Bours,  undertook  secretly  to  carry  the  fortress 
for  the  estates.  His  operations  were  secret  and  rapid. 
The  Seigneur  de  Liedekerke  had  succeeded  Champagny  in 
the  government  of  the  city.  This  appointment  had  been 
brought  about  by  the  agency  of  the  Greffier  Martini,  a 
warm  partizan  of  Orange.  The  new  Governor  was  known 
to  be  very  much  the  Prince's  friend,  and  believed  to  be  at 
heart  a  convert  to  the  reformed  religion.  With  Martini 
and  Liedekerke,  De  Bours  arranged  his  plot.  He  was 
supplied  with  a  large  sum  of  money,  readily  furnished  in 
secret  by  the  leading  mercantile  houses  of  the  city.  These 
funds  were  successfully  invested  in  gaining  over  the 
garrison,  only  one  company  holding  firm  for  Treslong. 
The  rest,  as  that  officer  himself  informed  Don  John,  were 
ready  at  any  moment  "  to  take  him  by  the  throat."  3 

1  Bor,  xi.  838,  839.  2  Ibid.,  852.     Hoofd,  xii.  517. 

8  Bor,  Hoofd,  ubi  sup.  Meteren,  vii.  122.  Discours  Sommier,  etc.,  p.  36,  sqq. 
Cabrera,  xi.  933,  sqq.  Letter  of  Treslong  to  Don  John,  August  x,  1577,  in  appendix  to 
Discours  Sommier,  pp.  76,  77. 


Dutch   Republic  157 

On  the  ist  of  August,  the  day  fixed  upon  in  concert  with 
the  Governor  and  Greffier,  he  was,  in  fact,  taken  by  the 
throat.  There  was  but  a  brief  combat,  the  issue  of  which 
became  accidentally  doubtful  in  the  city.  The  white- 
plumed  hat  of  De  Bours  had  been  struck  from  his  head  in 
the  struggle,  and  had  fallen  into  the  foss.  Floating  out 
into  the  river,  it  had  been  recognized  by  the  scouts  sent 
out  by  the  personages  most  interested,  and  the  information 
was  quickly  brought  to  Liedekerke,  who  was  lying  con- 
cealed in  the  house  of  Martini,  awaiting  the  result.  Their 
dismay  was  great,  but  Martini,  having  more  confidence 
than  the  Governor,  sallied  forth  to  learn  the  whole  truth.1 
Scarcely  had  he  got  into  the  streets  than  he  heard  a  wel- 
come cry.  :<  The  Beggars  have  the  castle  !  the  Beggars 
have  the  castle  !"  shouted  a  hundred  voices.2  He  soon  met 
a  lieutenant  coming  straight  from  the  fortress,  who  related 
to  him  the  whole  affair.  Learning  that  De  Bours  was 
completely  victorious,  and  that  Treslong  was  a  prisoner, 
Martini  hastened  with  the  important  intelligence  to  his  own 
home,  where  Liedekerke  lay  concealed.  That  functionary 
now  repaired  to  the  citadel,  whither  the  magistrates,  the 
leading  citizens,  and  the  chief  merchants  were  instantly 
summoned.  The  castle  was  carried,  but  the  city  was 
already  trembling  with  apprehension  lest  the  German  mer- 
cenaries quartered  within  its  walls  should  rise  with 
indignation  or  panic,  and  repeat  the  horrid  tragedy  of  the 
Antwerp  Fury.3 

In  truth  there  seemed  danger  of  such  a  catastrophe. 
The  secret  correspondence  of  Don  John  with  the  colonels 
was  already  discovered,4  and  it  was  seen  how  warmly  he 
had  impressed  upon  the  men  with  whom  he  had  been 
tampering,  "  that  the  die  was  cast,  and  that  all  their  art 
was  necessary  to  make  it  turn  up  successfully."5  The 
castle  was  carried,  but  what  would  become  of  the  city? 
A  brief  and  eager  consultation  terminated  in  an  immediate 
offer  of  three  hundred  thousand  crowns  by  the  leading 
merchants.  This  money  was  to  be  employed  in  amicably 
satisfying,  if  possible,  the  German  soldiers,  who  had  mean- 

1  Bor,  xi.  853.     Hoofd,  xii.  518. 

2  "  Het  casteel  is  gies  !  het  casteel  is  gies  1 " — Bor,  xi.  854. 

3  Bor,  xi.  854.     Hoofd,  xii.  518. 

4  It  was  discovered  on  the  taking  of  the  citadel  by  De  Bours. — Bor,  xi.  854.     Hoofd, 
xii.  518. 

5  "  Y  pues  queda  ya  el  dado  fuera  de  la  mano,  es  menester  encaminarle  a  que  corra 
buen." — Letter  of  Don   John   to   Colone's   Frondsberger   and    Fugger,  July  23,    1577, 
appendix  to  Discours  Sommier,  p.  60.     Bor,  xi.  849. 


158 


The  Rise  of  the 


while  actually  come  to  arms,  and  were  assembled  in  the 
Place  de  Meer.  Feeling  unsafe,  however,  in  this  locality, 
their  colonels  had  led  them  into  the  new  town.  Here, 
having-  barricaded  themselves  with  gun-carriages,  bales, 
and  boxes,  they  awaited,  instead  of  initiating,  the  events 
which  the  day  might  bring  forth.1  A  deputation  soon 
arrived  with  a  white  flag  from  the  castle,  and  commission- 
ers were  appointed  by  the  commanding  officers  of  the 
soldiery.  The  offer  was  made  to  pay  over  the  arrears  of 
their  wages,  at  least  to  a  very  large  amount,  on  condition 
that  the  troops  should  forthwith  and  for  ever  evacuate  the 
city.  One  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  crowns  were  offered 
on  the  nail.  The  merchants  stood  on  the  bridge  leading 
from  the  old  town  to  the  new,  in  full  sight  of  the  soldiers. 
They  held  in  their  hands  their  purses  filled  with  the  glitter- 
ing gold.  The  soldiers  were  frantic  with  the  opportunity, 
and  swore  that  they  would  have  their  officers'  lives,  if  the 
tempting  and  unexpected  offer  should  be  declined.  Never- 
theless, the  commissioners  went  to  and  fro,  ever  finding 
something  to  alter  or  arrange.  In  truth,  the  merchants 
had  agreed  to  furnish,  if  necessary,  three  hundred  thou- 
sand crowns ;  but  the  thrifty  negotiators  were  disposed,  if 
diplomacy  could  do  it,  to  save  the  moiety  of  that  sum. 
Day  began  to  sink,  ere  the  bargain  was  completed,  when 
suddenly  sails  were  descried  in  the  distance,  and  presently 
a  large  fleet  of  war  vessels,  with  banner  and  pennon  flying 
before  a  favouring  breeze,  came  sailing  up  the  Scheld.2  It 
was  a  squadron  of  the  Prince's  ships,  under  command 
of  Admiral  Haultain.  He  had  been  sent  against  Tholen, 
but  having  received  secret  intelligence,  had,  with  happy 
audacity,  seized  the  opportunity  of  striking  a  blow  in  the 
cause  which  he  had  served  so  faithfully.  A  shot  or  two 
fired  from  the  vessels  among  the  barricades  had  a  quick- 
ening effect.  A  sudden  and  astounding  panic  seized  the 
soldiers.  "The  Beggars  are  coming!  The  Beggars  are 
coming!"3  they  yelled  in  dismay;  for  the  deeds  of  the 
ocean-beggars  had  not  become  less  appalling  since  the 
memorable  siege  of  Leyden.  The  merchants  still  stood  on 
the  bridge  with  their  purses  in  their  hands.  The  envoys 
from  the  castle  still  waved  their  white  flags.  It  was  too 
late.  The  horror  inspired  by  the  wild  Zelanders  over- 

1  Bor,  xi.  854.     Hoofd,  xii.  518.     Meteren,  vii.  122. 

2  Ibid.,  855.  Ibid.,  519.  Ibid. 

3  "  Die  geusen,  die  geusen,  daar  zynze  !  "—Hoofd,  xii.  519.  Bor,  xi.  853. 


Dutch  Republic  159 

powered  the  hope  of  wages,  extinguished  all  confidence 
in  the  friendship  of  the  citizens.  The  mercenaries,  yield- 
ing to  a  violent  paroxysm  of  fear,  fled  hither  and  thither, 
panting,  doubling,  skulking,  "  like  wolves  before  the 
hounds."1  Their  flight  was  ludicrous.  Without  staying 
to  accept  the  money  which  the  merchants  were  actually 
offering,  without  packing  up  their  own  property,  in  many 
cases  even  throwing  away  their  arms,  they  fled  helter- 
skelter,  some  plunging  into  the  Scheld,  some  skimming 
along  the  dykes,  some  rushing  across  the  open  fields. 

A  portion  of  them,  under  Colonel  Fugger,  afterwards 
shut  themselves  up  in  Bergen  op  Zoom,  where  they  were 
at  once  besieged  by  Champagny,  and  were  soon  glad  to 
compromise  the  matter  by  surrendering  their  colonel  and 
laying  down  their  arms.2  The  remainder  retreated  to 
Breda,  where  they  held  out  for  two  months,  and  were  at 
length  overcome  by  a  neat  stratagem  of  Orange.  A 
captain,  being  known  to  be  in  the  employment  of  Don 
John,  was  arrested  on  his  way  to  Breda.  Carefully  sewed 
up  in  his  waistband  was  found  a  letter,  of  a  finger's 
breadth,  written  in  cipher,  and  sealed  with  the  Governor- 
General's  seal.  Colonel  Frondsberger,  commanding  in 
Breda,  was  in  this  missive  earnestly  solicited  to  hold  out 
two  months  longer,  within  which  time  a  certain  relief  was 
promised.  In  place  of  this  letter,  deciphered  with  much 
difficulty,  a  new  one  was  substituted,  which  the  celebrated 
printer,  William  Sylvius,  of  Antwerp,  prepared  with  great 
adroitness,  adding  the  signature  and  seal  of  Don  John.3 
In  this  counterfeit  epistle,  the  Colonel  was  directed  to  do 
the  best  he  could  for  himself,  by  reason  that  Don  John  was 
himself  besieged,  and  unable  to  render  him  assistance. 
The  same  captain  who  had  brought  the  real  letter  was 
bribed  to  deliver  the  counterfeit.  This  task  he  faithfully 
performed,  spreading  the  fictitious  intelligence  besides, 
with  such  ardour  through  the  town,  that  the  troops  rose 
upon  their  leader,  and  surrendered  him,  with  the  city  and 
their  own  arms,  into  the  custody  of  the  estates.  Such  was 
the  result  of  the  attempt  by  Don  John  to  secure  the  citadel 
of  Antwerp.  Not  only  was  the  fortress  carried  for  the 
estates,  but  the  city  itself,  for  the  first  time  in  twelve 
years,  was  relieved  from  a  foreign  soldiery.4 

1  "  Als  wolven  die  nagejagt  warden  van  de  henden." — Bor,  xi. 

2  Bor,  xi.  856.     Hoofd,  xii.  522.  3  ibid.     Ibid..  522   523 
4  .Ibid.,  856,  857.     Ibid.,  523. 


160  The  Rise  of  the 

The  rage  and  disappointment  of  the  Governor-General 
were  excessive.  He  had  boasted  to  Marolles  a  day  too 
soon.  The  prize  which  he  thought  already  in  his  grasp 
had  slipped  through  his  fingers,  while  an  interminable  list 
of  demands  which  he  dreamed  not  of,  and  which  were  likely 
to  make  him  bankrupt,  were  brought  to  his  door.  To  the 
states,  not  himself,  the  triumph  seemed  for  the  moment 
decreed.  The  "  dice  "  had  taken  a  run  against  him,  not- 
withstanding his  pains  in  loading  and  throwing.  Never- 
theless, he  did  not  yet  despair  of  revenge.  "These 
rebels,"  he  wrote  to  the  Empress-dowager,  his  sister, 
"  think  that  fortune  is  all  smiles  for  them  now,  and  that  all 
is  ruin  for  me.  The  wretches  are  growing  proud  enough, 
and  forget  that  their  chastisement,  some  fine  morning, 
will  yet  arrive."  * 

On  the  7th  of  August  he  addressed  another  long  letter 
to  the  estates.  This  document  was  accompanied,  as  usual, 
by  certain  demands,  drawn  up  categorically  in  twenty-three 
articles.2  The  estates  considered  his  terms  hard  and 
strange,  for  in  their  opinion  it  was  themselves,  not  the 
Governor,  who  were  masters  of  the  situation.  Neverthe- 
less, he  seemed  inclined  to  treat  as  if  he  had  gained,  not 
missed,  the  citadel  of  Antwerp ;  as  if  the  troops  with  whom 
he  had  tampered  were  mustered  in  the  field,  not  shut  up 
in  distant  towns,  and  already  at  the  mercy  of  the  states 
party.  The  Governor  demanded  that  all  the  forces  of  the 
country  should  be  placed  under  his  own  immediate  control ; 
that  Count  Bossu,  or  some  other  person  nominated  by  him- 
self, should  be  appointed  to  the  government  of  Friesland ; 
that  the  people  of  Brabant  and  Flanders  should  set  them- 
selves instantly  to  hunting,  catching,  and  chastising  all 
vagrant  heretics  and  preachers.  He  required,  in  par- 
ticular, that  Sainte  Aldegonde  and  Theron,  those  most 
mischievous  rebels,  should  be  prohibited  from  setting  their 
foot  in  any  city  of  the  Netherlands.  He  insisted  that  the 
community  of  Brussels  should  lay  down  their  arms,  and 
resume  their  ordinary  handicrafts.  He  demanded  that 
the  Prince  of  Orange  should  be  made  to  execute  the  Ghent 
Treaty;  to  suppress  the  exercise  of  the  reformed  religion 
in  Harlem,  Schoonhoven,  and  other  places;  to  withdraw 
his  armed  vessels  from  their  threatening  stations,  and  to 
restore  Nieuport,  unjustly  detained  by  him.  Should  the 

1  Don  John's  letter  to  the  Empress,  August  i^,  1577,  appendix  to  Discours  Sommier, 
p.  82.  2  Bor,  xi.  839,  sqq. 


Dutch  Republic  161 

Prince  persist  in  his  obstinacy,  Don  John  summoned  them 
to  take  arms  against  him,  and  to  support  their  lawful 
Governor.  He,  moreover,  required  the  immediate  restitu- 
tion of  Antwerp  citadel,  and  the  release  of  Treslong  from 
prison.1 

Although,  regarded  from  the  Spanish  point  of  view,  such 
demands  might  seem  reasonable,  it  was  also  natural  that 
their  audacity  should  astonish  the  estates.  That  the  man 
who  had  violated  so  openly  the  Ghent  Treaty  should  rebuke 
the  Prince  for  his  default — that  the  man  who  had  tampered 
with  the  German  mercenaries  until  they  were  on  the  point 
of  making  another  Antwerp  Fury,  should  now  claim  the 
command  over  them  and  all  other  troops — that  the  man 
who  had  attempted  to  gain  Antwerp  citadel  by  a  base 
stratagem  should  now  coolly  demand  its  restoration, 
seemed  to  them  the  perfection  of  insolence.  The  baffled 
conspirator  boldly  claimed  the  prize  which  was  to  have 
rewarded  a  successful  perlidy.  At  the  very  moment  when 
the  Escovedo  letters  and  the  correspondence  with  the 
German  colonels  had  been  laid  before  their  eyes,  it  was  a 
little  too  much  that  the  double-dealing  bastard  of  the 
double-dealing  Emperor  should  read  them  a  lecture  upon, 
sincerity.  It  was  certain  that  the  perplexed  and  out- 
witted warrior  had  placed  himself  at  last  in  a  very  false 
position.  The  Prince  of  Orange,  with  his  usual  adroit- 
ness, made  the  most  of  his  adversary's  false  moves.  Don 
John  had  only  succeeded  in  digging  a  pitfall  for  himself. 
His  stratagems  against  Namur  and  Antwerp  had  produced 
him  no  fruit,  saving  the  character,  which  his  antagonist  now 
fully  succeeded  in  establishing  for  him,  of  an  unscrupulous 
and  artful  schemer.  This  reputation  was  enhanced  by  the 
discovery  of  the  intercepted  letters,  and  by  the  ingenuity 
and  eagerness  with  which  they  were  turned  to  account 
against  him  by  the  Prince,  by  Sainte  Aldegonde,  and  all 
the  anti-Catholic  party.  The  true  key  to  his  reluctance 
against  despatching  the  troops  by  land,  the  states  had  not 
obtained.  They  did  not  dream  of  his  romantic  designs 
upon  England,  and  were  therefore  excusable  in  attributing 
a  still  deeper  perfidy  to  his  arrangements. 

Even  had  he  been  sent  to  the  Netherlands  in  the  full 
possession  of  his  faculties,  he  would  have  been  no  match 
in  political  combinations  for  his  powerful  antagonists. 
Hoodwinked  and  fettered,  suspected  by  his  master,  baffled, 

1  Letter  of  Don  John,  7  Aug.,  1577. — Bor,  xi.  839,  840. 
VOL.  III.  G 


1 62  The  Rise  of  the 

bewildered,  irritated  by  his  adversary,  what  could  he  do 
but  plunge  from  one  difficulty  to  another,  and  oscillate 
between  extravagant  menace  and  desponding  concession, 
until  his  hopes  and  life  were  wasted  quite  away.  His 
instructions  came  from  Philip  through  Perez,  and  that 
most  profound  dissembler,  as  we  have  seen,  systematically 
deceived  l  the  Governor,  with  the  view  of  eliciting  treason- 
able matters,  Philip  wishing,  if  possible,  to  obtain  proofs 
of  Don  John's  secret  designs  against  his  own  crown.  Thus 
every  letter  from  Spain  was  filled  with  false  information 
and  with  lying  persuasions.2  No  doubt  the  Governor  con- 
sidered himself  entitled  to  wear  a  crown,  and  meant  to  win 
it,  if  not  in  Africa,  then  in  England,  or  wherever  fate 
might  look  propitiously  upon  him.  He  was  of  the  stuff  of 
which  crusaders  and  dynasty  founders  had  been  made,  at  a 
somewhat  earlier  epoch.  Who  could  have  conquered  the 
holy  sepulchre,  or  wrested  a  crown  from  its  lawful  wearer, 
whether  in  Italy,  Muscovy,  the  Orient,  or  in  the  British 
Ultima  Thule,  more  bravely  than  this  imperial  bastard,  this 
valiant  and  romantic  adventurer?  Unfortunately,  he  came 
a  few  centuries  too  late.  The  days  when  dynasties  were 
founded,  and  European  thrones  appropriated  by  a  few 
foreign  freebooters,  had  passed,  and  had  not  yet  returned. 
He  had  come  to  the  Netherlands  desirous  of  smoothing 
over  difficulties  and  of  making  a  peaceful  termination  to 
that  rebellion  a  stepping-stone  to  his  English  throne.  He 
was  doomed  to  a  profound  disappointment,  a  broken  heart, 
and  a  premature  grave,  instead  of  the  glittering  baubles 
which  he  pursued.  Already  he  found  himself  bitterly 
deceived  in  his  hopes.  The  obstinate  Netherlanders  would 
not  love  him,  notwithstanding  the  good  wishes  he  had 
manifested.  They  would  not  even  love  the  King  of  Spain, 
notwithstanding  the  blessings  which  his  Majesty  was  de- 
clared to  have  heaped  upon  them.  "  In  truth,"  said  he, 
bitterly,  in  his  memorable  letter  to  his  sister  the  Empress, 
"  they  are  willing  to  recognize  neither  God  nor  king.  They 
pretend  to  liberty  in  all  things  :  so  that  'tis  a  great  pity  to 
see  how  they  are  going  on ;  to  see  the  impudence  and  dis- 
respect with  which  they  repay  his  Majesty  for  the  favours 
shown  them,  and  me  for  the  labours,  indignities,  and 
dangers  which  I  have  undergone  for  their  sakes. "  3 

1  Memorial  de  Ant.  Perez,  Obras  y  Relaciones,  p.  309. 

2  Memorial  of  Antonio  Perez,  passim. — Compare  Mignet,  Antonio  Perez  et  Philippe 
II.,  Bruxelles,  1845,  pp.  16-21. 

3  "  Porque  estos  aqui  ni  quieren  conveer  a  su  Dios  ni  obedeger  a  su  Rey  como  deven  ; 


Dutch  Republic  163 

Nothing,  indeed,  in  the  Governor's  opinion,  could  sur- 
pass the  insolence  of  the  Netherlander,  save  their  in- 
gratitude. That  was  the  serpent's  tooth  which  was  ever 
wounding  the  clement  King  and  his  indignant  brother.  It 
seemed  so  bitter  to  meet  with  thanklessness,  after  seven 
years  of  Alva  and  three  of  Requesens ;  after  the  labours  of 
the  Blood  Council,  the  massacres  of  Naarden,  Zutphen, 
and  Harlem,  the  siege  of  Leyden,  and  the  Fury  of 
Antwerp.  "  Little  profit  there  has  been,"  said  the 
Governor  to  his  sister,  "or  is  like  to  be  from  all  the  good 
which  we  have  done  to  these  bad  people.  In  short  they 
love  and  obey  in  all  things  the  most  perverse  and  heretic 
tyrant  and  rebel  in  the  whole  world,  which  is  this  damned 
Prince  of  Orange,  while,  on  the  contrary,  without  fear  of 
God  or  shame  before  men,  they  abhor  and  dishonour  the 
name  and  commandments  of  their  natural  sovereign."* 
Therefore,  with  a  doubting  spirit,  and  almost  with  a 
broken  heart,  had  the  warrior  shut  himself  up  in  Namur 
Castle,  to  await  the  progress  of  events,  and  to  escape 
from  the  snares  of  his  enemies.  "  God  knows  hoiv  much 
I  desire  to  avoid  extremities,"  said  he,  "but  I  know  not 
what  to  do  with  men  who  show  themselves  so  obstinately 
rebellious."  2 

Thus  pathetically  Don  John  bewailed  his  fate.  The 
nation  had  turned  from  God,  from  Philip,  from  himself; 
yet  he  still  sat  in  his  castle,  determined  to  save  them  from 
destruction  and  his  own  hands  from  bloodshed,  if  such  an 
issue  were  yet  possible.  Nor  was  he  entirely  deserted,  for 
among  the  faithless  a  few  were  faithful  still.  Although 
the  people  were  in  open  revolt,  there  was  still  a  handful  of 
nobles  resolved  to  do  their  duty  towards  their  God  and 
King.  "This  little  band,"  said  the  Governor,  "has  ac- 
companied me  hither,  like  gentlemen  and  chevaliers  of 
honour."  3  Brave  Berlaymont  and  his  four  sons  were  loyal 
to  the  last,  but  others  of  this  limited  number  of  gentlemen 
and  chevaliers  of  honour  were  already  deserting  him.  As 
soon  as  the  result  of  the  enterprise  against  Antwerp  citadel 

antes  pretenden  libertad  en  todo.  De  manera  que  es  compassion  grandissima  ver  como 
lo  tralan  y  las  desverguen9as  y  poco  respeto  con  que  pagan  a  su  Majestad  las  mercedes 
que  les  ha  hecho  ;  y  a.  tni  los  trabajos,  indignidades  y  peligros  que  he  passado  por  estas 
gentes." — Letter  to  the  Empress,  appendix  to  Discours  Sommier,  p.  81. 

1  "  Mire  V.  Mag.  quan  poco  que  ha  aprovechado  in  aprovecha  para  los  malos  el  bien 
que  se  les  haze.     Al  fin,  ellos  aman  y  obedecen  de  todo  puntp  al  mas  perverse  y  tyranno 
hereje  y  rebelde  de  la  tierra  que  es  este  condenado  del  Principe  de  Oranges  :  y  aborrecen 
y  desacatan  el  nombre  y  mandamientos  de  su  principe  y  natural  Senor  :  sin  temor  de  Dios 
ni  respeto  o  verguenga  de  las  gentes." — Letter  to  the  Empress,  81. 

2  Letter  to  the  Empress,  81.  3  "  Como  honradissimos  cavalleros." — Ibid. 


1 64 


The  Rise  of  the 


was  known,  and  the  storm  was  gathering  most  darkly 
over  the  royal  cause,  Aerschot  and  Havr?  were  first  to 
spread  their  wings  and  flutter  away  in  search  of  a  more  con- 
genial atmosphere.1  In  September,  the  Duke  was  again, 
as  he  had  always  professed  himself  to  be,  with  some  im- 
portant intervals  of  exception — "  the  affectionate  brother 
and  cordial  friend  of  the  Prince  of  Orange. ' '  2 

The  letter  addressed  by  Don  John  to  the  states  upon  the 
7th  of  August  had  not  yet  been  answered.  Feeling,  soon 
afterwards,  more  sensible  of  his  position,  and  perhaps  less 
inflamed  with  indignation,  he  addressed  another  communi- 
cation to  them,  upon  the  i3th  of  the  same  month.  In  this 
epistle  he  expressed  an  extreme  desire  for  peace,  and  a 
hearty  desire  to  be  relieved,  if  possible,  from  his  most  pain- 
ful situation.  He  protested,  before  God  and  man,  that  his 
intentions  were  most  honest,  and  that  he  abhorred  war 
more  than  anything  else  in  the  world.  He  averred  that,  if 
his  person  was  as  odious  to  them  as  it  seemed,  he  was  only 
too  ready  to  leave  the  land,  as  soon  as  the  King  should 
appoint  his  successor.  He  reminded  them  that  the  question 
of  peace  or  war  lay  not  with  himself  but  with  them ;  and 
that  the  world  would  denounce  as  guilty  those  with  whom 
rested  the  responsibility.  He  concluded  with  an  observa- 
tion which,  in  its  humility,  seemed  sufficiently  ironical,  that 
if  they  had  quite  finished  the  perusal  of  the  despatches 
from  Madrid  to  his  address,  which  they  had  intercepted,  he 
should  be  thankful  for  an  opportunity  of  reading  them  him- 
self. He  expressed  a  hope,  therefore,  that  they  would  be 
forwarded  to  Namur.3 

This  letter  was  answered  at  considerable  length,  upon 
the  second  day.  The  states  made  their  customary  pro- 
testations of  attachment  to  his  Majesty,  their  fidelity  to  the 
Catholic  Church,  their  determination  to  maintain  both  the 
Ghent  Treaty  and  the  Perpetual  Edict.  They  denied  all 
responsibility  for  the  present  disastrous  condition  of  the 
relations  between  themselves  and  government,  having  dis- 
banded nearly  all  their  own  troops,  while  the  Governor  had 
been  strengthening  his  forces  up  to  the  period  of  his  retreat 
into  Namur.  He  protested,  indeed,  friendship  and  a 
sincere  desire  for  peace,  but  the  intercepted  letters  of  Esco- 
vedo  and  his  own  had  revealed  to  them  the  evil  counsels 

1  Hoofd,  xii.  520.     Aerschot  was  in  such  a  hurry  to  escape,  that  he  rode  off  from  the 
castle  upon  a  horse  without  a  saddle. — Gachard,  Bull.  Com.  Roy.,  ii.  153. 

2  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vi.  pp.  143,  144. 

3  See  the  letter  in  Bor,  xi.  857. 


Dutch  Republic  165 

to  which  he  had  been  listening,  and  the  intrigues  which  he 
had  been  conducting.  They  left  it  to  his  conscience 
whether  they  could  reasonably  believe,  after  the  perusal  of 
these  documents,  that  it  was  his  intention  to  maintain  the 
Ghent  Treaty,  or  any  treaty;  and  whether  they  were  not 
justified  in  their  resort  to  the  natural  right  of  self-defence.1 

Don  John  was  already  fully  aware  of  the  desperate  error 
which  he  had  committed.  In  seizing  Namur  and  attempt- 
ing Antwerp  he  had  thrown  down  the  gauntlet.  Wishing 
peace,  he  had,  in  a  panic  of  rage  and  anxiety,  declared  and 
enacted  war.  The  bridge  was  broken  behind  him,  the 
ships  burned,  a  gulf  opened,  a  return  to  peace  rendered 
almost  impossible.  Yet  it  is  painful  to  observe  the  almost 
passionate  longings  which  at  times  seemed  to  possess  him 
for  accommodating  the  quarrel,  together  with  his  absolute 
incapacity  to  appreciate  his  position.  The  Prince  was 
triumphant;  the  Governor  in  a  trap.  Moreover,  it  was  a 
trap  which  he  had  not  only  entered  voluntarily,  but  which 
he  had  set  himself.  In  an  elaborate  letter  which  he 
addressed  "  to  the  particular  states,  bishops,  councillors, 
and  cities  of  the  Netherlands,"  he  protested  as  to  the  inno- 
cence of  his  intentions,  and  complained  bitterly  of  the 
calumnies  circulated  to  his  discredit  by  the  Prince  of 
Orange.  He  denied  any  intention  of  recalling  the  troops 
which  he  had  dismissed,  except  in  case  of  absolute 
necessity.  He  affirmed  that  his  Majesty  sincerely  desired 
peace.  He  averred  that  the  country  was  either  against  the 
King,  against  the  Catholic  religion,  against  himself,  or 
against  all  three  together.  He  bitterly  asked  what  further 
concessions  were  required?  Had  he  not  done  all  he 
had  ever  promised?  Had  he  not  discharged  the 
Spaniards,  placed  the  castles  in  the  hands  of  natives, 
restored  the  privileges,  submitted  to  insults,  and  in- 
decencies? Yet,  in  spite  of  all  which  had  passed,  he  de- 
clared his  readiness  to  resign,  if  another  prince  or  princess 
of  the  blood  more  acceptable  to  them  could  be  appointed.2 
The  letter  to  the  states  was  followed  by  a  proposition  for  a 
cessation  of  hostilities,  and  for  the  appointment  of  a  com- 
mission to  devise  means  for  faithfully  executing  the  Ghent 
Treaty.  This  proposition  was  renewed,  a  few  days  later, 
together  with  an  offer  for  an  exchange  of  hostages.3 

It  was  not  difficult  for  the  estates  to  answer  the  letters 

1  Bor  xi.  858.  2  See  the  letter  in  Bor,  xL  858-860. 

3  Ibid.,  xi.  860, -861,  862. 


1 66  The  Rise  of  the 

of  the  Governor.    Indeed,  there  was  but  little  lack  of  argu- 
ment on  either  side  throughout  this  unhappy  controversy. 
It  is  dismal  to  contemplate  the  interminable  exchange  of 
protocols,    declarations,    demands,    apostilles,    replications 
and    rejoinders,    which   made    up    the    substance   of    Don 
John's  administration.     Never  was  chivalrous  crusader  so 
out  of  place.     It  was  not  a  soldier  that  was  then  required 
for  Philip's  exigency,  but  a  scribe.      Instead  of  the  famous 
sword  of  Lepanto,  the  "  barbarous  pen  "  of  Hopperus  had 
been  much  more  suitable  for  the  work  required.    Scribbling 
Joachim  in  a  war-galley,  yard-arm  and  yard-arm  with  the 
Turkish  capitan  pacha,  could  have  hardly  felt  less  at  ease 
than  did  the  brilliant  warrior  thus  condemned  to  scrawl 
and  dissemble.     While  marching  from  concession  to  con- 
cession, he  found  the  states  conceiving  daily  more  distrust, 
and  making  daily  deeper  encroachments.     Moreover,  his 
deeds  up  to  the  time  when  he  seemed  desirous  to  retrace  his 
steps  had  certainly  been,  at  the  least,  equivocal.     There- 
fore, it  was  natural  for  the  estates,  in  reply  to  the  ques- 
tions in  his  letter,  to  observe  that  he  had  indeed  dismissed 
the  Spaniards,  but  that  he  had  tampered  with  and  retained 
the  Germans ;  that  he  had  indeed  placed  the  citadels  in  the 
hands  of  natives,  but  that  he  had  tried  his  best  to  wrest 
them  away  again ;  that  he  had  indeed  professed  anxiety  for 
peace,  but  that  his  intercepted  letters  proved  his  prepara- 
tions for  war.1     Already  there  were  rumours  of  Spanish 
troops    returning    in    small    detachments    out    of    France. 
Already  the  Governor  was   known  to  be  enrolling  fresh 
mercenaries  to  supply  the  place  of  those  whom  he  had  un- 
successfully   endeavoured    to   gain    to    his    standard.     As 
early  as  the  26th  of  July,  in  fact,  the  Marquis  d'Ayamonte, 
in  Milan,  and  Don  Juan  de  Idiaquez  in  Genoa,  had  received 
letters  from  Don  John  of  Austria,  stating  that,  as  the  pro- 
vinces had  proved  false  to  their  engagements,  he  would  no 
longer  be  held  by  his  own,  and  intimating  his  desire  that 
the  veteran  troops  which  had  but  so  recently  been  dis- 
missed   from    Flanders    should    forthwith    return.2     Soon 
afterwards,  Alexander  Farnese,  Prince  of  Parma,  received 
instructions   from   the   King   to   superintend   these   move- 
ments,   and    to    carry    the    aid    of    his    own    already   dis- 
tinguished military  genius  to  his  uncle  in  the  Netherlands.3 
On  the  other  hand,  the  states  felt  their  strength  daily 
more  sensibly.     Guided,   as   usual,   by  Orange,   they  had 

1  Bor,  xi.  861,  862.  2  Cabrera,  xi.  937,  938.  3  Ibid.,  xi.  940. 


Dutch  Republic  167 

already  assumed  a  tone  in  their  correspondence  which  must 
have  seemed  often  disloyal,  and  sometimes  positively  in- 
sulting-, to  the  Governor.  They  even  answered  his  hints 
of  resignation  in  favour  of  some  other  prince  of  the  blood 
by  expressing-  their  hopes  that  his  successor,  if  a  member 
of  the  royal  house  at  all,  would  at  least  be  a  legitimate 
one.1  This  was  a  severe  thrust  at  the  haughty  chieftain, 
whose  imperial  airs  rarely  betrayed  any  consciousness  of 
Barbara  Blomberg  and  the  bend  sinister  on  his  shield.  He 
was  made  to  understand,  through  the  medium  of  Brabant- 
ine  bluntness,  that  more  importance  was  attached  to  the 
marriag-e  ceremony  in  the  Netherlands  than  he  seemed  to 
imagine.  The  categorical  demands  made  by  the  estates 
seemed  even  more  indigestible  than  such  collateral  affronts, 
for  they  had  now  formally  affirmed  the  views  of  Orange 
as  to  the  constitutional  government  of  the  provinces.  In 
their  letter  of  26th  August,  they  expressed  their  willingness, 
notwithstanding  the  past  delinquencies  of  the  Governor,  to 
yield  him  their  confidence  again ;  but,  at  the  same  time, 
they  enumerated  conditions  which,  with  his  education  and 
views,  could  hardly  seem  to  him  admissible.  They  required 
him  to  disband  all  the  soldiers  in  his  service,  to  send  the 
Germans  instantly  out  of  the  country,  to  dismiss  every 
foreigner  from  office,  whether  civil  or  military,  and  to  re- 
nounce his  secret  league  with  the  Duke  of  Guise.  They 
insisted  that  he  should  thenceforth  govern  only  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  the  State  Council,  that  he  should 
execute  that  which  should  by  a  majority  of  votes  be  or- 
dained there,  that  neither  measures  nor  despatches  should 
be  binding  or  authentic  unless  drawn  up  at  that  board.2 
These  certainly  were  views  of  administration  which,  even 
if  consonant  with  a  sound  historial  view  of  the  Nether- 
land  constitutions,  hardly  tallied  with  his  monarch's  in- 
structions, his  own  opinions,  or  the  practice  under  Alva 
and  Requesens,  but  the  country  was  still  in  a  state  of 
revolution,  and  the  party  of  the  Prince  was  gaining  the 
upper  hand. 

It  was  the  determination  of  that  great  statesman,  ac- 
cording to  that  which  he  considered  the  legitimate  practice 
of  the  government,  to  restore  the  administration  to  the 
State  Council,  which  executive  body  ought  of  right  to  be 
appointed  by  the  states-general.  In  the  states-general,  as 

1  Bor,   xi.    859. — Compare   Meteren,   vi.    119;    Groen   v.   Prinst.,  Archives,  vi.    170, 
note  i.  2  Letter  of  Aug.  26,  1577,  in  Bor,  xi.  861,  862. 


1 68  The  Rise  of  the 

in  the  states-particular,  a  constant  care  was  to  be  taken 
towards  strengthening  the  most  popular  element,  the 
"  community  "  of  each  city,  the  aggregate,  that  is  to  say, 
of  its  guild-representatives  and  its  admitted  burghers. 
This  was,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Prince,  the  true  theory  of 
the  government — republican  in  all  but  form — under  the 
hereditary  protection,  not  the  despotic  authority,  of  a 
family,  whose  rights  were  now  nearly  forfeited.  It  was  a 
great  step  in  advance  that  these  views  should  come  to  be 
thus  formally  announced,  not  in  Holland  and  Zeland  only, 
but  by  the  deputies  of  the  states-general,  although  such  a 
doctrine,  to  the  proud  stomach  of  Don  John,  seemed 
sufficiently  repulsive.  Not  less  so  was  the  cool  intimation 
with  which  the  paper  concluded,  that  if  he  should  execute 
his  threat  of  resigning,  the  country  would  bear  his  loss 
with  fortitude,  coupled  as  was  that  statement  with  a  de- 
claration that,  until  his  successor  should  be  appointed,  the 
State  Council  would  consider  itself  charged  ad  interim  with 
the  government.  In  the  meantime,  the  Governor  was  re- 
quested not  to  calumniate  the  estates  to  foreign  govern- 
ments, as  he  had  so  recently  done,  in  his  intercepted  letter 
to  the  Empress-dowager.1 

Upon  receiving  this  letter,  "Don  John,"  says  a  faith- 
ful old  chronicler,  "  found  that  the  cranes  had  invited  the 
fox  to  dinner."2  In  truth,  the  illustrious  soldier  was 
never  very  successful  in  his  efforts,  for  which  his  enemies 
gave  him  credit,  to  piece  out  the  skin  of  the  lion  with  that 
of  the  fox.3  He  now  felt  himself  exposed  and  outwitted, 
while  he  did  not  feel  conscious  of  any  very  dark  design. 
He  answered  the  letter  of  the  states  by  a  long  communica- 
tion, dated  from  Namur  Castle,  28th  of  August.4  In 
style,  he  xvas  comparatively  temperate,  but  the  justifica- 
tion which  he  attempted  of  his  past  conduct  was  not  very 
happy.  He  noticed  the  three  different  points  which  formed 
the  leading  articles  of  the  accusation  brought  against  him, 
the  matter,  namely,  of  the  intercepted  letters,  of  the  intri- 
gues with  the  German  colonels,  and  the  seizure  of  Namur. 
He  did  not  deny  the  authorship  of  the  letters,  but  con- 
tented himself  with  a  reference  to  their  date,  as  if  its 
priority  to  his  installation  as  Governor  furnished  a  suffi- 

1  Letter  of  the  states-general  in  Bor,  xi.  861,  862. 

2  «« en  dat  de  Kraen,  so  de  fabel  seid,  de  Vos  te  gast  genood  hadde,"  etc.— Bor, 

xi.  85sb. 

3  Re"ponse  a  un  petit  livret,  intitule,  Declaration  de  1'Intention  du  Seignr.  Don  Jehan 
d'Austrice,  p.  3.— Anvers,  1778.  4  Bor,  xi.  862,  863. 


Dutch  Republic  169 

cient  palliation  of  the  bad  faith  which  the  letters  revealed.1 
As  to  the  despatches  of  Escovedo,  he  denied  responsibility 
for  any  statements  or  opinions  which  they  might  contain. 
As  the  secretary,  however,  was  known  to  be  his  most  con- 
fidential friend,  this  attempt  to  shuffle  off  his  own  com- 
plicity was  held  to  be  both  lame  and  unhandsome.  As  for 
the  correspondence  with  the  colonels,  his  defence  was 
hardly  more  successful,  and  rested  upon  a  general  re- 
crimination upon  the  Prince  of  Orange.  As  that  person- 
age was  agitating  and  turbulent,  it  was  not  possible,  the 
Governor  urged,  that  he  should  himself  remain  quiet.  It 
was  out  of  his  power  to  execute  the  treaty  and  the  edict,  in 
the  face  of  a  notorious  omission  on  the  part  of  his  adver- 
sary to  enforce  the  one  or  to  publish  the  other.  It  com- 
ported neither  with  his  dignity  nor  his  safety  to  lay  down 
his  weapons  while  the  Prince  and  his  adherents  were  arm- 
ing. He  should  have  placed  himself  "  in  a  very  foolish 
position,"  had  he  allowed  himself  unarmed  to  be  dictated 
to  by  the  armed.  In  defence  of  himself  on  the  third  point, 
the  seizure  of  Namur  Castle,  he  recounted  the  various 
circumstances  with  which  the  reader  is  already  acquainted. 
He  laid  particular  stress  upon  the  dramatic  manner  in 
which  the  Vicomte  de  Gand  had  drawn  his  curtains  at  the 
dead  of  night ;  he  narrated  at  great  length  the  ominous 
warning  which  he  had  likewise  received  from  the  Duke  of 
Aerschot  in  Brussels,  and  concluded  with  a  circumstantial 
account  of  the  ambush  which  he  believed  to  have  been  laid 
for  him  by  the  Count  de  Lalain.2  The  letter  concluded 
with  a  hope  for  an  arrangement  of  difficulties,  not  yet 
admitted  by  the  Governor  to  be  insurmountable,  and  with 
a  request  for  a  formal  conference,  accompanied  by  an 
exchange  of  hostages.3 

While  this  correspondence  was  proceeding  between 
Namur  and  Brussels,  an  event  was  occurring  in  Antwerp 
which  gave  much  satisfaction  to  Orange.  The  Spanish 
Fury,  and  the  recent  unsuccessful  attempt  of  Don  John 
to  master  the  famous  citadel,  had  determined  the  authori- 
ties to  take  the  counsel  which  the  Prince  had  so  often 
given  in  vain,  and  the  fortress  of  Antwerp  was  at  length 
razed  to  the  ground,  on  the  side  towards  the  city.4  It 
would  be  more  correct  to  say  that  it  was  not  the  authori- 

1  Bor,  xi.  862,  863.     Hoofd,  xii.  521. 

2  Letter  of  Don  John,  Aug.  24,  1577.     Bor,  xi.  864. 

3  Letter  of  Don  John,  24  Aug.,  1577. 

4  Hoofd,  xii.  323,  324.     Bor,  xi.  856. 

G    2 


170  The  Rise  of  the 

ties,  but  the  city  itself  which  rose  at  last  and  threw  off 
the  saddle  by  which  it  had  so  long  been  galled.  More 
than  ten  thousand  persons  were  constantly  at  work,  morn- 
ing, noon,  and  night,  until  the  demolition  was  accom- 
plished.1 Grave  magistrates,  great  nobles,  fair  ladies, 
citizens  and  their  wives,  beggars  and  their  children,  all 
wrought  together  pell-mell.  All  were  anxious  to  have  a 
hand  in  destroying  the  nest  where  so  many  murders  had 
been  hatched,  whence  so  much  desolation  had  flown.  The 
task  was  not  a  long  one  for  workmen  so  much  in  earnest, 
and  the  fortress  was  soon  laid  low  in  the  quarter  where  it 
could  be  injurious  to  the  inhabitants.  As  the  work  pro- 
ceeded, the  old  statue  of  Alva  was  discovered  in  a  for- 
gotten crypt,2  where  it  had  lain  since  it  had  been  thrown 
down  by  the  order  of  Requesens.  Amid  the  destruction 
of  the  fortress,  the  gigantic  phantom  of  its  founder  seemed 
to  start  suddenly  from  the  gloom,  but  the  apparition 
added  fresh  fuel  to  the  rage  of  the  people.  The  image  of 
the  execrated  Governor  was  fastened  upon  with  as  much 
fierceness  as  if  the  bronze  effigy  could  feel  their  blows, 
or  comprehend  their  wrath.  It  was  brought  forth  from  its 
dark  hiding-place  into  the  daylight.  Thousands  of  hands 
were  ready  to  drag  it  through  the  streets  for  universal 
inspection  and  outrage.  A  thousand  sledge-hammers  were 
ready  to  dash  it  to  pieces,  with  a  slight  portion,  at  least, 
of  the  satisfaction  with  which  those  who  wielded  them 
would  have  dealt  the  same  blows  upon  the  head  of  the 
tyrant  himself.  It  was  soon  reduced  to  a  shapeless  mass. 
Small  portions  were  carried  away  and  preserved  for  gener- 
ations in  families  as  heirlooms  of  hatred.  The  bulk  was 
melted  again  and  reconverted,  by  a  most  natural  meta- 
morphosis, into  the  cannon  from  which  it  had  originally 
sprung.3 

The  razing  of  the  Antwerp  citadel  set  an  example 
which  was  followed  in  other  places,  the  castle  of  Ghent, 
in  particular,  being  immediately  levelled,  amid  demonstra- 
tions of  universal  enthusiasm.4  Meantime,  the  correspond- 
ence between  Don  John  and  the  estates  at  Brussels 
dragged  its  slow  length  along,  while  at  the  same  time, 
two  elaborate  letters  were  addressed  to  the  King,  on  the 
24th  of  August  and  the  8th  of  September,  by  the  estates- 

1  Hoofd,  Bor,  ubi.  sup.     Strada,  ix.  443.  2  Hoofd,  xii.  523.     Strada,  ix.  443. 

3  Strada,  ubi  sup.     Hoofd,  xii.  524. 

4  Bor,  xi.  856.     Hoofd,  xii.  524.     Meteren,  vii.  125. 


Dutch  Republic  171 

general  of  the  Netherlands.  These  documents,  which  were 
long1  and  able,  gave  a  vigorous  representation  of  past 
evils  and  of  the  present  complication  of  disorders  under 
which  the  commonwealth  was  labouring.  They  asked,  as 
usual,  for  a  royal  remedy ;  and  expressed  their  doubts 
whether  there  could  be  any  sincere  reconciliation  so  long 
as  the  present  Governor,  whose  duplicity  and  insolence 
they  represented  in  a  very  strong  light,  should  remain  in 
office.  Should  his  Majesty,  however,  prefer  to  continue 
Don  John  in  the  government,  they  signified  their  willing- 
ness, in  consideration  of  his  natural  good  qualities,  to 
make  the  best  of  the  matter.  Should,  however,  the 
estrangement  between  themselves  and  the  Governor  seem 
irremediable,  they  begged  that  another  and  a  legitimate 
prince  of  the  blood  might  be  appointed  in  his  place.1 


CHAPTER    IV 

Orange  invited  to  visit  Brussels — His  correspondence  upon  the  subject  with  the  estates- 
general — Triumphant  journey  of  the  Prince  to  the  capital — Stop  put  by  him  to  the 
negotiations  with  Don  John — New  and  stringent  demands  made  upon  the  Governor — 
His  indignation — Open  rupture — Intrigue  of  Netherland  grandees  with  Archduke 
Matthias — Policy  of  Orange— Attitude  of  Queen  Elizabeth — Flight  of  Matthias 
from  Vienna — Anxiety  of  Elizabeth — Adroitness  of  the  Prince — The  office  of  Ruward 
— Election  of  Orange  to  that  dignity — His  complaints  against  the  great  nobles — Aer- 
schot  Governor  of  Flanders — A  storm  brewing  in  Ghent — Ryhove  and  Imbize — Blood- 
Councillor  Hessels — Arrogance  of  the  aristocratic  party  in  Flanders — Ryhove's  secret 
interview  with  Orange — Outbreak  at  Ghent — Arrest  of  Aerschot,  Hessels,  and  others 
of  the  reactionary  party — The  Duke  liberated  at  demand  of  Orange — The  Prince's 
visit  to  Ghent — "  Rhetorical "  demonstrations — The  new  Brussels  Union  characterized 
— Treaty  with  England — Articles  by  which  Matthias  is  nominally  constituted  Gover- 
nor-General— His  inauguration  at  Brussels — Brilliant  and  fantastic  ceremonies- 
Letter  of  Don  John  to  the  Emperor — His  anger  with  England — An  army  collecting 
— Arrival  of  Alexander  Farnese — Injudicious  distribution  of  offices  in  the  States' 
army — The  States'  army  fall  back  upon  Gemblours,  followed  by  Don  John — Tremen- 
dous overthrow  of  the  patriots — Wonderful  disparity  in  the  respective  losses  of  the 
two  armies. 

WHILE  these  matters  were  in  progress,  an  important 
movement  was  made  by  the  estates-general.  The  Prince 
of  Orange  was  formally  and  urgently  invited  to  come  to 
Brussels  to  aid  them  with  his  counsel  and  presence.2 
The  condemned  traitor  had  not  set  foot  in  the  capital  for 
eleven  years. 

And  now  the  scene  was  changed.  The  son  of  the  Em- 
peror, the  King's  brother,  was  virtually  beleaguered;  the 
proscribed  rebel  had  arrived  at  victory  through  a  long 

1  See  the  letters  in  Bor,  xi.  867,  868.     Meteren,  vii.  123. 

2  Bor,  xi.  871.     Meteren,  vii.  125.     Hoofd,  xii.  526. 


172  The  Rise  of  the 

series  of  defeats.     The  nation  everywhere  acknowledged 
him   master,   and  was  in  undisguised   revolt  against  the 
anointed  sovereign.     The  great  nobles,  who  hated  Philip 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  reformed  religion  on  the  other, 
were  obliged,    in  obedience  to   the   dictates   of   a   people 
with  whom  they  had  little  sympathy,  to  accept  the  ascend- 
ency of   the   Calvinist   Prince,   of  whom   they  were   pro- 
foundly jealous.    Even  the  fleeting  and  incapable  Aerschot 
was  obliged  to  simulate  adhesion;  even  the  brave  Cham- 
pagny,    cordial   hater   of   Spaniards,    but   most   devotedly 
Catholic,    "  the  chief est  man  of  wysedome  and  stomach 
at   that   tyme   in   Brussels,"   so   envoy   Wilson   wrote   to 
Burghley,1   had   become    "  Brabantized,"   as   his   brother 
Granvelle  expressed  himself,2  and  was  one  of  the  com- 
missioners to  invite  the  great  rebel  to  Brussels.    The  other 
envoys  were  the  abbot  of  Saint  Gertrude,  Doctor  Leoninus, 
and  the  Seigneur  de  Liesvelt.3   These  gentlemen,  on  arriv- 
ing at  Gertruidenberg,  presented  a  brief  but  very  import- 
ant  memorial   to   the    Prince.4      In   that   document   they 
informed  him  that  the  states-general,   knowing  how  effi- 
cacious would  be  his  presence,  by  reason  of  his  singular 
prudence,  experience,  and  love  for  the  welfare  and  repose 
of  the  country,  had  unanimously  united  in  a  supplication 
that  he  would  incontinently  transport  himself  to  the  city 
of   Brussels,   there   to   advise   with   them   concerning   the 
necessities  of  the  land ;  but,  as  the  principal  calumny  em- 
ployed  by   their   adversaries   was   that   all   the   provinces 
and  leading  personages  intended  to  change  both  sovereign 
and  religion,  at  the  instigation  of  his  Excellency,  it  was 
desirable  to  disprove  such  fictions.     They  therefore  very 
earnestly   requested    the    Prince   to   make    some   contrary 
demonstration,  by  which  it  might  be  manifest  to  all  that 
his  Excellency,  together  with  the  estates  of  Holland  and 
Zeland,   intended   faithfully  to   keep  what  they  had   pro- 
mised.   They  prayed,  therefore,  that  the  Prince,  permitting 
the  exercise  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  in  the  places 
which   had    recently    accepted   his    authority,    would    also 
allow  its  exercise  in  Holland  and  Zeland.     They  begged, 
further,  that  he  would  promise  by  a  new  and  authentic 

1  Elizabeth  and  her  Times,  a  series  of  Original  Letters,  by  Th.   Wright,  t.  ii.  45. — 
London,  1838. 

2  "  On  disoit  qu'ils  avoient  brabantis6  M.  de  Champagney,  ce  qui  ne  me  pleut  quand 
je  1'entendis,"  etc.,  etc.— Granvelle  to  M.  de  Bellefontaine,  March  31,  1578,  Archives  de  la 
Maison  d'Orange,  vi.  339. 

3  Bor,  xi.  871.     Hoofd,  xii.  526.     Meteren,  vii.  125. 

4  In  Bor,  xi.  872. — Compare  Meteren,  Hoofd,  ubi  sup. 


Dutch  Republic  173 

act,  that  the  provinces  of  Holland  and  Zeland  would  not 
suffer  the  said  exercise  to  be  impugned,  or  any  new 
worship  to  be  introduced,  in  the  other  provinces  of  the 
Netherlands.1 

This  letter  might  almost  be  regarded  as  a  trap,  set  by 
the  Catholic  nobles.  Certainly  the  Ghent  Pacification 
forbade  the  reformed  religion  in  form,  and  as  certainly 
winked  at  its  exercise  in  fact.  The  proof  was,  that  the 
new  worship  was  spreading  everywhere,  that  the  exiles 
for  conscience'  sake  were  returning  in  swarms,  and  that 
the  synod  of  the  reformed  churches,  lately  held  at  Dort, 
had  been  publicly  attended  by  the  ministers  and  deacons 
of  numerous  dissenting  churches  established  in  many 
different  places  throughout  all  the  provinces.2  The  pres- 
sure of  the  edicts,  the  horror  of  the  inquisition  being 
removed,  the  down-trodden  religion  had  sprung  from  the 
earth  more  freshly  than  ever. 

The  Prince  was  not  likely  to  fall  into  the  trap,  if  a  trap 
had  really  been  intended.  He  answered  the  envoys  loyally, 
but  with  distinct  reservations.3  He  did  not  even  accept 
the  invitation,  save  on  condition  that  his  visit  to  Brussels 
should  be  expressly  authorized  by  Holland  and  Zeland. 
Notwithstanding  his  desire  once  more  to  behold  his  dear 
country,  and  to  enjoy  the  good  company  of  his  best 
friends  and  brothers,  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  communicate 
beforehand  with  the  states  of  those  two  provinces,  between 
which  and  himself  there  had  been  such  close  and  reciprocal 
obligations,  such  long-tried  and  faithful  affection.  He 
therefore  begged  to  refer  the  question  to  the  assembly  of 
the  said  provinces  about  to  be  held  at  Gouda,  where,  in 
point  of  fact,  the  permission  for  his  journey  was,  not 
without  considerable  difficulty,  a  few  days  afterwards 
obtained. 

With  regard  to  the  more  difficult  requests  addressed  to 
him  in  the  memorial,  he  professed  generally  his  intention 
to  execute  the  treaty  of  Ghent.  He  observed,  however, 
that  the  point  of  permitting  the  exercise  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  religion  in  Holland  and  Zelanck  regarded  prin- 
cipally the  estates  of  these  provinces,  which  had  contracted 
for  no  innovation  in  this  matter,  at  least  till  the  assembling 

^  Memorial  in  Bor,  xi.  872.  It  is  also  published  by  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  etc., 
vi.  155-157. 

2  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  etc.,  vi.  148,  149.     Langueti,  Ep.  Sec.,  i.  2,  298. 

3  Answer  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  in  Bor,  xi.  8733,  also  in  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives, 
etc.,  vi.  157-161. — Compare  Meteren,  vii.  125,  126.     Hoofd,  xii.  527. 


174  The  Rise  of  the 

of  the  states-general.  He  therefore  suggested  that  he 
neither  could,  nor  ought  to,  permit  any  innovation,  without 
the  knowledge  and  consent  of  those  estates.  As  to  pro- 
mising, by  authentic  act,  that  neither  he  nor  the  two 
provinces  would  suffer  the  exercise  of  the  Catholic  re- 
ligion to  be  in  any  wise  impugned  in  the  rest  of  the 
Netherlands,  the  Prince  expressed  himself  content  to  pro- 
mise that,  according  to  the  said  Ghent  Pacification,  they 
would  suffer  no  attempt  to  be  made  against  the  public 
repose  or  against  the  Catholic  worship.  He  added  that, 
as  he  had  no  intention  of  usurping  any  superiority  over 
the  states-general  assembled  at  Brussels,  he  was  content 
to  leave  the  settlement  of  this  point  to  their  free-will  and 
wisdom,  engaging  himself  neither  to  offer  nor  permit  any 
hindrance  to  their  operations.1 

With  this  answer  the  deputies  are  said  to  have  been 
well  pleased.2  If  they  were  so,  it  must  be  confessed  that 
they  were  thankful  for  small  favours.  They  had  asked  to 
have  the  Catholic  religion  introduced  into  .  Holland  and 
Zeland.  The  Prince  had  simply  referred  them  to  the 
estates  of  these  provinces.  They  had  asked  him  to  guaran- 
tee that  the  exercise  of  the  reformed  religion  should  not 
be  "  procured  "  in  the  rest  of  the  country.  He  had  merely 
promised  that  the  Catholic  worship  should  not  be  pre- 
vented. The  difference  between  the  terms  of  the  request 
and  the  reply  was  sufficiently  wide. 

The  consent  to  his  journey  was  with  difficulty  accorded 
by  the  estates  of  Holland  and  Zeland,3  and  his  wife,  with 
many  tears  and  anxious  forebodings,  beheld  him  depart 
for  a  capital  where  the  heads  of  his  brave  and  powerful 
friends  had  fallen,  and  where  still  lurked  so  many  of  his 
deadly  foes.  During  his  absence,  prayers  were  offered 
daily  for  his  safety  in  all  the  churches  of  Holland  and 
Zeland,  by  command  of  the  estates.4 

He  arrived  at  Antwerp  on  the  I7th  of  September,  and 
was  received  with  extraordinary  enthusiasm.  Here  he 
spent  five  days,  observing,  with  many  a  sigh,  the  melan- 
choly changes  which  had  taken  place  in  the  long  interval 
of  his  absence.  The  recent  traces  of  the  horrible  "  Fury," 
the  blackened  walls  of  the  H6tel  de  Ville,  the  prostrate 
ruins  of  the  marble  streets,  which  he  had  known  as  the 

1  Answer  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  to  the  proposition  of  the  states-general,  Bor,  Meteren, 
Hoofd,  ubi  sup.  2  Bor,  xi.  878.     Hoofd,  xii.  526. 

3  Bor,  xi.  873. — "  Hoewel  ongeyrne." — Hoofd,  xiu  527.  4  Bor,  XL  873. 


Dutch   Republic  175 

most  imposing  in  Europe,  could  be  hardly  atoned  for  in 
his  eyes  even  by  the  more  grateful  spectacle  of  the  dis- 
mantled fortress. 

On  the  23rd  of  September  he  was  attended  by  a  vast 
concourse  of  citizens  to  the  new  canal  which  led  to  Brus- 
sels, where  three  barges  were  in  waiting  for  himself  and 
suite.  In  one  a  banquet  was  spread ;  in  the  second, 
adorned  with  emblematic  devices  and  draped  with  the 
banners  of  the  seventeen  provinces,  he  was  to  perform 
the  brief  journey;  while  the  third  had  been  filled  by  the 
inevitable  rhetoric  societies,  with  all  the  wonders  of  their 
dramatic  and  plastic  ingenuity.  Rarely  had  such  a  com- 
plication of  vices  and  virtues,  of  crushed  dragons,  victori- 
ous archangels,  broken  fetters,  and  resurgent  nationalities, 
been  seen  before,  within  the  limits  of  a  single  canal  boat. 
The  affection  was,  however,  sincere,  and  the  spirit  noble, 
even  though  the  taste  which  presided  at  these  demonstra- 
tions may  have  been  somewhat  pedantic.1 

The  Prince  was  met  several  miles  before  the  gates  of 
Brussels  by  a  procession  of  nearly  half  the  inhabitants  of 
the  city,  and  thus  escorted,  he  entered  the  capital  in  the 
afternoon  of  the  23rd  of  September.2  It  was  the  proudest 
day  of  his  life.  The  representatives  of  all  the  provinces, 
supported  by  the  most  undeniable  fervour  of  the  united 
Netherland  people,  greeted  "  Father  William."  Per- 
plexed, discordant,  hating,  fearing,  doubting,  they  could 
believe  nothing,  respect  nothing,  love  nothing,  save  the 
"  tranquil  "  Prince.  His  presence  at  that  moment  in  Brus- 
sels was  the  triumph  of  the  people  and  of  religious  tolera- 
tion. He  meant  to  make  use  of  the  crisis  to  extend  and  to 
secure  popular  rights,  and  to  establish  the  supremacy  of 
the  states-general  under  the  nominal  sovereignty  of  some 
prince,  who  was  yet  to  be  selected,  while  the  executive 
body  was  to  be  a  state  council,  appointed  by  the  states- 
general.  So  far  as  appears,  he  had  not  decided  as  to  the 
future  protector,  but  he  had  resolved  that  it  should  be 
neither  himself  nor  Philip  of  Spain.  The  outlaw  came  to 
Brussels  prepared  at  last  to  trample  out  a  sovereignty 
which  had  worked  its  own  forfeiture.  So  far  as  he  had 
made  any  election  within  his  breast,  his  choice  inclined 
to  the  miserable  Duke  of  Anjou,  a  prince  whom  he  never 
came  to  know  as  posterity  has  known  him,  but  whom  he 
at  least  learned  to  despise.  Thus  far  the  worthless  and 

1  Bor,  xi.  873.     Hoofd,  xii.  527.  2  Ibid.     Ibid.,  528.     Meteren,  vii.  126. 


176 


The  Rise  of  the 


paltry  intriguer  still  wore  the  heroic  mask,  deceiving  even 
such  far-seeing  politicians  as  Sainte  Aldegonde  and  the 
Prince. 

William's  first  act  was  to  put  a  stop  to  the  negotiations 
already  on  foot  with  Don  John.1  He  intended  that  they 
should  lead  to  war,  because  peace  was  impossible,  except 
a  peace  for  which  civil  and  religious  liberty  would  be  bar- 
tered, for  it  was  idle,  in  his  opinion,  to  expect  the  main- 
tenance by  the  Spanish  government  of  the  Ghent  Pacifica- 
tion, whatever  promises  might  be  extorted  from  his  fears. 
A  deputation,  in  the  name  of  the  states,  had  already  been 
sent  with  fresh  propositions  to  Don  John,  at  Namur.  The 
envoys  were  Caspar  Schetz  and  the  Bishop  of  Bruges.2 
They  had  nearly  come  to  an  amicable  convention  with  the 
Governor,  the  terms  of  which  had  been  sent  to  the  states- 
general  for  approval,  at  the  very  moment  of  the  Prince's 
arrival  in  Brussels.  Orange,  with  great  promptness,  pre- 
vented the  ratification  of  these  terms,  which  the  estates 
had  in  reality  already  voted  to  accept.  New  articles  were 
added  to  those  which  had  originally  been  laid  before  Don 
John.3  It  was  now  stipulated  that  the  Ghent  Treaty  and 
the  Perpetual  Edict  should  be  maintained.  The  Governor 
was  required  forthwith  to  abandon  Namur  Castle,  and  to 
dismiss  the  German  troops.  He  was  to  give  up  the  other 
citadels  and  strong  places,  and  to  disband  all  the  soldiers 
in  his  service.  He  was  to  command  the  governors  of  every 
province  to  prohibit  the  entrance  of  all  foreign  levies.  He 
was  forthwith  to  release  captives,  restore  confiscated  pro- 
perty, and  reinstate  officers  who  had  been  removed ; 
leaving  the  details  of  such  restorations  to  the  Council  of 
Mechlin  and  the  other  provincial  tribunals.  He  was  to 
engage  that  the  Count  van  Buren  should  be  set  free  within 
two  months.  He  was  himself,  while  waiting  for  the  ap- 
pointment of  his  successor,  to  take  up  his  residence  in 
Luxemburg,  and  while  there,  he  was  to  be  governed 
entirely  by  the  decision  of  the  State  Council,  expressed 
by  a  majority  of  its  members.  Furthermore,  and  as  not 
the  least  stinging  of  these  sharp  requisitions,  the  Queen 
of  England — she  who  had  been  the  secret  ally  of  Orange, 

1  Bor,  xi.  874,  seq.     Hoofd,  xii.  528. 

2  Bor,  xi.  874.   Remigius  Drutius,  Bishop  of  Bruges.    Hoofd,  xii.  528.    Cabrera,  xi.  942. 

3  Memoire  et  Recueil  de  ce  qu'est  passe  entre  le  Seigneur  Don  Jan  d'Autriche,  etc., 
depuis  sa  retraicte  au  chasteau  de  Namur — redigd  par  escript  par  le  Seigneur  de  Grobben- 
donck,  p.  220,  seq.     This  very  curious  memoir,  by  one  of  the  diplomatists  engaged,  has 
been  republished,  according  to  the  original  sketch,  in  the  Bulletins  de  la  Com.  Roy.,  x. 
172-223. — Compare  Archives  et  Correspondance,  vi.  166-170. 


Dutch  Republic  177 

and  whose  crown  the  Governor  had  secretly  meant  to 
appropriate — was  to  be  included  in  the  treaty.1 

It  could  hardly  excite  surprise  that  Don  John,  receiving 
these  insolent  propositions  at  the  very  moment  in  which 
he  heard  of  the  triumphant  entrance  into  Brussels  of  the 
Prince,  should  be  filled  with  rage  and  mortification.2  The 
Ghent  Treaty,  according  to  the  Orange  interpretation, 
that  is  to  say,  heresy  made  legitimate,  was  to  be  the  law 
of  the  land.  His  Majesty  was  to  surrender — colours  and 
cannon — to  his  revolted  subjects.  The  royal  authority  was 
to  be  superseded  by  that  of  a  State  Council,  appointed  by 
the  states-general,  at  the  dictation  of  the  Prince.  The 
Governor-General  himself,  brother  of  his  Catholic  Majesty, 
was  to  sit  quietly  with  folded  arms  in  Luxemburg,  while 
the  arch  heretic  and  rebel  reigned  supreme  in  Brussels. 
It  was  too  much  to  expect  that  the  choleric  soldier  would 
be  content  with  what  he  could  not  help  regarding  as  a 
dishonourable  capitulation.  The  arrangement  seemed  to 
him  about  as  reasonable  as  it  would  have  been  to  invite 
Sultan  Selim  to  the  Escorial,  and  to  send  Philip  to  reside 
at  Bayonne.  He  could  not  but  regard  the  whole  proposi- 
tion as  an  insolent  declaration  of  war.  He  was  right.  It 
was  a  declaration  of  war;  as  much  so  as  if  proclaimed  by 
trump  of  herald.  How  could  Don  John  refuse  the  wager  of 
battle  thus  haughtily  proffered? 

Smooth  Schetz,  Lord  of  Grobbendonck,  and  his  epis- 
copal colleague,  in  vain  attempted  to  calm  the  Governor's 
wrath,  which  now  flamed  forth,  in  defiance  of  all  con- 
siderations.3 They  endeavoured,  without  success,  to  palli- 
ate the  presence  of  Orange,  and  the  circumstances  of  his 
reception,  for  it  was  not  probable  that  their  eloquence 
would  bring  the  Governor  to  look  at  the  subject  with  their 

1  These  remarkable  articles  are  to  be    ound  in  Bor,  xi.  874-876.     A  very  meagre  ex- 
tract is  given  by  Cabrera,  xi.  942.     Groen  v.  Prinst.,  vi.  166-170. — Compare  the  "  Mem- 
oire  et  Recueil "  of  Grobbendonck,  passim. 

2  "  Memoire  et  Recueil,"  passim. — According  to  Cabrera,  xi.  944,  a  more  cheerful 
view  of  the  subject  was  taken  by  those  who  surrounded  the  Governor.     The  propositions 
only  excited  their  laughter.     The  same  historian,  as  well  as  all  the  Spanish  writers,  of 
course  represent   the   Prince  as  influenced  in  his  policy  solely  by  self-interest,  by  his 
incapacity  to  pay  his  debts,  and  by  his  despair  of  obtaining  a  royal  pardon,  should  a  peace 
ensue.     Peace  for  the  country,  so  his  enemies  thought,  was  death  for  him :  "  doliendose  un 
ministro  de  Orange,  diziendo  que  ya  se  acabo  el  tratar  de  pazes  aunque  le  fue  nueva  alegre, 
con  indignacion  respondio  fuera  insigne  par  perder  la  vida  el't  mostrando  que  su  pros- 
peridad  no  consistia  en  el  bien  publico,  sino  en  la  guerra  :  que  a  esto  le  truxo  la  desesper- 
acion  del perdon  de  su  pena  no  merecido"  xi.  944.     The  reader  is  already  competent  to 
appreciate  the  calumnious  nature  of  such  statements,  by  a  perusal  of  the  correspondence 
and  secret  negotiations  between  Don  John  and  Orange.     The  personal  and  unlimited 
offers  of  pardon  and  advancement,  made  to  the  Prince  by  the  Governor-General,  on  his 
first  arrival  in  the  country,  are  a  sufficient  answer  to  these  stupid  accusations. 

3  Memoire  et  Recueil  par  le  Seigneur  Grobbendonck. — Compare  Bor,  xi.  876.     Hoofd, 
xii.  529. 


78 


The  Rise  of  the 


eyes.  Three  days  were  agreed  upon  for  the  suspension  of 
hostilities,  and  Don  John  was  highly  indignant  that  the 
estates  would  grant  no  longer  a  truce.  The  refusal  was, 
however,  reasonable  enough  on  their  part,  for  they  were 
aware  that  veteran  Spaniards  and  Italians  were  constantly 
returning  to  him,  and  that  he  was  daily  strengthening  his 
position.  The  envoys  returned  to  Brussels,  to  give  an 
account  of  the  Governor's  rage,  which  they  could  not 
declare  to  be  unnatural,  and  to  assist  in  preparations  for 
the  war,  which  was  now  deemed  inevitable.  Don  John, 
leaving  a  strong  garrison  in  the  citadel  of  Namur,  from 
which  place  he  despatched  a  final  communication  to  the 
estates-general,  dated  the  2nd  of  October,  retired  to 
Luxemburg.  In  this  letter,  without  exactly  uttering  de- 
fiance, he  unequivocally  accepted  the  hostilities  which  had 
been  pressed  upon  him,  and  answered  their  hollow  profes- 
sions of  attachment  to  the  Catholic  religion  and  his 
Majesty's  authority,  by  denouncing  their  obvious  inten- 
tions to  trample  upon  both.  He  gave  them,  in  short,  to 
understand  that  he  perceived  their  intentions,  and  meant 
them  to  comprehend  his  own.1 

Thus  the  quarrel  was  brought  to  an  issue,  and  Don 
John  saw,  with  grim  complacency,  that  the  pen  was  at  last 
to  be  superseded  by  the  sword.  A  remarkable  pamphlet 
was  now  published,  in  seven  different  languages,  Latin, 
French,  Flemish,  German,  Italian,  Spanish,  and  English, 
containing  a  succinct  account  of  the  proceedings  between 
the  Governor  and  the  estates,  together  with  copies  of  the 
intercepted  letters  of  Don  John  and  Escovedo  to  the  King, 
to  Perez,  to  the  German  colonels,  and  to  the  Empress. 
This  work,  composed  and  published  by  order  of  the 
estates-general,  was  transmitted  with  an  accompanying 
address  to  every  potentate  in  Christendom.2  It  was  soon 
afterwards  followed  by  a  counter-statement,  prepared  by 
order  of  Don  John,  and  containing  his  account  of  the  same 
matter,  with  his  recriminations  against  the  conduct  of  the 
estates.3 

1  Bor,  xi.  876.     Hoofd,  xii.  520,  530. 

2  Bor,  xi.  881.    The  quotations  in  the  preceding  pages  from  this  pamphlet  have  been  made 
from   the  original   edition  published  in  1577  at  Antwerp,  by  Silvius,  under  the   title, 
"  Discours  Sommier  des  Justes  Causes  et  Raisonsqui  pnt  contrainct  les  Estats  Generaulx 
des  Pais  Bas  de  pourveoir  a  leur  Deffence  centre  le  Seigneur  Don  Jehan  d'Austrice  :  avec 
plusieurs  lettres  intercepted  en  plus  grand  nombre,"  etc.,  etc.     A  Flemish  translation  is 
given  in  the  Byvoegsel  Auth.  Stukh.,  i.   151  en   176  of  Bor,  under  the  title  of  "  Kort 
Verhael  van  de  rechte  oorsaken  en  redenen,"  etc.,  etc. 

3  The  edition  of  this  pamphlet  from  which  the  citations  in  the  text  have  been  made,  is 
the  Latin  one  of  Marchant,  published  at  Luxemburg,  anno  1578,  under  the  title  "  Vera 
et  simplex  Narratio  eorum  quae  ab  adventu  D.  Joannis  Austriaci  Supremi  in  Belgio,  etc., 
gesta  sunt,"  etc.,  etc. 


Dutch  Republic  179 

Another  important  movement  had,  meanwhile,  been 
made  by  the  third  party  in  this  complicated  game.  The 
Catholic  nobles,  jealous  of  the  growing  influence  of 
Orange,  and  indignant  at  the  expanding  power  of  the 
people,  had  opened  secret  negotiations  with  the  Archduke 
Matthias,  then  a  mild,  easy-tempered  youth  of  twenty, 
brother  of  the  reigning  Emperor,  Rudolph.  After  the 
matter  had  been  discussed  some  time  in  secret,  it  was 
resolved,  towards  the  end  of  September,  to  send  a  mes- 
senger to  Vienna,  privately  inviting  the  young  Prince  to 
Brussels,  but  much  to  the  surprise  of  these  nobles,  it  was 
discovered  that  some  fifteen  or  sixteen  of  the  grandees  of 
the  land,  among  them  Aerschot,  Havre",  Champagny,  De 
Ville,  Lalain,  De  Heze,  and  others,  had  already  taken  the 
initiative  in  the  matter.  On  the  26th  of  August,  the 
Seigneur  de  Maalsteede  had  set  forth,  by  their  appoint- 
ment, for  Vienna.  There  is  no  doubt  that  this  step 
originated  in  jealousy  felt  towards  Orange,  but  at  the 
same  time  it  is  certain  that  several  of  the  leaders  in  the 
enterprise  were  still  his  friends.1  Some,  like  Champagny, 
and  De  He"ze,  were  honestly  so;  others,  like  Aerschot, 
Havre,  and  De  Ville,  always  traitors  in  heart  to  the 
national  cause,  loyal  to  nothing  but  their  own  advance- 
ment, were  still  apparently  upon  the  best  terms  with  him. 
Moreover,  it  is  certain  that  he  had  been  made  aware  of 
the  scheme,  at  least,  before  the  arrival  of  the  Archduke 
in  the  Netherlands,  for  the  Marquis  Havre,  on  his  way 
to  England,  as  special  envoy  from  the  estates,  had  a  con- 
ference with  him  at  Gertruidenberg.2  This  was  in  the 
middle  of  September,  and  before  his  departure  for  Brus- 
sels. Naturally,  the  proposition  seemed,  at  first,  anything 
but  agreeable ;  but  the  Marquis  represented  himself  after- 
wards as  having  at  last  induced  the  Prince  to  look  upon 
it  with  more  favourable  eyes.3  Nevertheless,  the  step  had 
been  taken  before  the  consultation  was  held,  nor  was  it 
the  first  time  that  the  advice  of  Orange  had  been  asked 
concerning  the  adoption  of  a  measure  after  the  measure 
had  been  adopted. 

Whatever  may  have  been  his  original  sentiments  upon 
the  subject,  however,  he  was  always  less  apt  to  complain 
of  irrevocable  events  than  quick  to  reconcile  them  with  his 

1  Bor,  xi.  898.     Meteren,  vii.  126.     Hoofd,  xii.  530.     Cabrera,  xi.  944,  945.     Groen  v, 
Prinst.,  Archives,  vi.  191. 

2  Hoofd,  xii.  520.  8  Bor,  xi.  900. 


i8o  The  Rise  of  the 

own  combinations,  and  it  was  soon  to  be  discovered  that 
the  new  stumbling-block  which  his  opponents  had  placed 
in  his  path,  could  be  converted  into  an  additional  stepping- 
stone  towards  his  goal.  Meanwhile,  the  secret  invitation 
to  the  Archduke  was  regarded  by  the  people  and  by 
foreign  spectators  as  a  plot  devised  by  his  enemies.  Davi- 
son,  envoy  from  Queen  Elizabeth,  was  then  in  Brussels, 
and  informed  his  royal  mistress,  whose  sentiments  and 
sympathies  were  unequivocally  in  favour  of  Orange,  of  the 
intrigues  against  the  Prince.1  The  efforts  of  England 
were  naturally  to  counteract  the  schemes  of  all  who  inter- 
fered with  his  policy,  the  Queen  especially,  with  her  cus- 
tomary sagacity,  foreseeing  the  probable  inclination  of 
the  Catholic  nobles  towards  the  protectorate  of  Alen£on. 
She  did  not  feel  certain  as  to  the  precise  plans  of  Orange, 
and  there  was  no  course  better  adapted  to  draw  her  from 
barren  coquetry  into  positive  engagements,  than  to  arouse 
her  jealousy  of  the  French  influence  in  the  provinces.  At 
this  moment  she  manifested  the  warmest  friendship  for 
the  Prince.2  Costly  presents  were  transmitted  by  her  to 
his  wife;  among  others,  an  ornament,  of  which  a  sculp- 
tured lizard  formed  a  part.  The  Princess,  in  a  grateful 
letter  to  her  husband,  desiring  that  her  acknowledgments 
should  be  presented  to  her  English  Majesty,  accepted  the 
present  as  significative.  "  'Tis  the  fabled  virtue  of  the 
lizard  (she  said)  to  awaken  sleepers  whom  a  serpent  is 
about  to  sting.  You  are  the  lizard,  and  the  Netherlands 
the  sleepers, — pray  Heaven  they  may  escape  the  serpent's 
bite!"3  The  Prince  was  well  aware,  therefore,  of  the 
plots  which  were  weaving  against  him.  He  had  small 
faith  in  the  great  nobles,  whom  he  trusted  "as  he  would 
adders  fanged,"  and  relied  only  upon  the  communities, 
upon  the  mass  of  burghers.  They  deserved  his  confidence, 
and  wratched  over  his  safety  with  jealous  care.  On  one 
occasion,  when  he  was  engaged  at  the  State  Council  till  a 
late  hour,  the  citizens  conceived  so  much  alarm,  that  a 
large  number  of  them  spontaneously  armed  themselves, 
and  repaired  to  the  palace.  The  Prince,  informed  of  the 
circumstance,  threw  open  a  window  and  addressed  them, 
thanking  them  for  their  friendship  and  assuring  them  of 
his  safety.  They  were  not  satisfied,  however,  to  leave 
him  alone,  but  remained  under  arms  below  till  the  session 

1  EOT,  xi.  899. 

2  Archives  et  Correspondance,  vi.  190.  3  Ibid. 


Dutch  Republic  181 

was  terminated,  when  they  escorted  him  with  affectionate 
respect  to  his  own  hotel.1 

The  secret  envoy  arrived  in  Vienna,  and  excited  the 
ambition  of  the  youthful  Matthias.2  It  must  be  confessed 
that  the  offer  could  hardly  be  a  very  tempting  one,  and  it 
excites  our  surprise  that  the  Archduke  should  have  thought 
the  adventure  worth  the  seeking.  A  most  anomalous  posi- 
tion in  the  Netherlands  was  offered  to  him  by  a  slender 
and  irresponsible  faction  of  Netherlanders.  There  was  a 
triple  prospect  before  him  :  that  of  a  hopeless  intrigue 
against  the  first  politician  in  Europe,  a  mortal  combat  with 
the  most  renowned  conqueror  of  the  age,  a  deadly  feud 
with  the  most  powerful  and  revengeful  monarch  in  the 
world.  Into  this  threefold  enterprise  he  was  about  to 
plunge  without  any  adequate  resources,  for  the  Archduke 
possessed  no  experience,  power,  or  wealth.3  He  brought, 
therefore,  no  strength  to  a  cause  which  was  itself  feeble. 
He  could  hope  for  no  protection,  nor  inspire  any  con- 
fidence. Nevertheless,  he  had  courage,  pliability,  and  a 
turn  for  political  adventure.  Visions  of  the  discomfited 
Philip  conferring  the  hand  of  his  daughter,  with  the 
Netherlands  as  her  dowry,  upon  the  enterprising  youth 
who,  at  this  juncture,  should  succeed  in  overturning  the 
Spanish  authority  in  that  country,  were  conjured  up  by 
those  who  originated  the  plot,4  and  he  was  weak  enough 
to  consider  such  absurdities  plausible,  and  to  set  forth  at 
once  to  take  possession  of  this  castle  in  the  air. 

On  the  evening  of  October  3rd,  1577,  fie  retired  to  rest 
at  eight  o'clock,  feigning  extreme  drowsiness.  After 
waiting  till  his  brother  Maximilian,  who  slept  in  another 
bed  in  the  same  chamber,  was  asleep,  he  slipped  from  his 
couch  and  from  the  room  in  his  night  apparel,  without 
even  putting  on  his  slippers.  He  was  soon  after  provided 
by  the  companions  of  his  flight  with  the  disguise  of  a 
servant,  arrayed  in  which,  with  his  face  blackened,  he 
made  his  escape  by  midnight  from  Vienna,5  but  it  is 
doubtful  whether  Rudolph  were  as  ignorant  as  he  affected 
to  be  of  the  scheme.6  The  Archduke  arrived  at  Cologne, 

1  Langueti,  Epist.  ad  Aug.  125,  17  Oct.,  1577,  p.  324. 

2  Bor,  xi.  898.     Hoofd,  xii.  531.     Meteren,  vii.  126. 

8  Bor,  xi.  8og.  4  Hoofd,  xii.  530. 

5  Letter  of  Dr.  Labbe  to  the  Queen  Mother  of  France,  in  Archives  et  Correspondance, 
vi.  202. 

6  It  was  the  opinion  of  Languet  that  the  Emperor  affected  ignorance  of  the  plot  at  its 
commencement,  that  he  afterwards  affected  an   original^  connivance,  and   that  he   was 
equally  disingenuous  in  both  pretences.     "  Pulchre  sane  instructa  fabula,"  quoth  shrewd 
Herbert,  "  sed  caveant  aucupes  se  suis  retibus  involvant  ;"  and,  again,  six  months  later, 


1 82  The  Rise  of  the 

attended  only  by  two  gentlemen  and  a  few  servants.  The 
Governor  was  beside  himself  with  fury;  the  Queen  of 
England  was  indignant;  the  Prince  only,  against  whom 
the  measure  was  mainly  directed,  preserved  his  usual  tran- 
quillity.1 

Secretary  Walsingham,  as  soon  as  the  news  reached 
England,  sent  for  Meetkercke,  colleague  of  Marquis  Havre 
in  the  mission  from  the  estates.2  He  informed  that  func- 
tionary of  the  great  perplexity  and  excitement  which, 
according  to  information  received  from  the  English  resi- 
dent, Davison,  were  then  prevailing  in  Brussels,  on 
account  of  the  approach  of  the  Archduke.  Some,  he  said, 
were  for  receiving  him  at  one  place,  some  at  another; 
others  were  in  favour  of  forbidding  his  entrance  alto- 
gether. Things  had  been  sufficiently  complicated  before, 
without  this  additional  cause  of  confusion.  Don  John  was 
strengthening  himself  daily,  through  the  secret  agency  of 
the  Duke  of  Guise  and  his  party.  His  warlike  genius  was 
well  known,  as  well  as  the  experience  of  the  soldiers  who 
were  fast  rallying  under  his  banner.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Duke  of  Alen£on  had  come  to  La  Fe"re,  and  was  also 
raising  troops,  while  to  oppose  this  crowd  of  rival  ene- 
mies, to  deal  with  this  host  of  impending  disasters,  there 
was  but  one  man  in  the  Netherlands.  On  the  Prince  of 
Orange  alone  could  the  distracted  states  rely.  To  his 
prudence  and  valour  only  could  the  Queen  look  with  hope- 
ful eyes.  The  secretary  proceeded  to  inform  the  envoy, 
therefore,  that  her  Majesty  would  feel  herself  compelled 
to  withdraw  all  succour  from  the  states  if  the  Prince  of 
Orange  were  deprived  of  his  leadership ;  for  it  was  upon 
that  leadership  only  that  she  had  relied  for  obtaining  a 
successful  result.  She  was  quite  indisposed  to  encounter 
indefinite  risk  with  an  impossibility  of  profit.3 

Meetkercke  replied  to  the  secretary  by  observing,  that 
the  great  nobles  of  the  land  had  been  unanimous  in  desir- 
ing a  new  governor-general  at  this  juncture.  They  had 
thought  Matthias,  with  a  strong  Council  of  State,  com- 
posed of  native  Netherlanders,  to  control  him,  likely  to 
prove  a  serviceable  candidate  for  the  post.  They  had 
reason  to  believe  that,  after  he  should  be  received,  the 

"  jam  profitetur  se  fuisse  authorem  Matthiae  fratri,  ut  in  Belgium  iret.     Quam  caute  id 
facial,  nescio,  cum  id  antea  constanter  negaverit." — Huberti  Langueti  Epistolae  ad  illus- 
trem  et  generosum  Dominum  Philippum  Sydnasum,  Francof.,  1633,  IxiL  224,  Ixvi.  138. 
1  Bor,  xL  900.     Meteren,  vii.  126.  2  Bor,  xi.  899,  900.  3  Ibid. 


Dutch  Republic  183 

Emperor  would  be  reconciled  to  the  measure,  and  that  by 
his  intercession  the  King  of  Spain  would  be  likewise 
induced  to  acquiesce.1  He  alluded,  moreover,  to  the  con- 
ference between  the  Marquis  of  Havre"  and  Orange  at 
Gertruidenberg,  and  noted  the  opinion  of  the  Prince  that 
it  would  be  unwise,  after  the  invitation  had  been  given, 
to  insult  the  Archduke  and  his  whole  imperial  house,  by 
treating  him  with  indignity  upon  his  arrival.  It  was  inevit- 
able, said  the  envoy,  that  differences  of  opinion  should 
exist  in  large  assemblies,  but  according  to  information 
which  he  had  recently  received  from  Marquis  Havre,  then 
in  Brussels,  aifairs  had  already  become  smooth  again.  At 
the  conclusion  of  the  conference,  Walsingham  repeated 
emphatically  that  the  only  condition  upon  which  the  Queen 
would  continue  her  succour  to  the  Netherlands  was,  that 
the  Prince  should  be  forthwith  appointed  Lieutenant- 
General  for  the  Archduke.2 

The  immediate  result  of  this  movement  was,  that  Mat- 
thias was  received  at  Antwerp  by  Orange  at  the  head  of 
two  thousand  cavalry,  and  attended  by  a  vast  concourse  of 
inhabitants.3  Had  the  Prince  chosen  a  contrary  course, 
the  Archduke  might  have  been  compelled  to  return,  some- 
what ridiculously,  to  Vienna;  but  at  the  same  time,  the 
anger  of  the  Emperor  and  of  all  Germany  would  have 
been  aroused  against  Orange  and  the  cause  he  served. 
Had  the  Prince,  on  the  contrary,  abandoned  the  field  him- 
self and  returned  to  Holland,  he  would  have  left  the  game 
in  the  hands  of  his  adversaries.  Ever  since  he  had  made 
what  his  brother  John  called  that  "  dangerous  gallows 
journey  "  to  Brussels,4  his  influence  had  been  culminating 
daily,  and  the  jealousy  of  the  great  nobles  rising  as 
rapidly.  Had  he  now  allowed  himself  to  be  driven  from  his 
post,  he  would  have  exactly  fulfilled  their  object.  By 
remaining,  he  counteracted  their  schemes. 

The  first  result  of  the  invitation'  to  Matthias  was  the 
election  of  Orange  as  Ruward  of  Brabant.5  This  office 
was  one  of  great  historical  dignity,  but  somewhat  anoma- 
lous in  its  functions.  The  province  of  Brabant,  having  no 
special  governor,  was  usually  considered  under  the  imme- 
diate superintendence  of  the  Governor-General.  As  the 
capital  of  Brabant  was  the  residence  of  that  functionary, 

1  Bor,  xi.  899,  900.  a  Ibid.,  xi.  900.  s  Ibid.     Meteren,  vii. 

4  " wie  man's  achten  mocbt,  zwar  galgrreisen,  so  des  Hern  Printz  ahnhero  und  gehn 

Brussel — thun  mussen,"  etc.,  etc. — Archives  et  Correspondance,  vi.  215. 
6  Hoofd,  xiL  532.     Wagenaer,  vii.  171. 


1 84 


The  Rise  of  the 


no  inconvenience  from  this  course  had  been  felt  since  the 
accession  of  the  house  of  Burgundy.  At  present,  how- 
ever, the  condition  of  affairs  was  so  peculiar — the  seat  of 
government  being  empty  without  having  been  permanently 
vacated — that  a  special  opportunity  was  offered  for  con- 
ferring both  honour  and  power  on  the  Prince.  A  Ruward 
was  not  exactly  dictator,  although  his  authority  was  uni- 
versal. He  was  not  exactly  protector,  nor  governor,  nor 
stadholder.  His  functions  were  unlimited  as  to  time — 
therefore  superior  to  those  of  an  ancient  dictator;  they 
were  commonly  conferred  on  the  natural  heir  to  the  sove- 
reignty— therefore  more  lofty  than  those  of  ordinary  stad- 
holders.  The  individuals  who  had  previously  held  the 
office  in  the  Netherlands  had  usually  reigned  afterwards 
in  their  own  right.  Duke  Albert,  of  the  Bavarian  line, 
for  example,  had  been  Ruward  of  Hainault  and  Holland, 
for  thirty  years,  during  the  insanity  of  his  brother,  and 
on  the  death  of  Duke  William  had  succeeded  to  his  title.1 
Philip  of  Burgundy  had  declared  himself  Ruward  of 
Brabant  in  1425,2  and  had  shortly  afterwards  deprived 
Jacqueline  of  all  her  titles  and  appropriated  them  to 
himself.  In  the  one  case  the  regent,  in  the  second  case 
the  usurper,  had  become  reigning  prince.  Thus  the  move- 
ment of  the  jealous  nobles  against  the  Prince  had  for 
its  first  effect  his  immediate  appointment  to  an  office 
whose  chief  characteristic  was,  that  it  conducted  to 
sovereignty. 

The  election  was  accomplished  thus.  The  "  members," 
or  estates  of  Brussels,  together  with  the  deans,  guilds, 
and  other  of  the  principal  citizens  of  Antwerp,  addressed 
a  request  to  the  states  of  Brabant,  that  William  of 
Orange  should  be  appointed  Ruward,  and  after  long 
deliberation  the  measure  was  carried.  The  unsolicited 
honour  was  then  solemnly  offered  to  him.  He  refused, 
and  was  only,  after  repeated  and  urgent  entreaties,  in- 
duced to  accept  the  office.  The  matter  was  then  referred 
to  the  states-general,  who  confirmed  the  dignity,  after 
some  demur,  and  with  the  condition  that  it  might  be 
superseded  by  the  appointment  of  a  governor-general.3 
He  was  finally  confirmed  as  Ruward  on  the  22nd  of 
October,  to  the  boundless  satisfaction  of  the  people,  who 

1  Wagenaer,  iii.  304  (In  1387,  A.D.). 

2  Wagenaer,  iii.  465. — Compare  Groen  v.  Prmsterer,  vi.  208-210  ;  Strada,  ix.  440,  441 ; 
Wagenaer,  vii.  171. 

3  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  vi.  208,  209.     Bondam,  iii.  319,  sqq.  (cited  by  Groen  v.  Prinst). 


Dutch  Republic  185 

celebrated  the  event  by  a  solemn  holiday  in  Antwerp, 
Brussels,  and  other  cities.1  His  friends,  inspired  by  the 
intrigues  of  his  enemies,  had  thus  elevated  the  Prince 
to  almost  unlimited  power;  while  a  strong  expression  in 
favour  of  his  government  had  been  elicited  from  the  most 
important  ally  of  the  Netherlands — England.  It  soon 
rested  with  himself  only  to  assume  the  government  of 
Flanders,  having  been  elected  stadholder,  not  once  only/ 
but  many  times,  by  the  four  estates  of  that  important 
province,  and  having  as  constantly  refused  the  dignity.2 
With  Holland  and  Zeland  devoted  to  him,  Brabant  and 
Flanders  formally  under  his  government,  the  Netherland 
capital  lavishing  testimonials  of  affection  upon  him,  and 
the  mass  of  the  people  almost  worshipping  him,  it  would 
not  have  been  difficult  for  the  Prince  to  play  a  game  as 
selfish  as  it  had  hitherto  been  close  and  skilful.  He  might 
have  proved  to  the  grand  seigniors  that  their  suspicions 
were  just,  by  assuming  a  crown  which  they  had  been  in- 
triguing to  push  from  his  brows.  Certainly  the  nobles 
deserved  their  defeat.  They  had  done  their  best  to  cir- 
cumvent Orange,  in  all  ways  and  at  all  times. 

"  They  serve  the  Duke  of  Alva  and  the  Grand  Com- 
mander like  varlets,"  he  cried;  "  they  make  war  upon  me 
to  the  knife.  Afterwards  they  treat  with  me,  they  recon- 
cile themselves  with  me,  they  are  sworn  foes  of  the 
Spaniard.  Don  John  arrives,  and  they  follow  him ;  they 
intrigue  for  my  ruin.  Don  John  fails  in  his  enterprise 
upon  Antwerp  citadel ;  they  quit  him  incontinently  and 
call  upon  me.  No  sooner  do  I  come  than,  against  their 
oath  and  without  previous  communication  with  the  states 
or  myself,  they  call  upon  the  Archduke  Matthias.  Are 
the  waves  of  the  sea  more  inconstant — is  Euripus  more 
uncertain  than  the  counsels  of  such  men?"3 

While  these  events  were  occurring  at  Brussels  and  Ant- 
werp, a  scene  of  a  different  nature  was  enacting  at  Ghent. 
The  Duke  of  Aerschot  had  recently  been  appointed  to  the 
government  of  Flanders  by  the  State  Council,4  but  the 
choice  was  exceedingly  distasteful  to  a  large  number  of 
the  inhabitants.  Although,  since  the  defeat  of  Don  John's 
party  in  Antwerp,  Aerschot  had  again  become  "  the  affec- 
tionate brother  "  of  Orange,  yet  he  was  known  to  be  the 
head  of  the  cabal  which  had  brought  Matthias  from 

1  Hoofd,  xii.  522.  2  Apologia  du  Prince  d'Orange,  pp.  108,  109. 

8  Ibid.,  p.  107.  *  Bor,  xi.  903.     Meteren,  vii.  126.     Van  d.  Vynckt,  ii.  278. 


1 86  The  Rise  of  the 

Vienna.  Flanders,  moreover,  swarmed  with  converts  to 
the  reformed  religion,1  and  the  Duke's  strict  Romanism 
was  well  known.  The  people,  therefore,  who  hated  the 
Pope  and  adored  the  Prince,  were  furious  at  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  new  Governor,  but  by  dint  of  profuse  promises 
regarding-  the  instant  restoration  of  privileges  and  charters 
which  had  long  lain  dormant,  the  friends  of  Aerschot 
succeeded  in  preparing  the  way  for  the  installation.2 

On  the  2oth  of  October,  attended  by  twenty-three  com- 
panies of  infantry  and  three  hundred  horse,  he  came  to 
Ghent.3  That  famous  place  was  still  one  of  the  most 
powerful  and  turbulent  towns  in  Europe.  Although 
diminished  in  importance  since  the  commercial  decline 
which  had  been  the  inevitable  result  of  Philip's  bloody 
government,  it  was  still  swarming  with  a  vigorous  and 
dangerous  population,4  and  it  had  not  forgotten  the  days 
when  the  iron  tongue  of  Roland  could  call  eighty  thou- 
sand fighting  men  to  the  city  banner.5  Even  now,  twenty 
thousand  were  secretly  pledged  6  to  rise  at  the  bidding  of 
certain  chieftains  resident  among  them,  noble  by  birth, 
warmly  attached  to  the  reformed  religion,  and  devoted 
to  Orange.  These  gentlemen  were  perfectly  conscious 
that  a  reaction  was  to  be  attempted  in  favour  of  Don  John 
and  of  Catholicism,  through  the  agency  of  the  newly- 
appointed  Governor  of  Flanders.  Aerschot  was  trusted 
or  respected  by  neither  party.  The  only  difference  in  the 
estimates  formed  of  him  was,  that  some  considered  him 
a  deep  and  dangerous  traitor ;  others  that  he  was  rather 
foolish  than  malicious,7  and  more  likely  to  ruin  a  good 
cause  than  to  advance  the  interests  of  a  bad  one.  The 
leaders  of  the  popular  party  at  Ghent  believed  him  danger- 
ous. They  felt  certain  that  it  was  the  deeply-laid  design 
of  the  Catholic  nobles — foiled  as  they  had  been  in  the 
objects  with  which  they  had  brought  Matthias  from 
Vienna,  and  enraged  as  they  were  that  the  only  result  of 
that  movement  had  been  to  establish  the  power  of  Orange 
upon  a  firmer  basis — to  set  up  an  opposing  influence  in 
Ghent.  Flanders,  in  the  possession  of  the  Catholics,  was 
to  weigh  up  Brabant,  with  its  recent  tendencies  to  tolera- 

1  Van  d.  Vynckt,  ii.  276.     Hoofd,  xii.  533. 

2  Meteren,  vii.  126.     Van  d.  Vynckt,  ii.  279. 

3  Meteren,  Van  d.  Vynckt,  ubi  sup.     Bor,  xi.  903.          4  Van  d.  Vynckt,  ii.  276,  277. 

5  Guicciardini-Gandavum,  pp.  343,  344 ;  see  Introduction  to  this  work.  Tassis,  iv. 
916.  6  Van.  d.  Vynckt,  ii.  277. 

7  "  Sed  plerique  existimant  cum  stultitia  potius  quam  malitia  peccasse." — Languet. 
Ep.  Sec.,  i.  ii.  307. 


Dutch  Republic  187 

tion.  Aerschot  was  to  counteract  the  schemes  of  Orange. 
Matthias  was  to  be  withdrawn  from  the  influence  of  the 
great  heretic,  and  be  yet  compelled  to  play  the  part  set 
down  for  him  by  those  who  had  placed  him  upon  the 
stage.  A  large  portion,  no  doubt,  of  the  schemes  here 
suggested,  was  in  agitation,  but  the  actors  were  hardly 
equal  to  the  drama  which  they  were  attempting.  The 
intrigue  was,  however,  to  be  frustrated  at  once  by  the 
hand  of  Orange,  acting  as  it  often  did  from  beneath  a 
cloud. 

Of  all  the  chieftains  possessing  influence  with  the  inha- 
bitants of  Ghent,  two  young  nobles,  named  Ryhove  and 
Imbize,  were  the  most  conspicuous.1  Both  were  of 
ancient  descent  and  broken  fortunes,  both  were  passion- 
ately attached  to  the  Prince,  both  were  inspired  with  an 
intense  hatred  for  all  that  was  Catholic  or  Spanish.  They 
had  travelled  further  on  the  reforming  path  than  many 
had  done  in  that  day,  and  might  even  be  called  demo- 
cratic in  their  notions.  Their  heads  were  filled  with 
visions  of  Greece  and  Rome ;  the  praise  of  republics  was 
ever  on  their  lips;  and  they  avowed  to  their  intimate 
associates  that  it  was  already  feasible  to  compose  a  com- 
monwealth like  that  of  the  Swiss  Cantons  out  of  the 
seventeen  Netherlands.2  They  were  regarded  as  dreamers 
by  some,  as  desperadoes  by  others.  Few  had  confidence  in 
their  capacity  or  their  purity ;  but  Orange,  who  knew 
mankind,  recognized  in  them  useful  instruments  for  any 
hazardous  enterprise.  They  delighted  in  stratagems  and 
sudden  feats  of  arms.  Audacious  and  cruel  by  tempera- 
ment, they  were  ever  most  happy  in  becoming  a  portion 
of  the  desolation  which  popular  tumults  engender. 

There  were  several  excited  meetings  of  the  four  estates 
of  Flanders  immediately  after  the  arrival  of  the  Duke  of 
Aerschot  in  Ghent.3  His  coming  had  been  preceded  by 
extensive  promises,  but  it  soon  became  obvious  that  their 
fulfilment  was  to  be  indefinitely  deferred.  There  was  a 
stormy  session  on  the  27th  of  October,  many  of  the  clergy 
and  nobility  being  present,  and  comparatively  few  mem- 
bers of  the  third  estate.  Very  violent  speeches  were 
made,  and  threats  openly  uttered,  that  the  privileges, 
about  which  so  much  noise  had  been  heard,  would  be 
rather  curtailed  than  enlarged  under  the  new  administra- 

1  Van  d.  Vynclct,  it.  274,  sqq.  2  Ibid.,  ii.  284,  285. 

3  Ibid.,  ii.  276,  sqq.     Meteren,  vii.  126. 


1 88  The  Rise  of  the 

tion.  At  the  same  session,  the  commission  of  Aerschot 
was  formally  presented  by  Champagny  and  Sweveghem, 
deputed  by  the  State  Council  for  that  purpose.1  Cham- 
pagny was  in  a  somewhat  anomalous  position.  There 
was  much  doubt  in  men's  minds  concerning-  him.  He  had 
seemed  lately  the  friend  of  Orange,  but  he  was  certainly 
the  brother  of  Granvelle.  His  splendid  but  fruitless 
services  during  the  Antwerp  Fury  had  not  been  forgotten, 
but  he  was  known  to  be  a  determined  Catholic.  He  was 
a  hater  of  Spaniards,  but  no  lover  of  popular  liberty.  The 
nature  of  his  sentiments  towards  Orange  was  perhaps  un- 
justly suspected.  At  any  rate,  two  or  three  days  after 
the  events  which  now  occupy  our  attention,  he  wrote 
him  a  private  letter,  in  which  he  assured  him  of  his  at- 
tachment. In  reference  to  the  complaints  of  the  Prince, 
that  he  had  not  been  seconded  as  he  ought  to  have  been, 
he  said,  moreover,  that  he  could  solemnly  swear  never  to 
have  seen  a  single  individual  who  did  not  hold  the  Prince 
in  admiration,  and  who  was  not  affectionately  devoted 
to  him,  not  only  by  public  profession,  but  by  private 
sentiment.2  There  was  little  doubt  entertained  as  to  the 
opinions  held  by  the  rest  of  the  aristocratic  party,  then 
commencing  their  manoeuvres  in  Ghent.  Their  sentiments 
were  uttered  with  sufficient  distinctness  in  this  remarkable 
session. 

Hessels,  the  old  Blood-Councillor,  was  then  resident  in 
Ghent,  where  he  discharged  high  governmental  functions. 
It  was  he,  as  it  will  be  remembered,  who  habitually  fell 
asleep  at  that  horrible  council  board,  and  could  only  start 
from  his  naps  to  shout  "  ad  patibulum,"  while  the  other 
murderers  had  found  their  work  less  narcotic.  A  letter 
from  Hessels  to  Count  de  Reux,  late  royal  governor  of 
Flanders,  was  at  the  present  juncture  intercepted.3  Per- 
haps it  was  invented,  but,  genuine  or  fictitious,  it  was 
circulated  extensively  among  the  popular  leaders,  and 
had  the  effect  of  proving  Madame  de  Hessels  a  true 
prophet.  It  precipitated  the  revolution  in  Flanders,  and 
soon  afterwards  cost  the  councillor  his  life.  "  We  have 
already  brought  many  notable  magistrates  of  Flanders 
over  to  the  side  of  his  Highness  Don  John,"  wrote  Hessels. 
"  We  hope,  after  the  Duke  of  Aerschot  is  governor,  that 
we  shall  fully  carry  out  the  intentions  of  his  Majesty  and 

1  Meteren,  vii.  i26b.     Hoofd,  xii.  533. 
2  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vii.  226.  3  Bor,  xi.  9053. 


Dutch  Republic  189 


the  plans  of  his  Highness.  We  shall  also  know  how  to 
circumvent  the  scandalous  heretic,  with  all  his  adherents 
and  followers."  ! 

Certainly,  if  this  letter  were  true,  it  was  high  time  for 
the  friends  of  the  "  scandalous  heretic  "  to  look  about 
them.  If  it  were  a  forgery,2  which  is  highly  probable, 
it  was  ingeniously  imagined,  and  did  the  work  of  truth. 
The  revolutionary  party,  being  in  a  small  minority  in  the 
assembly,  were  advised  by  their  leaders  to  bow  before  the 
storm.  They  did  so,  and  the  bluster  of  the  reactionary 
party  grew  louder  as  they  marked  the  apparent  discomfi- 
ture of  their  foes.  They  openly  asserted  that  the  men 
who  were  clamouring  for  privileges  should  obtain  nothing 
but  halters.  The  buried  charters  should  never  be  resus- 
citated ;  but  the  spirit  of  the  dead  Emperor,  who  had  once 
put  a  rope  around  the  necks  of  the  insolent  Ghenters, 
still  lived  in  that  of  his  son.  There  was  no  lack  of 
denunciation.  Don  John  and  the  Duke  of  Aerschot  would 
soon  bring  the  turbulent  burghers  to  their  senses,  and 
there  would  then  be  an  end  to  this  renewed  clamour  about 
musty  parchments.3  Much  indignation  was  secretly  ex- 
cited in  the  assembly  by  such  menaces.  Without  doors 
the  subterranean  flames  spread  rapidly,  but  no  tumult 
occurred  that  night.  Before  the  session  was  over, 
Ryhove  left  the  city,  pretending  a  visit  to  Tournay.  No 
sooner  had  he  left  the  gates,  however,  than  he  turned 
his  horse's  head  in  the  opposite  direction,  and  rode  off 
post  haste  to  Antwerp.  There  he  had  a  conference  with 
William  of  Orange,4  and  painted  in  lively  colours  the 
alarming  position  of  affairs.  "And  what  do  you  mean 
to  do  in  the  matter?"  asked  the  Prince,  rather  drily.5 
Ryhove  was  somewhat  disconcerted.  He  had  expected 
a  violent  explosion ;  well  as  he  knew  the  tranquil  person- 
age whom  he  was  addressing.  "  I  know  no  better 
counsel,"  he  replied,  at  length,  "  than  to  take  the  Duke, 
with  his  bishops,  councillors,  lords,  and  the  whole  nest 

1  Bor,  ix.  905. 

2  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vi.  220. — Compare  the  remarks  of  Groen  v.  Prin- 
sterer  ;  Bor,  xi.  223. 

B    Meteren,  vii.  126.     Bor,  xi.  903,  sqq. 

4  Meteren,  vi.  i26b.     Hoofd,  xii.  533. — Bor  merely  observes  that  it  was  supposed  that 
Ryhove  had  visited  Orange  during  his  brief  absence  from  Ghent.     Meteren,   however, 
gives  a  minute  account  of  their  interview,  in  which  he  is  followed  by  Hoofd,  who  had 
additional  sources  of  information. — Compare  Gio^n  v.  Prinst.,  vi.  217,  218 ;  Wagenaer, 
vii.  177 ;  V.  d.  Vynckt,  ii.  279,  280,  et  al. 

5  "  Waar  toe  den  Prince  niet  anders  en  wiste  op  te  segghen  dan  vraeghde  wat  raedt?  " 
—Meteren,  vii.  i26b.     Hoofd,  xii.  533. 


i go  The  Rise  of  the 

of  them,  by  the  throat,  and  thrust  them  all  out  to- 
gether, "i 

"  Rather  a  desperate  undertaking-,  however?"  said  the 
Prince,  carelessly,  but  interrogatively. 

"I  know  no  other  remedy,"  answered  Ryhove;  "  I 
would  rather  make  the  attempt,  relying-  upon  God  alone, 
and  die  like  a  man,  if  needful,  than  live  in  eternal  slavery. 
Like  an  ancient  Roman,"  continued  the  young-  republican 
noble,  in  somewhat  bombastic  vein,  "  I  am  ready  to  wager 
my  life,  where  my  fatherland's  welfare  is  at  stake." 

"Bold  words!"  said  the  Prince,  looking  gravely  at 
Ryhove ;  '  *  but  upon  what  force  do  you  rely  for  your 
undertaking?" 

"  If  I  can  obtain  no  assistance  from  your  Excellency," 
was  the  reply,  "  I  shall  throw  myself  on  the  mass  of  the 
citizens.  I  can  arouse  them  in  the  name  of  their  ancient 
liberties,  which  must  be  redeemed  now  or  never." 

The  Prince,  believing  probably  that  the  scheme,  if 
scheme  there  were,  was  but  a  wild  one,  felt  little  in- 
clination to  compromise  himself  with  the  young  conspira- 
tor. He  told  him  he  could  do  nothing  at  present,  and 
saying  that  he  must  at  least  sleep  upon  the  matter, 
dismissed  him  for  the  night.  Next  morning,  at  daybreak, 
Ryhove  was  again  closeted  with  him.  The  Prince  asked 
his  sanguine  partizan  if  he  were  still  determined  to  carry 
out  his  project,  with  no  more  definite  support  than  he  had 
indicated?  Ryhove  assured  him,  in  reply,  that  he  meant 
to  do  so,  or  to  die  in  the  attempt.  The  Prince  shrugged 
his  shoulders,  and  soon  afterwards  seemed  to  fall  into  a 
reverie.2  Ryhove  continued  talking,  but  it  was  soon 
obvious  that  his  Highness  was  not  listening,  and  he  there- 
fore took  his  leave  somewhat  abruptly.  Hardly  had  he 
left  the  house,  however,  when  the  Prince  despatched  Sainte 
Aldegonde  in  search  of  him.  That  gentleman,  proceeding 
to  his  hotel,  walked  straight  into  the  apartment  of  Ry- 
hove, and  commenced  a  conversation  with  a  person  whom 
he  found  there,  but  to  his  surprise  he  soon  discovered, 
experienced  politician  though  he  was,  that  he  had  made 
an  egregious  blunder.  He  had  opened  a  dangerous  secret 
to  an  entire  stranger,3  and  Ryhove  coming  into  the  apart- 
ment a  few  minutes  afterwards,  was  naturally  surprised  to 

1  " met  den  geheele  neste  by  den  halse  te  vatten  ende  te  verdrijven." — Meteren, 

vii.  126. — Compare  Hoofd. 

2  "De  Prince  trok  syn  schouderen  ende  aenhoorde  hem  met  doove  ooren,     etc. — 
Meteren,  ubi  sup.     Hoofd,  xii.  534.  3  Meteren,  vii.  126.     Hoofd,  xii.  534. 


Dutch  Republic  191 

find  the  Prince's  chief  councillor  in  close  conversation 
about  the  plot  with  Van  Rooyen,  the  burgomaster  of 
Denremonde.  The  Flemish  noble,  however,  always  prompt 
in  emergencies,  drew  his  rapier,  and  assured  the  aston- 
ished burgomaster  that  he  would  either  have  his  life  on 
the  instant,  or  his  oath  never  to  reveal  a  syllable  of  what 
he  had  heard.  That  functionary,  who  had  neither  desired 
the  young  noble's  confidence,  nor  contemplated  the  honour 
of  being-  run  through  the  body  as  a  consequence  of  receiv- 
ing it,  was  somewhat  aghast  at  the  rapid  manner  in 
which  these  gentlemen  transacted  business.  He  willingly 
gave  the  required  pledge,  and  was  permitted  to  depart. 

The  effect  of  the  conference  between  Sainte  Aldegonde 
and  Ryhove  was  to  convince  the  young  partizan  that  the 
Prince  would  neither  openly  countenance  his  project,  nor 
be  extremely  vexed  should  it  prove  successful.  In  short, 
while  as  in  the  case  of  the  arrest  of  the  State  Council, 
the  subordinates  were  left  to  appear  the  principals  in  the 
transaction,  the  persons  most  intimate  with  William  of 
Orange  were  allowed  to  form  satisfactory  opinions  as 
to  his  wishes,  and  to  serve  as  instruments  to  his  ends.1 
;<  Vive  qui  vince  /"  cried  Sainte  Aldegonde,  encouragingly, 
to  Ryhove,  shaking  hands  with  him  at  parting.  The  con- 
spirator immediately  mounted,  and  rode  off  towards  Ghent. 
During  his  absence  there  had  been  much  turbulence,  but 
no  decided  outbreak  in  that  city.  Imbize  had  accosted  the 
Duke  of  Aerschot  in  the  street,  and  demanded  when  and 
how  he  intended  to  proclaim  the  restoration  of  the  ancient 
charters.  The  haughty  Duke  had  endeavoured  to  shake 
off  his  importunate  questioner,  while  Imbize  persisted, 
with  increasing  audacity,  till  Aerschot  lost  his  temper  at 
last.  "Charters,  charters!"  he  cried,  in  a  rage;  "  you 
shall  learn  soon,  ye  that  are  thus  howling  for  charters, 
that  we  have  still  the  old  means  of  making  you  dumb, 
with  a  rope  on  your  throats.  I  tell  you  this — were  you 
ever  so  much  hounded  on  by  the  Prince  of  Orange."2 

The  violence  of  the  new  Governor  excited  the  wrath  of 
Imbize.  He  broke  from  him  abruptly,  and  rushed  to  a 
rendezvous  of  his  confederates,  every  man  of  whom  was 
ready  for  a  desperate  venture.  Groups  of  excited  people 

1  "  Ryhove,  ziende  dat  den  Prince  conniveerde  ofte  d'ooghe  luyckte  om  sijn  voorneemen 
in  't  werk  te  stellen,"  etc. — Meteren,  vii.   127.     "  Ryhove  hieruit  scheppende  dat  zyn 
Doorluchtigkeit  door  de  vingeren  zagh,"  etc. — Hoofd,  xii.  533. — Compare  Strada,  ii.  lib. 
i.  p.  4  ;  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  etc.,  vi.  217,  218. 

2  Meteren,  vii.  127.     Hoofd,  xii.  534.     Van  d.  Vynckt,  ii.  280. 


192  The  Rise  of  the 

were  seen  vociferating  in  different  places.  A  drum  was 
heard  to  rattle  from  time  to  time.  Nevertheless,  the  ris- 
ing- tumult  seemed  to  subside  again  after  a  season,  owing 
partly  to  the  exertions  of  the  magistrates,  partly  to  the 
absence  of  Ryhove.  At  four  in  the  afternoon  that  gentle- 
man entered  the  town,  and  riding  directly  to  the  head- 
quarters of  the  conspiracy,  was  incensed  to  hear  that  the 
work,  which  had  begun  so  bravely,  had  been  allowed  to 
cool.  '  'Tis  a  time,"  he  cried,  "  for  vigilance.  If  we 
sleep  now,  we  shall  be  dead  in  our  beds  before  morning. 
Better  to  fan  the  fire  which  has  begun  to  blaze  in 
the  people's  heart.  Better  to  gather  the  fruit  while  it 
is  ripe.  Let  us  go  forward,  each  with  his  followers,  and 
I  pledge  myself  to  lead  the  way.  Let  us  scuttle  the  old 
ship  of  slavery;  let  us  hunt  the  Spanish  inquisition,  once 
for  all,  to  the  hell  from  whence  it  came!"1 

"  There  spoke  the  voice  of  a  man  !"  2  cried  the  Flemish 
captain,  Mieghem,  one  of  the  chief  conspirators ;  "  lead  on, 
Ryhove,  I  swear  to  follow  you  as  far  as  our  legs  will 
carry  us."  Thus  encouraged,  Ryhove  rushed  about  the 
city,  calling  upon  the  people  everywhere  to  rise.  They 
rose  almost  to  a  man.  Arming  and  mustering  at  different 
points,  according  to  previous  arrangements,  a  vast  number 
assembled  by  toll  of  bell,  after  nightfall,  on  the  public 
square,  whence,  under  command  of  Ryhove,  they  swept 
to  the  residence  of  Aerschot  at  Saint  Bavon.  The  guards, 
seeing  the  fierce  mob  approaching,  brandishing  spears  and 
waving  torches,  had  scarce  time  to  close  the  gates,  as 
the  people  loudly  demanded  entrance  and  the  delivery  to 
them  of  the  Governor.  Both  claims  were  refused.  "  Let 
us  burn  the  birds  in  their  nests,"  cried  Ryhove,  without 
hesitation.3  Pitch,  light,  wood,  and  other  combustibles, 
were  brought  at  his  command,  and  in  a  few  moments  the 
palace  would  have  been  in  flames,  had  not  Aerschot,  seeing 
that  the  insurgents  were  in  earnest,  capitulated.  As  soon 
as  the  gates  were  open,  the  foremost  of  the  mob  rushed 
upon  him,  and  would  have  torn  him  limb  from  limb,  had 
not  Ryhove  resolutely  interfered,  and  twice  protected  the 
life  of  the  Governor,  at  the  peril  of  his  own.4  The  Duke 
was  then  made  a  prisoner,  and,  under  a  strong  guard, 
was  conveyed,  still  in  his  night-gown,  and  barefooted, 

1  Hoofd,  Meteren,  ubi  sup.     Bor,  xi.  003,  904. 

2  Daar  (zeyde  Mieghem  hierop)  hoor  Ik  een'  man  spreeken,"  etc. — Ibid.     Meteren,  vii. 
127.  '  Meteren,  vii.  127.     Hoofd,  xii.  535.     Bor,  xi.  905. 

4  Hoofd,  xii.  535.     Meteren,  vii.  127.     Van  d.  Vynckt,  ii.  282. 


Dutch  Republic  193 

to  the  mansion  of  Ryhove.  All  the  other  leading  members 
of  the  Catholic  party  were  captured,  the  arrests  proceed- 
ing till  a  late  hour  in  the  night.  Rassinghem,  Sweveg- 
hem,  Fisch,  De  la  Porta,  and  other  prominent  members  of 
the  Flemish  estates  or  council,  were  secured,  but  Cham- 
pagny  was  allowed  to  make  his  escape.1  The  Bishops  of 
Bruges  and  Ypres  were  less  fortunate.  Blood-Councillor 
Hessels,  whose  letter — genuine  or  counterfeited — had  been 
so  instrumental  in  hastening  this  outbreak,  was  most 
carefully  guarded,  and  to  him  and  to  Senator  Fisch  the 
personal  consequence  of  that  night's  work  were  to  be 
very  tragic. 

Thus  audaciously,  successfully,  and  hitherto  without 
bloodshed,  was  the  anti-Catholic  revolution  commenced  in 
Flanders.  The  event  was  the  first  of  a  long  and  most 
signal  series.  The  deed  was  done.  The  provisional 
government  was  established,  at  the  head  of  which  was 
placed  Ryhove,  to  whom  oaths  of  allegiance  were  rendered, 
subject  to  the  future  arrangements  of  the  states-general 
and  Orange.  On  the  gth  of  November,  the  nobles, 
notables,  and  community  of  Ghent  published  an  address, 
in  which  they  elaborately  defended  the  revolution  which 
had  been  effected  and  the  arrests  which  had  taken  place ; 
while  the  Catholic  party,  with  Aerschot  at  its  head,  was 
declared  to  be  secretly  in  league  with  Don  John  to  bring 
back  the  Spanish  troops,  to  overthrow  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  to  deprive  him  of  the  protectorate  of  Brabant, 
to  set  at  nought  the  Ghent  Treaty,  and  to  suppress  the 
reformed  religion.2 

The  effect  of  this  sudden  rising  of  the  popular  party 
was  prodigious  throughout  the  Netherlands.  At  the  same 
time  the  audacity  of  such  extreme  proceedings  could  hardly 
be  countenanced  by  any  considerable  party  in  the  states- 
general.  Champagny  wrote  to  the  Prince  of  Orange  that, 
even  if  the  letter  of  Hessels  were  genuine,  it  proved 
nothing  against  Aerschot,3  and  he  urged  the  necessity  of 
suppressing  such  scene  of  licence  immediately,  through 
the  influence  of  those  who  could  command  the  passions  of 
the  mob.  Otherwise,  he  affirmed  that  all  legitimate  forms 
of  justice  would  disappear,  and  that  it  would  be  easy  to 
set  the  bloodhounds  upon  any  game  whatever.  Sainte 

1  "Zoo  dat  hy  verreyst,  verborghen,  oft  door   gunste,  verschoont  moet  geweest  zyn." 

Hoofd,  xii.  535.  2  Address  of  the  Notables,  in  Bor.  xi.  904,  905. 

3  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vi.  224. 

VOL.  III.  H 


194  The  Rise  of  the 

Aldegonde  wrote  to  the  Prince,  that  it  would  be  a  great 
point,  but  a  very  difficult  one,  to  justify  the  Ghent  trans- 
action; for  there  was  little  doubt  that  the  Hessels  letter 
was  a  forgery.1  It  was,  therefore,  as  well,  no  doubt,  that 
the  Prince  had  not  decidedly  committed  himself  to  Ry- 
hove's  plot,  and  thus  deprived  himself  of  the  right  to 
interfere  afterwards,  according  to  what  seemed  the  claims 
of  justice  and  sound  policy. 

He  now  sent  Arend  van  Dorp  to  Ghent,  to  remon- 
strate with  the  leaders  of  the  insurrection  upon  the  vio- 
lence of  their  measures,  and  to  demand  the  liberation  of 
the  prisoners — a  request  which  was  only  complied  with  in 
the  case  of  Aerschot.  That  nobleman  was  liberated  on 
the  i4th  of  November,  under  the  condition  that  he  would 
solemnly  pledge  himself  to  forget  and  forgive  the  treat- 
ment which  he  had  received,  but  the  other  prisoners  were 
retained  in  custody  for  a  much  longer  period.  A  few 
weeks  afterwards,  the  Prince  of  Orange  visited  Ghent, 
at  the  earnest  request  of  the  four  estates  of  Flanders,  and 
it  was  hoped  that  his  presence  would  contribute  to  the 
restoration  of  tranquillity.2 

This  visit  was  naturally  honoured  by  a  brilliant  display 
of  "  rhetorical  "  spectacles  and  tableaux  vivants ;  for  no- 
thing could  exceed  the  passion  of  the  Netherlanders  of 
that  century  for  apologues  and  charades.  In  allegory  they 
found  an  ever-present  comforter  in  their  deepest  afflic- 
tions. The  Prince  was  escorted  from  the  town-gate  to 
the  Jacob's  church  amid  a  blaze  of  tar-barrels  and  torches, 
although  it  was  mid-day,  where  a  splendid  exhibition  had 
been  arranged  by  that  sovereign  guild  of  rhetoric,  "  Jesus 
with  the  Balsam  Flower."  The  drama  was  called  Judas 
Maccabaeus,  in  compliment  to  the  Prince.  In  the  centre 
of  the  stage  stood  the  Hebrew  patriot,  in  full  armour, 
symbolizing  the  illustrious  guest  doing  battle  for  his 
country.  He  was  attended  by  the  three  estates  of  the 
country,  ingeniously  personified  by  a  single  individual, 
who  wore  the  velvet  bonnet  of  a  noble,  the  cassock  of  a 
priest,  and  the  breeches  of  a  burgher.3  Groups  of  alle- 

1  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vi.  219,  220 

2  Bor,  xi.  po<;,  016.     The  Prince  came  to  the  city  on  the  2oth  of  December,  1577. 

3  "  Beschrijvinghe  van  het  gene  dat  vertoocht  wierd  ter  inkomste  Van  der  Excelle^tie, 
des  Prinzenvan  Orangien,  binnen  der  Stad  van  Ghendt." — Ghendt,  1578.     For  the  history 
of  art  in  Flanders  and  Europe  this  little  volume,  filled,  not  only  with  the  poetry,  but  with 
the  designs  and  architectural  embellishments  employed  upon  this  occasion,  is  worthy  of 
attention.     The  pamphlet  is  very  rare.     The  one  used  by  the  writer  is  in  the  Duncqn 
Collection  of  the  Rpyal  Library,  Hague. 


Dutch  Republic  195 

gorical  personages  were  drawn  up  on  the  right  and  left : 
— Courage,  Patriotism,  Freedom,  Mercy,  Diligence,  and 
other  estimable  qualities  upon  one  side,  were  balanced  by 
Murder,  Rapine,  Treason,  and  the  rest  of  the  sisterhood 
of  crime  on  the  other.  The  inquisition  was  represented 
as  a  lean  and  hungry  hag.  The  "  Ghent  Pacification  " 
was  dressed  in  cramoisy  satin,  and  wore  a  city  on  her 
head  for  a  turban ;  while,  tied  to  her  apron-strings  were 
Catholicism  and  Protestantism,  bound  in  a  loving  embrace 
by  a  chain  of  seventeen  links,  which  she  was  forging  upon 
an  anvil.  Under  the  anvil  was  an  individual  in  complete 
harness,  engaged  in  eating  his  heart ;  this  was  Discord. 
In  front  of  the  scene  stood  History  and  Rhetoric,  attired 
as  "  triumphant  maidens,  in  white  garments,"  each  with  a 
laurel  crown  and  a  burning  torch.  These  personages, 
after  holding  a  rhymed  dialogue  between  themselves, 
filled  with  \vonderful  conceits  and  quibbles,  addressed  the 
Prince  of  Orange  and  Maccabaeus,  one  after  the  other, 
in  a  great  quantity  of  very  detestable  verses. 

After  much  changing  of  scenes  and  groups,  and  an 
enormous  quantity  of  Flemish-woven  poetry,  the  "  Ghent 
Peace  "  came  forward,  leading  a  lion  in  one  hand,  and 
holding  a  heart  of  pure  gold  in  the  other.  The  heart, 
upon  which  was  inscribed  Sinceritas,  was  then  presented 
to  the  real  Prince,  as  he  sat  "  reposing  after  the  spec- 
tacle," and  perhaps  slightly  yawning,  the  gift  being 
accompanied  by  another  tremendous  discharge  of  com- 
plimentary verses.1  After  this,  William  of  Orange  was 
permitted  to  proceed  towards  the  lodgings  provided  for 
him,  but  the  magistrates  and  notables  met  him  upon  the 
threshold,  and  the  pensionary  made  him  a  long  oration. 
Even  after  the  Prince  was  fairly  housed,  he  had  not 
escaped  the  fangs  of  allegory;  for,  while  he  sat  at  supper 
refreshing  his  exhausted  frame  after  so  much  personifica- 
tion and  metaphor,  a  symbolical  personage,  attired  to 
represent  the  town  corporation,2  made  his  appearance,  and 
poured  upon  him  a  long  and  particularly  dull  heroic  poem. 
Fortunately,  this  episode  closed  the  labours  of  the  day. 

On  the  7th  of  December,  1577,  the  states-general  for- 
mally declared  that  Don  John  was  no  longer  Stadholder, 
Governor,  nor  Captain-General,  but  an  infractor  of  the 
peace  which  he  had  sworn  to  maintain,  and  an  enemy  of 
the  fatherland.  All  natives  of  the  country  who  should 

1  Beschrijvinghe,  etc.  2  Ibid. 


196 


The  Rise  of  the 


show  him  favour  or  assistance  were  declared  rebels  and 
traitors;  and  by  a  separate  edict,  issued  the  same  day, 
it  was  ordained  that  an  inventory  of  the  estates  of  such 
persons  should  forthwith  be  taken.1 

Thus  the  war,  which  had  for  a  brief  period  been  sus- 
pended during-  the  angry,  tortuous,  and  hopeless  negotia- 
tions which  succeeded  the  arrival  of  Don  John,  was  once 
more  to  be  let  loose.  To  this  point  had  tended  all  the 
policy  of  Orange — faithful  as  ever  to  the  proverb  with 
which  he  had  broken  off  the  Breda  conferences,  "  that  war 
was  preferable  to  a  doubtful  peace."  Even,  however,  as 
his  policy  had  pointed  to  a  war  as  the  necessary  fore- 
runner of  a  solid  peace  with  Spain,  so  had  his  efforts 
already  advanced  the  cause  of  internal  religious  concord 
within  the  provinces  themselves.  On  the  loth  of  Decem- 
ber, a  new  act  of  union  was  signed  at  Brussels,  by  which 
those  of  the  Roman  Church  and  those  who  had  retired 
from  that  communion  bound  themselves  to  respect  and  to 
protect  each  other  with  mutual  guarantees  against  all 
enemies  whatsoever.2  Here  was  a  step  beyond  the  Ghent 
Pacification,  and  in  the  same  direction.  The  first  treaty 
tacitly  introduced  toleration  by  suppressing  the  rig-Jit  of 
persecution,  but  the  new  union  placed  the  reformed  re- 
ligion on  a  level  with  the  old.  This  was  the  result  of 
the  Prince's  efforts;  and,  in  truth,  there  was  no  lack  of 
eagerness  among  these  professors  of  a  faith  which  had 
been  so  long  under  ban,  to  take  advantage  of  his  pres- 
ence. Out  of  dark  alleys,  remote  thickets,  subterranean 
conventicles,  where  the  dissenters  had  so  long-  been  trem- 
bling for  their  lives,  the  oppressed  now  came  forth  into 
the  light  of  day. 

The  "  new  or  nearer  Union  of  Brussels  "  was  the  third 
and,  unfortunately,  the  last  confederation  of  all  the 
Netherlands.  The  original  records  have  been  lost,  but 
it  is  known  that  the  measure  was  accepted  unanimously 
in  the  estates-general  as  soon  as  presented.3  The  lead- 
ing Catholic  nobles  were  with  the  army,  but  a  deputation, 

1  Bor,  xi.  916. 

2  Meteren,  vii.    i2yd.     Haraei  Ann.,   iii.    268,    269. — It  is  singular  that  Bor,    Reyd, 
Bentivoglio,  Van  der  Vynckt,  Grotius,  and   even  the  constitutional  historian,  Kluit,  are 
all  silent  concerning  this  remarkable  Act  of  Union.     Hoofd  alludes  to  it  in  exactly  two 
lines  ;  Strada,   De  Thou,  and    Wagenaer,    are  equally   concise.      The   Archivarius  de 
Jonghe  has,  however,  left  nothing  to  be  desired   in  his   interesting  monography  ("  Ver- 
handelingen  en  Onuitgegevene  Stukken,"  pp.  163-204),  besides  publishing  the  original 
French  text  of  the    important  document.      The   contemporary  historians  above   cited 
(Meteren  and  Haraeus)  had  already  given  its  substance. 

3  De  Jonghe,  p.  188. 


Dutch  Republic  197 

sent  to  the  camp,  returned  with  their  signatures  and 
hearty  approval;  with  the  signatures  and  approval  of  such 
determined  Catholics  as  the  Lalains,  Meluns,  Egmont, 
and  La  Motte.1  If  such  men  could  unite  for  the  sake 
of  the  fatherland  in  an  act  of  religious  toleration,  what 
lofty  hopes  for  the  future  was  not  the  Prince  justified  in 
forming?  for  it  was  the  Prince  alone2  who  accomplished 
this  victory  of  reason  over  passion.  As  a  monument,  not 
only  of  his  genius,  but  of  the  elevated  aspirations  of  a 
whole  people  in  an  age  of  intolerance,  the  "  closer  Union 
of  Brussels  "  deserves  especial  place  in  the  history  of 
human  progress.  Unfortunately,  it  was  destined  to  a 
brief  existence.  The  battle  of  Gemblours  was  its  death- 
blow, and  before  the  end  of  a  month,  the  union,  thus 
hopefully  constructed,  was  shattered  for  ever.  The 
Netherland  people  was  never  united  again.  By  the  Union 
of  Utrecht,  seven  states  subsequently  rescued  their  exist- 
ence, and  lived  to  construct  a  powerful  republic.  The  rest 
were  destined  to  remain  for  centuries  in  the  condition  of 
provinces  to  a  distant  metropolis,  to  be  shifted  about  as 
make-weights  in  political  balances,  and  only  in  our  own 
age  to  come  into  the  honourable  rank  of  independent  con- 
stitutional states. 

The  Prince  had,  moreover,  strengthened  himself  for  the 
coming  struggle  by  an  alliance  with  England.  The 
thrifty  but  politic  Queen,  fearing  the  result  of  the  secret 
practices  of  Alencon — whom  Orange,  as  she  suspected, 
still  kept  in  reserve  to  be  played  off,  in  case  of  need, 
against  Matthias  and  Don  John — had  at  last  consented  to 
a  treaty  of  alliance  and  subsidy.  On  the  7th  of  January, 
1578,  the  Marquis  Havre",  envoy  from  the  estates,  con- 
cluded an  arrangement  in  London,  by  which  the  Queen 
was  to  lend  them  her  credit — in  other  words,  to  endorse 
their  obligations,  to  the  amount  of  one  hundred  thousand 
pounds  sterling.  The  money  was  to  be  raised  wherever 
the  states  might  be  able  to  negotiate  the  bills,  and  her 
liability  was  to  cease  within  a  year.  She  was  likewise 
to  be  collaterally  secured  by  pledges  from  certain  cities 
in  the  Netherlands.3  This  amount  was  certainly  not 
colossal,  while  the  conditions  were  sufficiently  parsimo- 
nious. At  the  same  time  a  beginning  was  made,  and  the 
principle  of  subsidy  was  established.  The  Queen,  further- 

1  De  Jonghe,  pp.  188-190.  2  Ibid.,  p.  185,  seq.     Meerbeck.  Chronyk.,  p.  488. 

3  Meteren,  vii.  127,  128.     Bor,  xi.  902,  903. 


198 


The  Rise  of  the 


more,  agreed  to  send  five  thousand  infantry  and  one  thou- 
sand cavalry  to  the  provinces,  under  the  command  of  an 
officer  of  high  rank,  who  was  to  have  a  seat  and  vote  in 
the  Netherland  Council  of  State.1  These  troops  were  to 
be  paid  by  the  provinces,  but  furnished  by  the  Queen. 
The  estates  were  to  form  no  treaty  without  her  know- 
ledge, nor  undertake  any  movement  of  importance  with- 
out her  consent.  In  case  she  should  be  herself  attacked 
by  any  foreign  power,  the  provinces  were  to  assist  her 
to  the  same  extent  as  the  amount  of  aid  now  afforded  to 
themselves ;  and  in  case  of  a  naval  war,  with  a  fleet 
of  at  least  forty  ships.  It  had  already  been  arranged  that 
the  appointment  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  as  lieutenant- 
general  for  Matthias  was  a  sine  quA  non  in  any  treaty  of 
assistance  with  England.  Soon  after  the  conclusion  of 
this  convention,  Sir  Thomas  Wilkes  was  despatched  on  a 
special  mission  to  Spain,  and  Mr.  Leyton  sent  to  confer 
privately  with  Don  John.2  It  was  not  probable,  how- 
ever, that  the  diplomatic  skill  of  either  would  make  this 
new  arrangement  palatable  to  Philip  or  his  Governor. 

Within  a  few  days  after  their  signature  of  this  important 
treaty,  the  Prince  had,  at  length,  wholly  succeeded  in 
conquering  the  conflicting  passions  in  the  states-general, 
and  in  reconciling  them,  to  a  certain  extent,  with  each 
other.  The  closer  union  had  been  accepted,  and  now 
thirty  articles,  which  had  been  prepared  under  his  superin- 
tendence, and  had  already  on  the  i7th  of  December  been 
accepted  by  Matthias,  were  established  as  the  funda- 
mental terms,  according  to  which  the  Archduke  was  to  be 
received  as  governor-general.3  No  power  whatever  was 
accorded  to  the  young  man,  who  had  come  so  far  with 
eager  and  ambitious  views.  As  the  Prince  had  neither 
solicited  nor  desired  a  visit  which  had,  on  the  contrary, 
been  the  result  of  hostile  machinations,  the  Archduke 
could  hardly  complain  that  the  power  accorded  him  was 
but  shadowy,  and  that  his  presence  was  rendered  super- 
fluous. It  was  not  surprising  that  the  common  people 
gave  him  the  name  of  Greffier,  or  registering  clerk  to  the 
Prince ; 4  for  his  functions  were  almost  limited  to  the 
signing  of  acts  which  were  countersigned  by  Orange. 

1  Bor,  xi.  902,  903.     Meteren,  vii.  128.  2  Bor,  xi.  900-903.     Meteren,  ubi  sup. 

3  See  the  articles  at  full  in  Bor,  xi.  727-929.     In  the  notes  of  De  Reiffenberg  to  Van  d. 
Vynckt,  ii.  368-383  ;  and  in  Meteren,  vii.  129,  they  are  given  with  much  less  exactness. 
—Compare  the  remarks  of  Groen  van  Prinsterer,  Archives,  vi.  259,  260. 

4  Tassis,  iv.  290. 


Dutch  Republic  199 

According-  to  the  stipulations  of  the  Queen  of  England, 
and  the  views  of  the  whole  popular  party,  the  Prince 
remained  Ruward  of  Brabant,  notwithstanding  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  nominal  Governor-General,  by  whom  his 
own  duties  were  to  be  superseded. 

The  articles  which  were  laid  down  as  the  basis  upon 
which  the  Archduke  was  to  be  accepted,  composed  an 
ample  representative  constitution,  by  which  all  the  legis- 
lative and  many  of  the  executive  powers  of  government 
were  bestowed  upon  the  states-general  or  upon  the  council 
by  them  to  be  elected.  To  avoid  remaining  in  the  con- 
dition of  a  people  thus  left  without  a  head,  the  states 
declared  themselves  willing  to  accept  Matthias  as  Governor- 
General,  on  condition  of  the  King's  subsequent  approba- 
tion, and  upon  the  general  basis  of  the  Ghent  Treaty. 
The  Archduke,  moreover,  was  to  take  an  oath  of  alle- 
giance to  the  king  and  to  the  states-general  at  the  same 
time.  He  was  to  govern  the  land  by  the  advice  of  a 
state  council,  the  members  of  which  were  to  be  appointed 
by  the  states-general,  and  were  "to  be  native  Nether- 
landers,  true  patriots,  and  neither  ambitious  nor  greedy."1 
In  all  matters  discussed  before  the  state  council,  a 
majority  of  votes  was  to  decide.  The  governor-general, 
with  his  council  of  state,  should  conclude  nothing  con- 
cerning the  common  affairs  of  the  nation — such  as 
requests,  loans,  treaties  of  peace  or  declarations  of  war, 
alliances  or  confederacies  with  foreign  nations — without 
the  consent  of  the  states-general.  He  was  to  issue  no 
edict  or  ordinance,  and  introduce  no  law,  without  the 
consent  of  the  same  body  duly  assembled,  and  represent- 
ing each  individual  province.2  A  majority  of  the  members 
was  declared  necessary  to  a  quorum  of  the  council.  All 
acts  and  despatches  were  to  be  drawn  up  by  a  member 
of  the  board.  The  states-general  were  to  assemble  when, 
where,  and  as  often  as,  and  remain  in  session  as  long 
as,  they  might  think  it  expedient.3  At  the  request  of 
any  individual  province,  concerning  matters  about  which 
a  convention  of  the  generality  was  customary,  the  other 
states  should  be  bound  to  assemble  without  waiting  for 
directions  from  the  governor-general.4  The  estates  of 
each  particular  province  were  to  assemble  at  their  plea- 
sure. The  governor  and  council,  with  advice  of  the  states- 

1  "  Getrouvre  en  goede  patriotten  met  wesende  ambitieus  of  gierig. — Art.  4. 

2  Art.  8.  8  Art.  13.  4  Art.  14. 


200  The  Rise  of  the 

general,  were  to  appoint  all  the  principal  military  officers. 
Troops  were  to  be  enrolled  and  garrisons  established  by 
and  with  the  consent  of  the  states.  Governors  of  pro- 
vinces were  to  be  appointed  by  the  governor-general,  with 
advice  of  his  council,  and  with  the  consent  of  the  estates 
of  the  province  interested.  All  military  affairs  were  to 
be  conducted  during  war  by  the  governor,  with  advice  of 
his  council,  while  the  estates  were  to  have  absolute  con- 
trol over  the  levying  and  expenditure  of  the  common  funds 
of  the  country.1 

It  is  sufficiently  plain  from  this  brief  summary,  that  the 
powers  thus  conferred  upon  Matthias  alone,  were  abso- 
lutely null,  while  those  which  he  might  exercise  in  con- 
junction with  the  State  Council  were  not  much  more  ex- 
tensive. The  actual  force  of  the  government — legislative, 
executive,  and  administrative — was  lodged  in  the  general 
assembly,  while  no  authority  was  left  to  the  King,  except 
the  nominal  right  to  approve  these  revolutionary  proceed- 
ings, according  to  the  statement  in  the  preamble.  Such  a 
reservation  in  favour  of  his  Majesty  seemed  a  superfluous 
sarcasm.  It  was  furthermore  resolved  that  the  Prince  of 
Orange  should  be  appointed  Lieutenant-General  for  Mat- 
thias, and  be  continued  in  his  office  of  Ruward.2  This 
constitution,  drawn  up  under  the  superintendence  of  the 
Prince,  had  been  already  accepted  by  Matthias,  while  still 
at  Antwerp,  and  upon  the  i8th  of  January,  1578,  the 
ceremony  of  his  inauguration  took  place. 

It  was  the  third  triumphal  procession  which  Brussels 
had  witnessed  within  nine  months.  It  was  also  the  most 
brilliant  of  all;  for  the  burghers,  as  if  to  make  amends  to 
the  Archduke  for  the  actual  nullity  to  which  he  had  been 
reduced,  seemed  resolved  to  raise  him  to  the  seventh 
heaven  of  allegory.  By  the  rhetorical  guilds  he  was  re- 
garded as  the  most  brilliant  constellation  of  virtues  which 
had  yet  shone  above  the  Flemish  horizon.  A  brilliant 
cavalcade,  headed  by  Orange,  accompanied  by  Count  John 
of  Nassau,  the  Prince  de  Chimay  and  other  notables,  met 
him  at  Vilvoorde,  and  escorted  him  to  the  city  gate.  On 
an  open  field,  outside  the  town,  Count  Bossu  had  arranged 
a  review  of  troops,  concluding  with  a  sham  fight,  which, 

1  Art.  21. — "  Le  hizieron  jurar,"  says  Cabrera,  "  treinta  i  una  condiciones  "  (one  article 
more,  by  the  way,  than  the  actual  number,  which  was  thirty — Bor,  xi.  927-929),  ''institu- 
yendo  el  gobierno  popular  a  la  traga  que  Julio  Cesar  escrive  de  los  antiguos  Flamencos, 
que  el  pueblo  tenia  el  mismo  mando  sobre  el  Rey,  que  el  sobre  pueblo  :  i  el  A  rchiduque 
les  serviria  de  estatua."—x\\.  gsgb.  2  Bor,  xi.  927. 


Dutch  Republic  201 

in  the  words  of  a  classical  contemporary,  seemed  as 
"bloody  a  rencontre  as  that  between  Duke  Miltiades  of 
Athens  and  King-  Darius  upon  the  plains  of  Attica."1 
The  procession  entered  the  Louvain  gate,  through  a  splen- 
did triumphal  arch,  rilled  with  a  band  of  invisible  musicians. 
"  I  believe  that  Orpheus  had  never  played  so  melodiously 
on  his  harp,"  says  the  same  authority,  "  nor  Apollo  on  his 
lyre,  nor  Pan  on  his  lute,  as  the  city  waits  then  per- 
formed."2 On  entering  the  gates,  Matthias  was  at  once 
delivered  over  to  the  hands  of  mythology,  the  burghers 
and  rhetoricians  taking  possession  of  their  illustrious  cap- 
tive, and  being  determined  to  outdo  themselves  in  demon- 
strations of  welcome.  The  representative  of  the  "  nine 
nations  "  of  Brussels  met  him  in  the  Ritter  street,  followed 
by  a  gorgeous  retinue.  Although  it  was  mid-day,  all  bore 
flaming  torches.  Although  it  was  January,  the  streets 
were  strewed  with  flowers.  The  houses  were  festooned 
with  garlands,  and  hung  with  brilliant  silks  and  velvets. 
The  streets  were  thronged  with  spectators  and  encumbered 
with  triumphal  arches.  On  the  Grande  Place,  always  the 
central  scene  in  Brussels,  whether  for  comedies,  or  tour- 
naments, or  executions,  the  principal  dramatic  effects  had 
been  accumulated.  The  splendid  front  of  the  Hotel  de  Ville 
was  wreathed  with  scarves  and  banners ;  its  windows  and 
balconies,  as  well  as  those  of  the  picturesque  houses  which 
formed  the  square,  were  crowded  with  gaily-dressed 
women.  Upon  the  area  of  the  place,  twenty-four  theatres 
had  been  erected,  where  a  series  of  magnificent  living 
pictures  were  represented  by  the  most  beautiful  young 
females  that  could  be  found  in  the  city.  All  were  attired 
in  brocades,  embroideries,  and  cloth  of  gold.  The  subjects 
of  the  tableaux  vivants  were,  of  course,  most  classic,  for 
the  Netherlanders  were  nothing,  if  not  allegorical;  yet, 
as  spectacles,  provided  by  burghers  and  artisans  for  the 
amusement  of  their  fellow-citizens,  they  certainly  proved 
a  considerable  culture  in  the  people  who  could  thus  be 
amused.  All  the  groups  were  artistically  arranged.  Upon 

1  Bor,  xi.  927. 

2  "  Sommare  Beschryvinghe  van  den  triumphelijcke  Incomst  van  den  door  luchtigen 
Aertshoge    Matthias    binnen    die    Princelijcke    Stadt    van    Brussele." — 't    Antwerpen. 
Plantin,  1579.     This  little  contemporary  publication,  drawn  up  by  J.  B.   Houwaert,  con- 
tains a  detailed  account  of  the  festivities  upon  this  occasion,  together  with  all  the  poems 
sung  and  spoken,  and  well-executed  engravings  of  the  decorations,  temples,  theatres,  and 
triumphal  arches.     For  the  literary  and  artistic  history  of  Flanders  and  Brabant,  it  is 
important.     The  copy  used  by  the  writer  is  in  the  "  Collectio  Duncaniana"  of  the  Royal 
Library  at  the  Hague. 

H  2 


202  The  Rise  of  the 

one  theatre  stood  Juno  with  her  peacock,  presenting-  Mat- 
thias with  the  city  of  Brussels,  which  she  held,  beautifully 
modelled,  in  her  hand.  Upon  another,  Cybele  gave  him 
the  keys,  Reason  handed  him  a  bridle,  Hebe  a  basket  of 
flowers,  Wisdom  a  looking-glass  and  two  law  books,  Dili- 
gence a  pair  of  spurs ;  while  Constancy,  Magnanimity, 
Prudence,  and  other  virtues,  furnished  him  with  a  helmet, 
corslet,  spear,  and  shield.  Upon  other  theatres,  Bellona 
presented  him  with  several  men-at-arms,  tied  in  a  bundle ; 
Fame  gave  him  her  trumpet,  and  Glory  her  crown.  Upon 
one  stage  Quintus  Curtius,  on  horseback,  was  seen  plung- 
ing into  the  yawning  abyss ;  upon  six  others  Scipio  Africa- 
nus  was  exhibited,  as  he  appeared  in  the  most  picturesque 
moments  of  his  career.1  The  beardless  Archduke  had 
never  achieved  anything,  save  his  nocturnal  escape  from 
Vienna  in  his  night-gown ;  but  the  honest  Flemings  chose 
to  regard  him  as  a  re-incarnation  of  those  two  eminent 
Romans.  Carried  away  by  their  own  learning,  they 
already  looked  upon  him  as  a  myth ;  and  such  indeed  he 
was  destined  to  remain  throughout  his  Netherland  career. 
After  surveying  all  these  wonders,  Matthias  was  led  up 
the  hill  again  to  the  ducal  palace,  where,  after  hearing 
speeches  and  odes  till  he  was  exhausted,  he  was  at  last 
allowed  to  eat  his  supper  and  go  to  bed. 

Meantime  the  citizens  feasted  in  the  streets.  Bonfires 
were  blazing  everywhere,  at  which  the  people  roasted 
"geese,  pigs,  capons,  partridges,  and  chickens,"  while 
upon  all  sides  were  the  merriest  piping  and  dancing.  Of 
a  sudden,  a  fiery  dragon  was  seen  flying  through  the  air. 
It  poised  for  awhile  over  the  heads  of  the  revelling  crowd 
in  the  Grande  Place,  and  then  burst  with  a  prodigious 
explosion,  sending  forth  rockets  and  other  fireworks  in 
every  direction.  This  exhibition,  then  a  new  one,  so 
frightened  the  people,  that  they  all  took  to  their  heels, 
"  as  if  a  thousand  soldiers  had  assaulted  them,"  tumbling 
over  each  other  in  great  confusion,  and  so  dispersing  to 
their  homes.2 

The  next  day  Matthias  took  the  oaths  as  Governor- 
General,  to  support  the  new  constitution,  while  the  Prince 
of  Orange  was  sworn  in  as  Lieutenant-General  and  Go- 
vernor of  Brabant.  Upon  the  next  a  splendid  banquet  was 
given  them  in  the  grand  hall  of  the  H6tel  de  Ville,  by  the 
states-general,  and  when  the  cloth  was  removed,  Rhetoric 

1  Sommare  Beschryvinghe,  etc.  a  Ibid. 


Dutch  Republic  203 

made  her  last  and  most  ingenious  demonstration,  through 
the  famous  guild  of  "  Mary  with  the  Flower  Garland." 

Two  individuals — the  one  attired  as  a  respectable  bur- 
gher, the  other  as  a  clerical  personage  in  gown  and  bands 
— made  their  appearance  upon  a  stage,  opposite  the  seats 
of  their  Highnesses,  and  pronounced  a  long  dialogue  in 
rhyme.  One  of  the  speakers  rejoiced  in  the  appellation  of 
the  "  Desiring  Heart,"  and  the  other  was  called  "  Com- 
mon Comfort."  Common  Sense  might  have  been  more  to 
the  purpose,  but  appeared  to  have  no  part  in  the  play. 
After  each  of  these  individuals  had  spouted  a  hundred 
lines  or  so,  the  play  was  terminated,  and  Rhetoric  took 
her  departure.  The  company  had  remained  at  table  during 
the  long  representation,  and  now  the  dessert  was  served, 
consisting  of  a  "  richly  triumphant  banquet  of  confection- 
ary, marmalade,  and  all  kinds  of  genteelnesses  in  sugar."  1 

Meanwhile  the  Governor  addressed  a  long,  private,  and 
most  bitter  letter  to  the  Emperor,  for  the  purpose  of  set- 
ting himself  right  in  the  opinion  of  that  potentate,  and  of 
giving  him  certain  hints  as  to  what  was  expected  of  the 
imperial  court  by  Philip  and  himself.  He  expressed  con- 
fidence that  the  imperial  commissioners  would  have  some 
effect  in  bringing  about  the  pacification  of  the  Netherlands, 
and  protested  his  own  strong  desire  for  such  a  result, 
provided  always  that  the  two  great  points  of  the  Catholic 
religion  and  his  Majesty's  authority  were  preserved  intact. 
"  In  the  hope  that  those  articles  would  be  maintained," 
said  he,  "I  have  emptied  cities  and  important  places  of 
their  garrisons,  when  I  might  easily  have  kept  the  soldiers, 
and  with  the  soldiers  the  places,  against  all  the  world, 
instead  of  consigning  them  to  the  care  of  men  who  at  this 
hour  have  arms  in  their  hand  against  their  natural  prince. " 
He  declared  vehemently  that  in  all  his  conduct  since  his 
arrival  in  the  provinces,  he  had  been  governed  exclusively 
by  the  interests  of  Philip,  an  object  which  he  should 
steadily  pursue  to  the  end.  He  urged,  too,  that  the  Em- 
peror, being  of  the  same  house  as  Philip,  and  therefore 
more  obliged  than  all  others  to  sustain  his  quarrel,  would 
do  well  to  espouse  his  cause  with  all  the  warmth  possible. 
"  The  forgetfulness  by  vassals,"  said  Don  John,  "  of  the 
obedience  due  to  their  sovereign  is  so  dangerous,  that  all 
princes  and  potentates,  even  those  at  the  moment  exempt 
from  trouble,  should  assist  in  preparing  the  remedy,  in 

1  Sommare  Beschryvinghe,  etc.,  etc. 


204  The  Rise  of  the 

order  that  their  subjects  also  may  not  take  it  into  their 
heads  to  do  the  like,  liberty  being  a  contagious  disease, 
which  goes  on  infecting  one  neighbour  after  another,  if 
the  cure  be  not  promptly  applied."1  It  was,  he  averred, 
a  desperate  state  of  things  for  monarchs,  when  subjects 
having  obtained  such  concessions  as  the  Netherlanders 
had  obtained,  nevertheless  loved  him  and  obeyed  him  so 
little.  They  showed,  but  too  clearly,  that  the  causes 
alleged  by  them  had  been  but  pretexts,  in  order  to  effect 
designs,  long  ago  conceived,  to  overthrow  the  ancient 
constitution  of  the  country,  and  to  live  thenceforward  in 
unbridled  liberty.  So  many  indecent  acts  had  been  com- 
mitted prejudicial  to  religion  and  to  his  Majesty's  grandeur, 
that  the  Governor  avowed  his  determination  to  have  no 
further  communication  with  the  provinces  without  fresh 
commands  to  that  effect.  He  begged  the  Emperor  to  pay 
no  heed  to  what  the  states  said,  but  to  observe  what  they 
did.  He  assured  him  that  nothing  could  be  more  sense- 
less than  the  reports  that  Philip  and  his  Governor-General 
in  the  Netherlands  were  negotiating  with  France,  for  the 
purpose  of  alienating  the  provinces  from  the  Austrian 
crown.  Philip,  being  chief  of  the  family,  and  sovereign  of 
the  Netherlands,  could  not  commit  the  absurdity  of  giving 
away  his  own  property  to  other  people,  nor  would  Don 
John  choose  to  be  an  instrument  in  so  foolish  a  transac- 
tion.2 The  Governor  entreated  the  Emperor,  therefore,  to 
consider  such  fables  as  the  invention  of  malcontents  and 
traitors,  of  whom  there  were  no  lack  at  his  court,  and  to 
remember  that  nothing  was  more  necessary  for  the  pre- 
servation of  the  greatness  of  his  family  than  to  cultivate 
the  best  relations  with  all  its  members.  "  Therefore," 
said  he,  with  an  absurd  affectation  of  candour,  "  although 
I  make  no  doubt  whatever  that  the  expedition  hitherwards 
of  the  Archduke  Matthias  has  been  made  with  the  best 
intentions ;  nevertheless,  many  are  of  opinion  that  it  would 
have  been  better  altogether  omitted.  If  the  Archduke," 
he  continued,  with  hardly  dissembled  irony,  "  be  desirous 
of  taking  charge  of  his  Majesty's  affairs,  it  would  be  pre- 

1  " Obeissance  de  leur  prince  souverain,  obly  de  laquelle  est  si  dangereulx  que 

tous  princes  et  potentats  voires  ceulx  qui  prdsentement  sont  exempts  de  troubles  en 
dervpient  soigner  le  remede  affin  que,  a  1'exemple  de  ceulx  ci  les  leurs  ne  prennent  quel- 
que  jour  enyye  de  faire  le  semblable,  dtant  la  liberte  qu'ils  cherchent  comme  ung  mal  con- 
tagieulx  qui  vast  infectant  au  voisin  si  en  temps  et  promptement  ny  est  remedied" 

2  " Car  estant  icelle  chef  de  la  dite  maison  et   Sgr.  des  Pays  Bas  seroit  chose 

absurde  de  lui  attribuer  une  imprudence  si  grande  que  de  dormer  le  sien  a  autrui  et  k  moi 
qu'en  vouldrais  estre  1'instrument." 


Dutch  Republic  205 

ferable  to  employ  himself  in  the  customary  manner.  Your 
Majesty  would  do  a  laudable  action  by  recalling-  him  from 
this  place,  according  to  your  Majesty's  promise  to  me  to 
that  effect."  In  conclusion,  Don  John  complained  that 
difficulties  had  been  placed  in  his  way  for  making  levies 
of  troops  in  the  Empire,  while  every  facility  had  been 
afforded  to  the  rebels.  He  therefore  urgently  insisted 
that  so  unnatural  and  unjust  a  condition  of  affairs  should 
be  remedied.1 

Don  John  was  not  sorry  in  his  heart  that  the  crisis 
was  at  last  come.  His  chain  was  broken.  His  wrath 
exploded  in  his  first  interview  with  Leyton,  the  English 
envoy,  whom  Queen  Elizabeth  had  despatched  to  calm,  if 
possible,  his  inevitable  anger  at  her  recent  treaty  with  the 
states.2  He  knew  nothing  of  England,  he  said,  nor  of 
France,  nor  of  the  Emperor.  His  Catholic  Majesty  had 
commissioned  him  now  to  make  war  upon  these  rebellious 
provinces.  He  would  do  it  with  all  his  heart.  As  for  the 
Emperor,  he  would  unchain  the  Turks  upon  him  for  his 
perfidy.  As  for  the  burghers  of  Brussels,  they  would  soon 
feel  his  vengeance.3 

It  was  very  obvious  that  these  were  not  idle  threats. 
War  had  again  broken  loose  throughout  these  doomed 
provinces.  A  small  but  well-appointed  army  had  been 
rapidly  collecting  under  the  banner  of  Don  John  at  Luxem- 
burg, Peter  Ernest  Mansfeld  had  brought  many  well- 
trained  troops  from  France,  and  Prince  Alexander  of 
Parma  had  arrived,  with  several  choice  and  veteran  regi- 
ments of  Italy  and  Spain.4  The  old  school-fellow,  play- 
mate, and  comrade  of  Don  John,  was  shocked,  on  his 
arrival,  to  witness  the  attenuated  frame  and  care-worn 
features  of  his  uncle.5  The  son  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  the 
hero  of  Lepanto,  seemed  even  to  have  lost  the  air  of 
majesty  which  was  so  natural  to  him,  for  petty  insults, 
perpetual  crosses,  seemed  to  have  left  their  squalid  traces 
upon  his  features. 

On  the  25th  of  January  the  Governor  issued  a  procla- 
mation, couched  in  three  languages — French,  German,  and 

1  This  letter,  which  has  never  been  published,  is  in  French,  in  the  hand-writing  of  John 
Baptist  de  Tassis,  and  signed  by  Don  John.     It  is  dated  Luxembourg,  nth  of  January, 
1578,  and  is  in  the  collection  of  MSS.  in  the  Brussels  Archives,  entitled,   "  Reconciliation 
des  Provinces  Wallones,"  t.  i.  44-54. 

2  Bor,  xi.  931.  3  ibid.     Hoofd,  xiii.  546. 

4  Bor,  xii.  932,  93-?.     Hoofd,  xiii.  546.     Strada,  i.v.  460. 

5  "  Attenuata  non    magis  valetudine    quani    specie    ilia   majestateque   fortunatissimi 
Imperatoris."—  Ibid. 


2o6  The  Rise  of  the 

Flemish.  He  declared  in  this  document  that  he  had  not 
come  to  enslave  the  provinces,  but  to  protect  them.  At 
the  same  time  he  meant  to  re-establish  his  Majesty's 
authority,  and  the  down-trod  religion  of  Rome.  He 
summoned  all  citizens  and  all  soldiers  throughout  the 
provinces  to  join  his  banners,  offering  them  pardon  for 
their  past  offences,  and  protection  against  heretics  and 
rebels.1  This  declaration  was  the  natural  consequence  of 
the  exchange  of  defiances  which  had  already  taken  place, 
and  it  was  evident  also  that  the  angry  manifesto  was  soon 
to  be  followed  up  by  vigorous  blows.  The  army  of  Don 
John  already  numbered  more  than  twenty  thousand  well- 
seasoned  and  disciplined  veterans.2  He  was  himself  the 
most  illustrious  chieftain  in  Europe.  He  was  surrounded 
by  lieutenants  of  the  most  brilliant  reputation.  Alexander 
of  Parma,  who  had  fought  with  distinction  at  Lepanto, 
was  already  recognized  as  possessing  that  signal  military 
genius  which  was  soon  to  stamp  him  as  the  first  soldier  of 
his  age,  while  Mansfeld,  Mondragon,  Mendoza,  and  other 
distinguished  officers,  who  had  already  won  so  much  fame 
in  the  Netherlands,  had  now  returned  to  the  scene  of  their 
former  achievements.3 

On  the  other  hand,  the  military  affairs  of  the  states  were 
in  confusion.  Troops  in  nearly  equal  numbers  to  those  of 
the  royal  army  had  been  assembled,  but  the  chief  offices 
had  been  bestowed,  by  a  mistaken  policy,  upon  the  great 
nobles.  Already  the  jealousy  of  Orange,  entertained  by 
their  whole  order,  was  painfully  apparent.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  signal  popularity  which  had  made  his  appointment 
as  Lieutenant-General  inevitable,  it  was  not  easy  for  him 
always  to  vindicate  his  authority  over  captious  and  rival 
magnates.4  He  had  every  wish  to  conciliate  the  affections 
of  men  whom  he  could  not  in  his  heart  respect,  and  he 
went  as  far  in  gratifying  their  ambition  as  comported  with 
his  own  dignity;  perhaps  farther  than  was  consistent  with 
the  national  interests.  He  was  still  willing  to  trust  Lalain,  of 
whose  good  affection  to  the  country  he  felt  sure.  He  had  even 
been  desirous  of  declining  the  office  of  Lieutenant-General, 
in  order  to  avoid  giving  that  nobleman  the  least  occasion 
to  think  "  that  he  would  do  him,  or  any  other  gentleman 

1  Proclamation  in  Kor,  xii.  932,  933. — Compare  Cabrera,  xii.  966. 

2  Bor,  xii.  932  ;  Hoofd,  xiii.  546,  547,  say  22,300,  viz.— 4,000  Spanish,  4,000  French,  5,000 
Germans,  6,800  Walloons,  2,500 cavalry  ;  total,  23,000  ; — about  20,009  according  to  Strada, 
ix.  462.     Cabrera  asserts  that  there  were  but  10,000  in  Don  John's  army,  while  the  forces  of 
the  enemy  amounted  to  double  that  number. — xii.  9670. 

3  Strndn,  ix.  467.  4  Ibid.,  464. 


Dutch  Republic  207 

of  the  army,  prejudice  in  any  single  matter  in  the  world."  l 
This  magnanimity  had  not  been  repaid  with  corresponding 
confidence.  We  have  already  seen  that  Lalain  had  been 
secretly  in  the  interest  of  Anjou  ever  since  his  wife  and 
himself  had  lost  their  hearts  to  Margaret  of  Navarre ;  yet 
the  Count  was  chief  commander  of  the  infantry  in  the 
states'  army  then  assembled.  Robert  Melun,  Vicomte  de 
Gand,  was  commander  of  the  cavalry,2  but  he  had  recently 
been  private  envoy  from  Don  John  to  the  English  Queen.3 
Both  these  gentlemen,  together  with  Pardieu  De  la  Motte, 
general  of  the  artillery,  were  voluntarily  absent  from  the 
forces,  under  pretext  of  celebrating  the  wedding  of  the 
Seigneur  de  Bersel  with  the  niece  and  heiress  of  the  un- 
fortunate Marquis  of  Berghen.4  The  ghost  of  that  ill- 
starred  noble  might  almost  have  seemed  to  rise  at  the 
nuptial  banquet  of  his  heiress,  to  warn  the  traitors  of  the 
signal  and  bloody  massacre  which  their  treachery  was  soon 
to  occasion.  Philip  Egmont,  eldest  son  of  the  famous 
Lamoral,  was  with  the  army,  as  was  the  Seigneur  de 
He"ze,  hero  of  the  State  Council's  arrest,  and  the  unstable 
Havre".  But  little  was  to  be  hoped  from  such  leaders. 
Indeed  the  affairs  of  the  states  continued  to  be  in  as  per- 
plexed a  condition  as  that  which  honest  John  of  Nassau 
had  described  some  weeks  before.  "  There  were  very  few 
patriots,"  he  had  said,  "  but  plenty  of  priests,  with  no 
lack  of  inexperienced  lads — some  looking  for  distinction, 
and  others  for  pelf."5 

The  two  armies  had  been  mustered  in  the  latter  days  of 
January.  The  Pope  had  issued  a  bull  for  the  benefit  of 
Don  John,  precisely  similar  to  those  formerly  employed  in 
the  crusades  against  the  Saracens.6  Authority  was  given 
him  to  levy  contributions  upon  ecclesiastical  property, 
while  full  absolution,  at  the  hour  of  death,  for  all  crimes 
committed  during  a  whole  lifetime,  was  proclaimed  to 
those  who  should  now  join  the  standard  of  the  Cross. 
There  was  at  least  no  concealment.  The  Crescent-wearing 
Zelanders  had  been  taken  at  their  word,  and  the  whole 
nation  of  Netherlanders  were  formally  banned  as  unbe- 
lievers. The  forces  of  Don  John  were  mustered  at  Marche 
in  Luxemburg ;  those  of  the  states  in  a  plain  within  a  few 

1  Letter  of  Prince  of  Orange,  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vi.  279. 

2  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vi.  279.  3  Strada,  ix  4^3. 
*  Strada,  ix.  464,  465.     Hoofd,  xiii.  548. 

5  Letter  to  the  Landgrave  W.  de  Hesse. — Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vi.  227. 

6  See  it  in  Bor,  xii.  9350. 


208  The  Rise  of  the 

miles  of  Namur.1  Both  armies  were  nearly  equal  in  num- 
ber, amounting  to  nearly  twenty  thousand  each,  including 
a  force  of  two  thousand  cavalry  on  either  side.2  It  had 
been  the  original  intention  of  the  patriots  to  attack  Don 
John  in  Namur.  Having  learned,  however,  that  he  pur- 
posed marching  forth  himself  to  offer  battle,  they  decided 
to  fall  back  upon  Gemblours,  which  was  nine  miles  distant 
from  that  city.3  On  the  last  day  of  January,  they  accord- 
ingly broke  up  their  camp  at  Saint  Martius,  before  dawn, 
and  marched  towards  Gemblours.  The  chief  commander 
was  De  Goignies,  an  old  soldier  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  who 
had  also  fought  at  Saint  Quentin.  The  states'  army  was 
disposed  in  three  divisions.  The  van  consisted  of  the  in- 
fantry regiments  of  De  Heze  and  Montigny,  flanked  by  a 
protective  body  of  light  horse.  The  centre,  composed  of 
the  Walloon  and  German  regiments,  with  a  few  companies 
of  French,  and  thirteen  companies  of  Scotch  and  English 
under  Colonel  Balfour,  was  commanded  by  two  most  dis- 
tinguished officers,  Bossu  and  Champagny.  The  rear, 
which,  of  course,  was  the  post  of  responsibility  and 
honour,  comprised  all  the  heavy  cavalry,  and  was  com- 
manded by  Philip  Egmont  and  Lumey  de  la  Marck.  The 
Marquis  Havre"  and  the  General-in-chief,  Goignies,  rode 
to  and  fro,  as  the  army  proceeded,  each  attended  by  his 
staff.4 

The  troops  of  Don  John  broke  up  from  before  Namur 
with  the  earliest  dawn,  and  marched  in  pursuit  of  the  re- 
tiring foe.  In  front  was  nearly  the  whole  of  the  cavalry — 
carabineers,  lancers,  and  heavy  dragoons.  The  centre, 
arranged  in  two  squares,  consisted  chiefly  of  Spanish  in- 
fantry, with  a  lesser  number  of  Germans.  In  the  rear 
came  the  Walloons,  marching  also  in  a  square,  and  pro- 
tecting the  baggage  and  ammunition.  Charles  Mansfeld 
had  been  left  behind  with  a  reserved  force,  stationed  on 
the  Mquse ;  Ottavio  Gonzaga  commanded  in  front,  Ernest 
Mansfeld  brought  up  the  rear ;  while  in  the  centre  rode 
Don  John  himself,  attended  by  the  Prince  of  Parma.  Over 
his  head  streamed  the  crucifix-emblazoned  banner,  with  its 
memorable  inscription — In  hoc  signo  vici  Turcos,  in  hoc 
Haereticos  vincam.5 

1  Bor,  xii.  932,  sqq.     Hoofd,  xiii.  548. 

2  All  the  authorities  agree  as  to  the  estimates  of  the  forces  of  the  states.     Hoofd,  xiii. 
547.     Cabrera,  xii.  069.     Strada,  ix.  463,  et  mult.  al. 

{  Bor,  xii.  933.     Hoofd,  xiii.  547.     Strada,  ix.  464. 
1  Bor,  xii,  933,  934.     Strada,  ix.  464.     Hoofd,  xiii.  548. 
.5  Bor,  xii.  933.     Hoofd,  xiii.  549.     Strada,  ix.  465. 


Dutch  Republic  209 

Small  detachments  of  cavalry  had  been  sent  forward, 
under  Olivera  and  Acosta,  to  scour  the  roads  and  forests, 
and  to  disturb  all  ambuscades  which  might  have  been  pre- 
pared. From  some  stragglers  captured  by  these  officers, 
the  plans  of  the  retreating  generals  were  learned.  The 
winter's  day  was  not  far  advanced,  when  the  rearward 
columns  of  the  states'  army  were  descried  in  the  distance. 
Don  John,  making  a  selection  of  some  six  hundred  cavalry, 
all  picked  men,  with  a  thousand  infantry,  divided  the 
whole  into  two  bodies,  which  he  placed  under  command 
of  Gonzaga  and  the  famous  old  Christopher  Mondragon.1 
These  officers  received  orders  to  hang  on  the  rear  of  the 
enemy,  to  harass  him,  and  to  do  him  all  possible  damage 
consistent  with  the  possibility  of  avoiding  a  general  en- 
gagement, until  the  main  army  under  Parma  and  Don 
John  should  arrive.  The  orders  were  at  first  strictly 
obeyed.  As  the  skirmishing  grew  hotter,  however,  Gon- 
zaga observed  that  a  spirited  cavalry  officer,  named  Perotti, 
had  already  advanced,  with  a  handful  of  men,  much  further 
within  the  reach  of  the  hostile  forces  than  was  deemed 
expedient.  He  sent  hastily  to  recall  the  too  eager  chief- 
tain. The  order,  delivered  in  a  tone  more  peremptory 
.than  agreeable,  was  flatly  disobeyed.  "  Tell  Ottavio  Gon- 
zaga," said  Perotti,  "  that  I  never  yet  turned  my  back  on 
the  enemy,  nor  shall  I  now  begin.  Moreover,  were  I  ever 
so  much  inclined  to  do  so,  retreat  is  impossible."2  The 
retiring  army  was  then  proceeding  along  the  borders  of  a 
deep  ravine,  filled  with  mire  and  water,  and  as  broad  and 
more  dangerous  than  a  river.3  In  the  midst  of  the  skirm- 
ishing, Alexander  of  Parma  rode  up  to  reconnoitre.  He 
saw  at  once  that  the  columns  of  the  enemy  were  marching 
unsteadily  to  avoid  being  precipitated  into  this  creek.  He 
observed  the  waving  of  their  spears,  the  general  confusion 
of  their  ranks,  and  was  quick  to  take  advantage  of  the 
fortunate  moment.  Pointing  out  to  the  officers  about  him 
the  opportunity  thus  offered  of  attacking  the  retiring  army 
unawares  in  flank,  he  assembled,  with  great  rapidity,  the 
foremost  companies  of  cavalry  already  detached  from  the 
main  body.  Mounting  a  fresh  and  powerful  horse,  which 
Camillo  Monte  held  in  readiness  for  him,  he  signified  his 
intention  of  dashing  through  the  dangerous  ravine,  and 
dealing  a  stroke  where  it  was  least  expected.  "  Tell  Don 

1  Strada,  ix.  465,  466.     Hoofd,  xiii.  549.     Bor,  xii.  933,  sqq. 

2  Strada,  ix.  466.  3  Strada,  ubi  sup.     Bor,  xii.  934.     Hoofd,  xiii.  459. 


2io  The  Rise  of  the 

John  of  Austria,"  he  cried  to  an  officer  whom  he  sent  back 
to  the  Commander-in-chief,  "  that  Alexander  of  Parma 
has  plunged  into  the  abyss,  to  perish  there,  or  to  come 
forth  again  victorious."  x 

The  sudden  thought  was  executed  with  lightning-like 
celerity.  In  an  instant  the  bold  rider  was  already  strug- 
gling through  the  dangerous  swamp;  in  another,  his 
powerful  charger  had  carried  him  across.  Halting  for  a 
few  minutes,  lance  in  rest,2  till  his  troops  had  also  forced 
their  passage,  gained  the  level  ground  unperceived,  and 
sufficiently  breathed  their  horses,  he  drew  up  his  little 
force  in  a  compact  column.  Then,  with  a  few  words  of 
encouragement,  he  launched  them  at  the  foe.  The  violent 
and  entirely  unexpected  shock  was  even  more  successful 
than  the  Prince  had  anticipated.  The  hostile  cavalry 
reeled  and  fell  into  hopeless  confusion,  Egmont  in  vain 
striving  to  rally  them  to  resistance.  That  name  had  lost 
its  magic.  Goignies  also  attempted,  without  success,  to 
restore  order  among  the  panic-struck  ranks.  The  sudden 
conception  of  Parma,  executed  as  suddenly  and  in  so 
brilliant  a  manner,  had  been  decisive.  Assaulted  in  flank 
and  rear  at  the  same  moment,  and  already  in  temporary 
confusion,  the  cavalry  of  the  enemy  turned  their  backs 
and  fled.  The  centre  of  the  states'  army,  thus  left  exposed, 
was  now  warmly  attacked  by  Parma.  It  had,  moreover, 
been  already  thrown  into  disorder  by  the  retreat  of  its 
own  horse,  as  they  charged  through  them  in  rapid  and 
disgraceful  panic.  The  whole  army  broke  to  pieces  at 
once,3  and  so  great  was  the  trepidation,  that  the  con- 
quered troops  had  hardly  courage  to  run  away.  They 
were  utterly  incapable  of  combat.  Not  a  blow  was  struck 
by  the  fugitives.  Hardly  a  man  in  the  Spanish  ranks  was 
wounded ;  while,  in  the  course  of  an  hour  and  a  half,  the 
whole  force  of  the  enemy  was  exterminated.  It  is  impos- 
sible to  state  with  accuracy  the  exact  numbers  slain.  Some 
accounts  spoke  of  ten  thousand  killed,  or  captive,  with 
absolutely  no  loss  on  the  royal  side.4  Moreover,  this 
slaughter  was  effected,  not  by  the  army  under  Don  John, 
but  by  so  small  a  fragment  of  it,  that  some  historians 

1  Strada,  ix.  466,  467.     Hoofd,  xiii.  549. 

!  "Con  gran  valor,  la  lanca  en  puno,"  etc.,  etc. — Cabrera,  xii.  968. 

3  Strada,  Hoofd,  Bor,  ubi  sup. — Compare  Cabrera,  xii.  968,  969  ;  Meteren,  viii.  133 ; 
Haraei  Ann.,  iii.  273,  274 ;  Tassis,  iy.  293,  et  mult.  al. 

4  "  Dei  vincitori  non  mori  quasi  soldato  alcuno"  says  Bentivoglio,  "pochi  restaron 
feriti." — (Guerra  di  Fiandra,  x.  206.)    He,  however,  has  the  modesty  to  claim  but  three 
thousand  killed  on  the  states'  side,  with  a  large  number  of  prisoners. 


Dutch  Republic  211 

have  even  set  down  the  whole  number  of  royalists  engaged 
at  the  commencement  of  the  action,  at  six  hundred,  in- 
creased afterwards  to  twelve  hundred.  By  this  calculation, 
each  Spaniard  engaged  must  have  killed  ten  enemies  with 
his  own  hand;  and  that  within  an  hour  and  a  half's 
space  I1  Other  historians  more  wisely  omit  the  exact 
statistics  of  the  massacre,  and  allow  that  a  very  few  —  ten 
or  eleven,  at  most  —  were  slain  within  the  Spanish  ranks. 
This,  however,  is  the  utmost  that  is  claimed  by  even  the 
Netherland  historians,  and  it  is,  at  any  rate,  certain  that 
the  whole  states'  army  was  annihilated.2  Rarely  had  a 
more  brilliant  exploit  been  performed  by  a  handful  of 
cavalry.  To  the  distinguished  Alexander  of  Parma,  who 
improvised  so  striking  and  complete  a  victory  out  of  a 
fortuitous  circumstance,  belonged  the  whole  credit  of  the 
day,  for  his  quick  eye  detected  a  passing  weakness  of  the 
enemy,  and  turned  it  to  terrible  account  with  the  prompt- 
ness which  comes  from  genius  alone.  A  whole  army  was 
overthrown.  Everything  belonging  to  the  enemy  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Spaniards.  Thirty-four  standards,  many 
field-pieces,  much  camp  equipage,  and  ammunition,  besides 
some  seven  or  eight  thousand  dead  bodies,  and  six  hun- 
dred living  prisoners,  were  the  spoils  of  that  winter's  day.3 
Of  the  captives,  some  were  soon  afterwards  hurled  off  the 
bridge  at  Namur,  and  drowned  like  dogs  in  the  Meuse,4 
while  the  rest  were  all  hanged,5  none  escaping  with  life. 

1  "  Siquidem  k  sexcentis  equitibus  (tot  enim  incepere  aucti  dein  ad  mille  ac  ducentos, 
confecere  pugnam)  peditum  ntillia  omnino  decent,  partim  coesa,  partim  capta,  ac  reliquus 
exercitus   non  minor   octo  bellatorum   millibus  sesquihorte  spatio  (!  !)  ;   desideratis  ex 
Regiis  tantum  modo  novem,  profligatus  est."  —  Strada,  ix.  468.     Rather  too  warm  work 
even  for  the  3ist  of  January. 

2  According  to  Tassis  (iv.  294)  seven  thousand  of  the  states'  army  were  killed  or 
captured  (the  prisoners  afterwards  having  been  drowned),  while  only  ten  royalists  were 
killed  or  wounded.     According  to  Haraeus  (iii,  274),  eight  thousand  of  the  states'  army 
were  slain  by  two  thousand  royalist  troops  (being  four  men  apiece  for  each  royalist).     He 
does  not  state  that  any  of  the  King's  soldiers  were  slain,  or  even  wounded.     According  to 
Cabrera  (xii.  968),  there  were  more  than  seven  thousand  of  the  Netherland  army  killed  or 
taken  (the  number  of  the  prisoners  being  nowhere  stated  at  more  than  six  hundred,  nil  of 
whom  were  afterwards  drowned  or  hanged),  while  of  the  Spanish  troops  two  were  killed 
and  five  were  wounded.     According  to  Bor,  thirty  companies  were  slain,  and  six  hundred 
men  taken  prisoners,  rn  the  states'  side,  while  Don  John  lost  but  ten  or  twelve  men. 
Hoofd  accepts  the  absurd  statistics  of  Strada  ;  repeating  after  that  historian,  that  "  twelve 
hundred  Spaniards  killed  six,  eight,  nay  even  ten  thousand  of  the  states'  army,  within  one 
hour  and  a  half,  with  a  loss  of  but  ten  men  on  their  own  side  "  (xiii.  550).     Van  Meteren, 
alone,  in  the  teeth  of  all  the  evidence,  doggedly  maintains  that  it  was  not  much  of  a  victory 
after  all,  and  that  there  were  not  many  states'  soldiers  slain  in  the  action.  —  "  Het  gethal 
der  verslagenen  war  niet  seer  groot."  —  viii.   133.     A  contemporary,  and  living  near  the 

but  we  have  often 


p.,  et  mult.  al. 
Tassis,  iv.  294. 

6  Bor,  xii.  934.     Hoofd,  xiii.  555.  —  The  latter  historian  states  that  six  hundred  prisoners 
were  hanged  at  Namur.     Cabrera,  on  the  contrary,  asserts  that  Don  John  liberated  the 


212  The  Rise  of  the 

Don  John's  clemency  was  not  superior  to  that  of  his 
sanguinary  predecessors. 

And  so  another  proof  was  added — if  proofs  were  still 
necessary — of  Spanish  prowess.  The  Netherlanders  may 
be  pardoned  if  their  foes  seemed  to  them  supernatural, 
and  almost  invulnerable.  How  else  could  these  enormous 
successes  be  accounted  for?  How  else  could  thousands 
fall  before  the  Spanish  swords,  while  hardly  a  single 
Spanish  corpse  told  of  effectual  resistance?  At  Jemmiii- 
gen,  Alva  had  lost  seven  soldiers,  and  slain  seven  thou- 
sand ;  in  the  Antwerp  Fury,  two  hundred  Spaniards,  at 
most,  had  fallen,  while  eight  thousand  burghers  and 
states'  troops  had  been  butchered;  and  now  at  Gemblours, 
six,  seven,  eight,  ten — Heaven  knew  how  many — thou- 
sands had  been  exterminated,  and  hardly  a  single  Spaniard 
had  been  slain  !  Undoubtedly,  the  first  reason  for  this 
result  was  the  superiority  of  the  Spanish  soldiers.  They 
were  the  boldest,  the  best  disciplined,  the  most  experienced 
in  the  world.  Their  audacity,  promptness,  and  ferocity 
made  them  almost  invincible.  In  this  particular  action, 
at  least  half  the  army  of  Don  John  was  composed  of 
Spanish  or  Spanish-Italian  veterans.  Moreover,  they  were 
commanded  by  the  most  renowned  captains  of  the  age — 
by  Don  John  himself,  and  Alexander  of  Parma,  sustained 
by  such  veterans  as  Mondragon,  the  hero  of  the  memor- 
able submarine  expeditions ;  Mendoza,  the  accomplished 
cavalry  officer,  diplomatist,  and  historian;  and  Mansfeld, 
of  whom  Don  John  had  himself  written  to  the  King  that 
his  Majesty  had  not  another  officer  of  such  account  in  all 
the  Netherlands.1  Such  officers  as  these,  besides  Gonzaga, 
Camillo  Monte,  Mucio  Pagano,  at  the  head  of  such  troops 
as  fought  that  day  under  the  banner  of  the  Cross,  might 
go  far  in  accounting  for  this  last  and  most  tremendous 
victory  of  the  inquisition.  On  the  other  hand,  although 
Bossu  and  Champagny  were  with  the  states'  army,  yet 
their  hearts  were  hardly  with  the  cause.  Both  had  long 
been  loyal,  and  had  earned  many  laurels  against  the  rebels, 

Scotch  prisoners  :  "  a  Seiscientos  Escoseses  presos  dio  libertad  Don  Juan,  mostrando  su 
clemencia."  To  this  very  gratuitous  assertion  it  is  a  sufficient  answer  that  Tassis,  who 
was  on  the  spot,  a  leading  privy  councillor  of  Don  John,  expressly  states  that  of  the 
captives  the  greater  part,  who  were  Scotch,  were  thrown  off  Namur  Bridge  into  the  river. 
"  Ac  capti,  quorum  magna  pars,  qui  Schoti  erant,  ex  ponte  Namuriensi  in  fluvium  postea 
praecipitati." — iv.  294. — Compare  Haraei  Ann.,  iii.  274,  where  it  is  stated  that  all  the 
prisoners  were  hanged  ; — "  extemplo  suspendio  necantur." 

1  "  Y  que  no  tiene  aqui  otro  hombre  de  su  estado." — Letter  of  Don  John  to  Philip, 
Discours  Sommier,  p.  37,  appendix. 


Dutch  Republic  213 

while  Champagny  was  still  devoutly  a  Papist,  and  wavered 
painfully  between  his  hatred  to  heresy  and  to  Spain. 
Egmont  and  De  Heze  were  raw,  unpractised  lads,  in  whom 
genius  did  not  come  to  supply  the  place  of  experience. 
The  commander,  De  Goignies,  was  a  veteran,  but  a  veteran 
who  had  never  gained  much  glory,  and  the  chiefs  of  the 
cavalry,  infantry,  and  artillery,  were  absent  at  the  Brussels 
wedding.  The  news  of  this  additional  massacre  inflicted 
upon  a  nation,  for  which  Berghen  and  Montigny  had  laid 
down  their  lives,  was  the  nuptial  benediction  for  Berghen 's 
heiress ;  for  it  was  to  the  chief  wedding  guests  upon  that 
occasion  that  the  disaster  was  justly  attributed.  The  rank 
and  file  of  the  states'  army  were  mainly  mercenaries,  with 
whom  the  hope  of  plunder  was  the  prevailing  motive;  the 
chief  commanders  were  absent;  while  those  officers  who 
were  with  the  troops  were  neither  heartily  friendly  to  their 
own  flag,  nor  sufficiently  experienced  to  make  it  respected. 


CHAPTER    V 

Towns  taken  by  Don  John — Wrath  excited  against  the  aristocratic  party  by  the  recent 
defeat — Attempts  upon  Amsterdam — "  Satisfaction  "  of  Amsterdam  and  its  effects — 
De  Selles  sent  with  royal  letters  from  Spain — Terms  offered  by  Philip — Proclamation 
of  Don  John — Correspondence  between  De  Selles  and  the  States-General — Between 
the  King  and  the  Governor-General — New  forces  raised  by  the  States — St.  Aldegonde 
at  the  Diet — Municipal  revolution  in  Amsterdam — The  Prince's  letter  on  the  subject 
of  the  Anabaptists  of  Middelburg — The  two  armies  inactive — De  la  Noue — Action  at 
Rijnemants — John  Casimir — Perverse  politics  of  Queen  Elizabeth— Alengon  in  the 
Netherlands — Portrait  of  the  Duke — Orange's  position  in  regard  to  him — Avowed 
and  supposed  policy  of  the  French  Court — Anger  of  Elizabeth — Terms  arranged 
between  Alengon  and  the  Estates — Renewed  negotiations  with  Don  John — Severe 
terms  offered  him — Interview  of  the  English  envoys  with  the  Governor — Despondency 
of  Don  John — Orange's  attempts  to  enforce  a  religious  peace — His  isolation  in  senti- 
ment— The  malcontent  party — Count  John  Governor  of  Gelderland — Proposed  form 
of  religious  peace — Proclamation  to  that  effect  by  Orange,  in  Antwerp — A  petition  in 
favour  of  the  Roman  Church  presented  by  Champagny  and  other  Catholic  nobles  to 
the  States-General — Consequent  commotion  in  Brussels — Champagny  and  others  im- 
prisoned— Indolence  and  poverty  of  the  two  armies — Illness  and  melancholy  of  Don 
John — His  letters  to  Doria,  to  Mendoza,  and  to  the  King — Death  of  Don  John — 
Suspicions  of  poison — Pompous  burial— Removal  of  his  body  to  Spain — Concluding 
remarks  upon  his  character. 

DON  JOHN  having  thus  vindicated  his  own  military  fame 
and  the  amazing  superiority  of  the  Spanish  arms,  followed 
up  his  victory  by  the  rapid  reduction  of  many  towns  of 
second-rate  importance.  Louvain,  Judoigne,  Tirlemont, 
Aerschot,  Bouvignes,  Sichem,  Nivelle,  Roeux,  Soignies, 
Binch,  Beaumont,  Walcourt,  Maubeuge,  and  Chimay, 
either  submitted  to  their  conqueror,  or  were  taken  after 


214  The  Rise  of  the 

short  sieges.  The  usual  atrocities  were  inflicted  upon  the 
unfortunate  inhabitants  of  towns  where  resistance  was 
attempted,  The  commandant  of  Sichem  was  hanged  out 
of  his  own  window,  along  with  several  chief  burghers  and 
officers,  while  the  garrison  was  put  to  the  sword,  and  the 
bodies  cast  into  the  Demer.  The  only  crime  committed 
by  these  unfortunates  was  to  have  ventured  a  blow  or 
two  in  behalf  of  the  firesides  which  they  were  employed  to 
protect.1 

In  Brussels,  on  the  other  hand,  there  was  less  consterna- 
tion excited  by  these  events  than  boundless  rage  against 
the  aristocratic  party,  for  the  defeat  of  Gemblours  was 
attributed,  with  justice,  to  the  intrigues  and  the  incapacity 
of  the  Catholic  magnates.  It  was  with  difficulty  that 
Orange,  going  about  by  night  from  house  to  house,  from 
street  to  street,  succeeded  in  calming  the  indignation  of 
the  people,  and  in  preventing  them  from  sweeping  in  a 
mass  to  the  residences  of  the  leading  nobles,  in  order  to 
inflict  summary  vengeance  on  the  traitors.  All  looked  to 
the  Prince  as  their  only  saviour,  not  a  thought  nor  a  word 
being  wasted  upon  Matthias.  Not  a  voice  was  raised  in  the 
assembly  to  vindicate  the  secret  proceedings  of  the  Catholic 
party,  nor  to  oppose  the  measures  which  the  Prince  might 
suggest.2  The  terrible  disaster  had  taught  the  necessity 
of  union.  All  parties  heartily  joined  in  the  necessary  steps 
to  place  the  capital  in  a  state  of  complete  defence,  and  to 
assemble  forthwith  new  troops  to  take  the  place  of  the 
army  just  annihilated.  The  victor  gained  nothing  by  his 
victory,  in  comparison  with  the  profit  acquired  by  the 
states  through  their  common  misfortune.  Nor  were  all  the 
towns  which  had  recently  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Don 
John  at  all  comparable  in  importance  to  the  city  of  Amster- 
dam, which  now,  by  a  most  timely  arrangement,  furnished 
a  rich  compensation  to  the  national  party  for  the  disaster 
of  Gemblours. 

Since  the  conclusion  of  the  Ghent  Pacification,  it  had 
been  the  most  earnest  wish  of  the  Prince,  and  of  Holland 
and  Zeland,  to  recover  possession  of  this  most  important 
city.  The  wish  was  naturally  shared  by  every  true  patriot 

1  Bor,  xii.  934,  sqq.     Hoofd,  xiii.  551.     Meteren,  viii.  133.     Strada,  ix.  473. — "Alex- 
ander omissa  intempestiva  benignitate"  says  the  professed  panegyrist  of  the  Farnese 
family — "  ex  ipsa  arce  decem  palam  suspendi,  reliquos  (centum  circiter  ac  septuaginta) 
noctu  jugulatos  in  subjectum  amnem  projici  jubet." 

2  Reidani  Ann.,   ii.   22.     "  Ne   quidem  habuisse  rationem   Archiducis   Matthise   sed 
Orangius  eum  (populum)  subtraxit  periculo."— Languet,  Ep.   Sccr.  I.,  ii.  p.  347.     Bor, 
xii.  935.     Languet  ad  Sydn.,  p.  314,  317,  329. 


Dutch  Republic  215 

in  the  states-general.  It  had,  however,  been  extremely 
difficult  to  arrange  the  terms  of  the  "  Satisfaction."  Every 
fresh  attempt  at  an  amicable  compromise  was  wrecked 
upon  the  obstinate  bigotry  of  the  leading  civic  authorities. 
They  would  make  no  agreement  to  accept  the  authority 
of  Orange,  except,  as  Sainte  Aldegonde  expressed  himself, 
upon  terms  which  would  enable  them  "  to  govern  their 
governor."  l  The  influence  of  the  monks,  who  were  resi- 
dent in  large  numbers  within  the  city,  and  of  the  magis- 
trates, who  were  all  stanch  Catholics,  had  been  hitherto 
sufficient  to  outweigh  the  efforts  made  by  the  large  masses 
of  the  reformed  religionists  composing  the  bulk  of  the 
population.  It  was,  however,  impossible  to  allow  Amster- 
dam to  remain  in  this  isolated  and  hostile  attitude  to  the 
rest  of  Holland.  The  Prince,  having  promised  to  use  no 
coercion,  and  loyally  adhering  to  his  pledge,  had  only 
with  extreme  difficulty  restrained  the  violence  of  the 
Hollanders  and  Zelanders,  who  were  determined,  by 
fair  means  or  foul,  to  restore  the  capital  city  to  its  natural 
place  within  his  stadholderate.  He  had  been  obliged,  on 
various  occasions,  particularly  on  the  2ist  of  October  of 
the  preceding  year,  to  address  a  most  decided  and  peremp- 
tory letter  to  the  states  of  Holland  and  Zeland,  for- 
bidding the  employment  of  hostile  measures  against 
Amsterdam.2  His  commands  had  been  reluctantly, 
partially,  and  only  temporarily  obeyed.  The  states  de- 
sisted from  their  scheme  of  reducing  the  city  by  famine, 
but  they  did  not  the  less  encourage  the  secret  and  un- 
official expeditions  which  were  daily  set  on  foot  to 
accomplish  the  annexation  by  a  sudden  enterprise. 

Late  in  November,  a  desperate  attempt 3  had  been  made 
by  Colonel  Helling,  in  conjunction  with  Governor  Sonoy, 
to  carry  the  city  by  surprise.  The  force  which  the  adven- 
turer collected  for  the  purpose  was  inadequate,  and  his 
plans  were  unskilfully  arranged.  He  was  himself  slain  in 
the  streets,  at  the  very  commencement  of  the  action; 
whereupon,  in  the  quaint  language  of  the  contemporary 
chronicler,  "  the  hearts  of  his  soldiers  sank  in  their 
shoes,"  and  they  evacuated  the  city  with  much  greater 
rapidity  than  they  had  entered  it.4  The  Prince  was  in- 
dignant at  these  violent  measures,  which  retarded  rather 

1  Archives  et  Correspondance,  vi.  117. 

2  Bor,  xl  897,  898.  8  Ibid.,  906-908. 

4  "  En  het  hort  sonk  de  soldaaden  in  de  schoen  ;   so  men  seid,"  etc.— Bor,  xi.  9080. 
Hoofd,  xii.  537,  538. 


216  The  Rise  of  the 

than  advanced  the  desired  consummation.  At  the  same 
time  it  was  an  evil  of  immense  magnitude — this  anomal- 
ous condition  of  his  capital.  Ceaseless  schemes  were 
concerted  by  the  municipal  and  clerical  conspirators  within 
its  walls,  and  various  attempts  were  known,  at  different 
times,  to  have  been  contemplated  by  Don  John,  to  inflict 
a  home-thrust  upon  the  provinces  of  Holland  and  Zeland 
at  the  most  vulnerable  and  vital  point.  The  "  Satisfac- 
tion "  accepted  by  Utrecht,1  in  the  autumn  of  1577,  had, 
however,  paved  the  way  for  the  recovery  of  Amsterdam ; 
so  that  upon  the  8th  of  February,  1578,  certain  deputies 
from  Utrecht  succeeded  at  last  in  arranging-  terms,  which 
were  accepted  by  the  sister  city.2  The  basis  of  the  treaty 
was,  as  usual,  the  nominal  supremacy  of  the  Catholic  re- 
ligion, with  toleration  for  the  reformed  worship.  The 
necessary  effect  would  be,  as  in  Harlem,  Utrecht,  and 
other  places,  to  establish  the  new  religion  upon  an  entire 
equality  with  the  old.  It  was  arranged  that  no  congrega- 
tions were  to  be  disturbed  in  their  religious  exercises  in 
the  places  respectively  assigned  to  them.  Those  of  the 
reformed  faith  were  to  celebrate  their  worship  without 
the  walls.  They  were,  however,  to  enjoy  the  right  of 
burying  their  dead  within  these  precincts,  and  it  is  singu- 
lar how  much  importance  was  attached  at  that  day  to  a 
custom,  at  which  the  common  sentiment  and  the  common 
sense  of  modern  times  revolt.  "  To  bury  our  dead  within 
our  own  cities  is  a  right  hardly  to  be  denied  to  a  dog," 
said  the  Prince  of  Orange  ;3  and  accordingly  this  right 
was  amply  secured  by  the  new  Satisfaction  of  Amster- 
dam. It  was,  however,  stipulated  that  the  funerals  should 
be  modest,  and  attended  by  no  more  than  twenty-four 
persons  at  once.4  The  treaty  was  hailed  with  boundless 
joy  in  Holland  and  Zeland,  while  countless  benedictions 
were  invoked  upon  the  "  blessed  peace-makers,"  as  the 
Utrecht  deputies  walked  through  the  streets  of  Amster- 
dam.5 There  is  no  doubt  that  the  triumph  thus  achieved 
by  the  national  party  far  counterbalanced  the  Governor- 
General's  victory  at  Gemblours. 

Meantime,   the   Seigneur  de   Selles,   brother  of  the  de- 
ceased Noircarmes,  had  arrived  from  Spain.6    He  was  the 

1  Bor,  xi.  893-896. 

2  The  twenty-four  articles  of  the  "  Satisfactie"  are  given  at  length  in  Bor,  xi.  924-926. 

3  Bor,  xi.  8ioa. — " Die  men  schier  den  honden  niet  en  soude  konnen  ontseggen," 

etc.,  etc.  4  Satisfactie,  in  Bor,  xii.  924,  926,  Art.  i  ;  also  Hoofd,  xiii.  554-558. 

5  Bor,  xii.  926.  6  Ibid.,  xii.  938.     Hoofd,  xiii.  558. 


Dutch  Republic  217 

special  bearer  of  a  letter  from  the  King  to  the  states- 
general,  written  in  reply  to  their  communications  of  the 
24th  of  August  and  8th  of  September  of  the  previous  year. 
The  tone  of  the  royal  despatch  l  was  very  affectionate, 
the  substance  such  as  entirely  to  justify  the  whole  policy 
of  Orange.  It  was  obvious  that  he  had  been  correct  in 
refusing  to  be  moved  to  the  right  or  the  left  by  the 
specious  language  of  Philip's  former  letters,  or  by  the 
apparent  frankness  of  Don  John.  No  doubt  the  Governor 
had  been  sincere  in  his  desire  for  peace,  but  the  Prince 
knew  very  well  his  incapacity  to  confer  that  blessing. 

Orange  was  willing  to  lay  down  his  arms  if  he  could 
receive  security  for  the  reformed  worship.  He  had  no 
desire  to  exterminate  the  ancient  religion,  but  he  meant 
also  to  protect  the  new  against  extermination.  Such 
security,  he  felt,  would  never  be  granted,  and  he  had 
therefore  resolutely  refused  to  hearken  to  Don  John,  for 
he  was  sure  that  peace  with  him  was  impossible.  The 
letters  now  produced  by  De  Selles  confirmed  his  positions 
completely.  The  King  said  not  a  word  concerning  the 
appointment  of  a  new  governor-general,  but  boldly  in- 
sisted upon  the  necessity  of  maintaining  the  two  cardinal 
points — his  royal  supremacy,  and  the  Catholic  religion 
upon  the  basis  adopted  by  his  father,  the  Emperor  Charles 
the  Fifth.  2 

This  was  the  whole  substance  of  his  communication  : 
the  supremacy  of  royalty  and  of  papacy  as  in  the  time  of 
Charles  the  Fifth.  These  cabalistic  words  were  repeated 
twice  in  the  brief  letter  to  the  estates.  They  were  re- 
peated five  times  in  the  instructions  furnished  by  his 
Majesty  to  De  Selles.3  The  letter  and  the  instructions 
indeed  contained  nothing  else.  The  Prince  and  the  states- 
general  spurned  such  pacific  overtures,  and  preferred 
rather  to  gird  themselves  for  the  combat. 

That  there  might  be  no  mistake  about  the  matter,  Don 
John,  immediately  after  receiving  the  letter,  issued  a  pro- 
clamation to  enforce  the  King's  command.  He  mentioned 
it  as  an  acknowledged  fact  that  the  states-general  had 
long  ago  sworn  the  maintenance  of  the  two  points  of 
royal  and  Catholic  supremacy,  according  to  the  practice 
under  the  Emperor  Charles.4  The  states  instantly  pub- 

1  See  the  letter  in  Bor,  xii.  938. 

2  Letter  of  the  King,  December  18,  1577,  in  Bor,  xii.  938. 

3  The  instructions  are  likewise  in  Bor,  xii.  939. 

4  Proclamation,  or  Letters  Patent,  in  Bor,  xii  940. 


218  The  Rise  of  the 

lished  an  indignant  rejoinder,  affirming-  the  indisputable 
truth,  that  they  had  sworn  to  the  maintenance  of  the 
Ghent  Pacification,  and  proclaiming  the  assertion  of  Don 
John  an  infamous  falsehood.  It  was  an  outrage  upon 
common  sense,  they  said,  that  the  Ghent  Treaty  could  be 
tortured  into  sanctioning  the  placards  and  the  inquisition, 
evils  which  that  sacred  instrument  had  been  expressly  in- 
tended to  crush.1 

A  letter  was  then  formally  addressed  to  his  Majesty,  in 
the  name  of  the  Archduke  Matthias  and  of  the  estates, 
demanding  the  recall  of  Don  John,  and  the  maintenance  of 
the  Ghent  Pacification.2  De  Selles,  in  reply,  sent  a  brief, 
deprecatory  paper,  enclosing  a  note  from  Don  John,  which 
the  envoy  acknowledged  might  seem  somewhat  harsh  in  its 
expressions.  The  letter  contained,  indeed,  a  sufficiently 
fierce  and  peremptory  summons  to  the  states  to  obey  the 
King's  commands  with  regard  to  the  system  of  Charles 
the  Fifth,  according  to  their  previous  agreement,  together 
with  a  violent  declaration  of  the  Governor's  displeasure 
that  they  had  dared  to  solicit  the  aid  of  foreign  princes.3 
On  the  1 8th  of  February  came  a  proposition  from  De 
Selles  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  should  place  himself  in 
the  hands  of  Don  John,  while  the  Prince  of  Parma,  alone 
and  without  arms,  would  come  before  the  assembly,  to 
negotiate  with  them  upon  these  matters.4  The  reply  re- 
turned by  the  states-general  to  this  absurd  suggestion 
expressed  their  regret  that  the  son  of  the  Duchess  Mar- 
garet should  have  taken  part  with  the  enemy  of  the 
Netherlanders,  complained  of  the  bull  by  which  the  Pope 
had  invited  war  against  them  as  if  they  had  been  Saracens, 
repeated  their  most  unanswerable  argument — that  the 
Ghent  Pacification  had  established  a  system  directly  the 
reverse  of  that  which  existed  under  Charles  the  Fifth — 
and  affirmed  their  resolution  never  more  to  submit  to 
Spanish  armies,  executioners,  edicts,  or  inquisitions,  and 
never  more  to  return  to  the  principles  of  the  Emperor  and 
of  Alva.5  To  this  diplomatic  correspondence  succeeded 
a  war  of  words  and  of  pamphlets,  some  of  them  very 
inflammatory  and  very  eloquent.  Meantime,  the  prepara- 
tions for  active  hostilities  were  proceeding  daily.  The 
Prince  of  Orange,  through  his  envoys  in  England,  had 
arranged  for  subsidies  in  the  coming  campaign,  and  for 

1  Bor,  xii.  939,  940.  2  In  Bor,  xii.  940. 

8  Bor,  xii.  940,  941.  4  In  Bor,  xii.  942. 

6  Letter  of  states-general,  Feb.  28,  1578,  in  Bor,  xii.  942,  sqq. 


Dutch  Republic  219 

troops  which  were  to  be  led  to  the  Netherlands,  under 
Duke  Casimir  of  the  palatinate.  He  sent  commissioners 
through  the  provinces  to  raise  the  respective  contribu- 
tions agreed  upon,  besides  an  extraordinary  quota  of  four 
hundred  thousand  guilders  monthly.  He  also  negotiated 
a  loan  of  a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  guilders  from 
the  citizens  of  Antwerp.  Many  new  taxes  were  imposed 
by  his  direction,  both  upon  income  and  upon  consump- 
tion. By  his  advice,  however,  and  with  the  consent  of 
the  states-general,  the  provinces  of  Holland  and  Zeland 
held  no  community  of  burthens  with  the  other  provinces, 
but  of  their  own  free  will  contributed  more  than  the  sums 
for  which  they  would  have  been  assessed.  Mr.  Leyton, 
who  was  about  to  return  from  his  unsuccessful  mission 
from  Elizabeth  to  Don  John,  was  requested  by  the  states- 
general  to  convey  to  her  Majesty  a  faithful  report  of  the 
recent  correspondence,  and  especially  of  the  language 
held  by  the  Governor-General.  He  was  also  urged  to 
use  his  influence  with  the  Queen  to  the  end  that  her 
promises  of  assistance  might  be  speedily  fulfilled.1 

Troops  were  rapidly  enrolled,  and  again,  by  the  same 
honest  but  mistaken  policy,  the  chief  offices  were  conferred 
upon  the  great  nobles — Aerschot,  Champagny,  Bossu,  Eg- 
mont,  Lalain,  the  Viscount  of  Ghent,  Baron  de  Ville,  and 
many  others,  most  of  whom  were  to  desert  the  cause  in 
the  hour  of  its  need.  On  the  other  hand,  Don  John  was 
proceeding  with  his  military  preparations  upon  an  exten- 
sive scale.  The  King  had  recently  furnished  him  with  one 
million  nine  hundred  thousand  dollars,  and  had  promised 
to  provide  him  with  two  hundred  thousand  more,  monthly. 
With  these  funds  his  Majesty  estimated  that  an  army  of 
thirty  thousand  foot,  sixteen  thousand  cavalry,  and  thirty 
pieces  of  artillery,  could  be  levied  and  kept  on  foot.  If 
more  remittances  should  prove  to  be  necessary,  it  was  pro- 
mised that  they  should  be  forthcoming.2 

This  was  the  result  of  many  earnest  remonstrances  made 
by  the  Governor  concerning  the  dilatory  policy  of  the 
King.  Wearied  with  being  constantly  ordered  "  to  blow 
hot  and  cold  with  the  same  breath,"3  he  had  insisted 
that  his  Majesty  should  select  the  hot  or  the  cold,  and 
furnish  him  with  the  means  of  enforcing  the  choice.  For 

1  Eor,  xii.  948,  949.  2  Letter  of  Philip,  in  Cabrera,  xiL  978. 

3  "  Sin  encargar  me  que  soplo  frio  y  caliente,  porque  no  lo  comporta  el  negocio,  sino 
qne  bien  lo  uno  6  lo  otro,"  etc.,  etc. — Carta  del  S.  D.  Juan  al  Rey,  mano  propria,  MS. 
bib-  de  Bourg. ,  No.  xvii.  385. 


220  The  Rise  of  the 

himself,  Don  John  assured  his  brother  that  the  hottest 
measures  were  most  to  his  taste,  and  most  suitable  to 
the  occasion.  Fire  and  sword  could  alone  save  the  royal 
authority,  for  all  the  provinces  had  "  abandoned  them- 
selves, body  and  soul,  to  the  greatest  heretic  and  tyrant 
that  prince  ever  had  for  vassal."1  Unceasing  had  been 
the  complaints  and  entreaties  of  the  Captain-General, 
called  forth  by  the  apathy  or  irresolution  of  Philip.  It 
was  only  by  assuring  him  that  the  Netherlands  actually 
belonged  to  Orange,  that  the  monarch  could  be  aroused. 
"His  they  are,  and  none  other's,"2  said  the  Governor, 
dolefully.  The  King  had  accordingly  sent  back  De 
Billy,  Don  John's  envoy,  with  decided  injunctions  to  use 
force  and  energy  to  put  down  the  revolt  at  once,  and 
with  an  intimation  that  funds  might  be  thenceforth  more 
regularly  depended  upon,  as  the  Indian  fleets  were 
expected  in  July.  Philip  also  advised  his  brother  to 
employ  a  portion  of  his  money  in  purchasing  the  governors 
and  principal  persons  who  controlled  the  cities  and  other 
strong  places  belonging  to  the  states.3 

Meantime,  Don  John  thundered  forth  a  manifesto  which 
had  been  recently  prepared  in  Madrid,  by  which  the 
estates,  both  general  and  particular,  were  ordered  forth- 
with to  separate,  and  forbidden  to  assemble  again,  except 
by  especial  licence.  All  commissions,  civil  or  military, 
granted  by  states'  authority,  were  moreover  annulled,  to- 
gether with  a  general  prohibition  of  any  act  of  obedience 
to  such  functionaries,  and  of  contribution  to  any  imposts 
which  might  be  levied  by  their  authority.4  Such  thunders 
were  now  comparatively  harmless,  for  the  states  had 
taken  their  course,  and  were  busily  engaged,  both  at 
home  and  abroad,  in  arming  for  the  conflict.  Sainte  Alde- 
gonde  was  deputed  to  attend  the  Imperial  diet,  then  in 
session  at  Worms,  where  he  delivered  an  oration,  which 
was  very  celebrated  in  its  day  as  a  composition,  but  which 
can  hardly  be  said  to  have  produced  much  practical  effect. 
The  current  was  setting  hard  in  Germany  against  the 
reformed  religion  and  against  the  Netherland  cause,  the 
Augsburg  Confessionists  showing  hardly  more  sympathy 
with  Dutch  Calvinists  than  with  Spanish  Papists.5 

1  "  Estas  gentes  scan  dado  y  entregado  ya  de  todo  punto  a  la  obediencia  y  sucesion  del 
mayor  herese  y  tiranno  que  truvo  nunca  principe  por  vasallo." — Carta  del  S.  D.  Juan  al 
Rey,  mano  propria,  MS.  Bib.  de  Bour?.,  No.  xvii.  385. 

2  " Solamente  del  P.  de  Oranxes,  que  suyas  son  y  no  de  otro,"  etc. — Ibid. 

3  Letter  of  Don  John,  MS.  Bib.  de  Bourg. — Compare  Cabrera,  xii.  978. 

<  Proclamation  in  Bor,  xii.  946,  947. — Compare  Cabrera,  xii.  978,  979  ;  Hoofd,  xii.  560. 
6  Bor,  xii.  953-960. 


Dutch  Republic  221 

Envoys  from  Don  John  also  attended  the  diet,  and  re- 
quested Sainte  Aldegonde  to  furnish  them  with  a  copy  of 
his  oration.  This  he  declined  to  do.  While  in  Germany, 
Sainte  Aldegonde  was  informed  by  John  Casimir  that  Duke 
Charles  of  Sweden  had  been  solicited  to  furnish  certain 
ships  of  war  for  a  contemplated  operation  against 
Amsterdam.1  The  Duke  had  himself  given  information 
of  this  plot  to  the  Prince  Palatine.  It  was  therefore 
natural  that  Sainte  Aldegonde  should  forthwith  despatch 
the  intelligence  to  his  friends  in  the  Netherlands,  warn- 
ing them  of  the  dangers  still  to  be  apprehended  from 
the  machinations  of  the  Catholic  agents  and  functionaries 
in  Amsterdam;  for  although  the  Reformation  had  made 
rapid  progress  in  that  important  city  since  the  conclu- 
sion of  the  Satisfaction,  yet  the  magistracy  remained 
Catholic.2 

William  Bardez,  son  of  a  former  high-sheriff,  a  warm 
partizan  of  Orange  and  of  the  "  religion,"  had  already 
determined  to  overthrow  that  magistracy  and  to  expel 
the  friars  who  infested  the  city.  The  recent  information 
despatched  by  Sainte  Aldegonde  confirmed  him  in  his  pur- 
pose. There  had  been  much  wrangling  between  the 
Popish  functionaries  and  those  of  the  reformed  religion 
concerning  the  constitution  of  the  burgher  guard.  The 
Calvinists  could  feel  no  security  for  their  own  lives,  or 
the  repose  of  the  commonwealth  of  Holland,  unless  they 
were  themselves  allowed  a  full  participation  in  the  govern- 
ment of  those  important  bands.  They  were,  moreover, 
dissatisfied  with  the  assignment  which  had  been  made 
of  the  churchyards  to  the  members  of  their  communion. 
These  causes  of  discord  had  maintained  a  general  irrita- 
tion among  the  body  of  the  inhabitants,  and  were  now 
used  as  pretexts  by  Bardez  for  his  design.  He  knew  the 
city  to  be  ripe  for  the  overthrow  of  the  magistracy,  and 
he  had  arranged  with  Governor  Sonoy  to  be  furnished 
with  a  sufficient  number  of  well-tried  soldiers,  who  were 
to  be  concealed  in  the  houses  of  the  confederates.  A 
large  number  of  citizens  were  also  ready  to  appear  at 
his  bidding  with  arms  in  their  hands.3 

On  the  24th  of  May,  he  wrote  to  Sonoy,  begging  him  to 
hold  himself  in  readiness,  as  all  was  prepared  within  the 
city.  At  the  same  time  he  requested  the  Governor  to 

1  Bor,  xii.  952.     Hoofd,  xiii.  565.  2  Bor,  xii.  952. 

3  Ibid,,  xii.  953.     Hoofd,  xiii.  569.     Wagenaer,  Vad.  Hist.,  vii.  205. 


222  The  Rise  of  the 

send  him  forthwith  a  "  morion  and  a  buckler  of  proof;" 
for  he  intended  to  see  the  matter  fairly  through.1  Sonoy 
answered  encouragingly,  and  sent  him  the  armour,  as 
directed.  On  the  28th  of  May,  Bardez,  with  four  con- 
federates, went  to  the  council-room,  to  remonstrate  with 
the  senate  concerning  the  grievances  which  had  been  so 
often  discussed.  At  about  mid-day,  one  of  the  confeder- 
ates, upon  leaving  the  council-room,  stepped  out  for  a 
moment  upon  the  balcony,  which  looked  towards  the 
public  square.  Standing  there  for  a  moment,  he  gravely 
removed  his  hat,  and  then  as  gravely  replaced  it  upon 
his  head.  This  was  a  preconcerted  signal.  At  the  next 
instant  a  sailor  was  seen  to  rush  across  the  square,  waving 
a  flag  in  both  hands.  "  All  ye  who  love  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  take  heart  and  follow  me!"  he  shouted.2  In 
a  moment  the  square  was  alive.  Soldiers  and  armed 
citizens  suddenly  sprang  forth,  as  if  from  the  bowels  of 
the  earth.  Bardez  led  a  strong  force  directly  into  the 
council-chamber,  and  arrested  every  one  of  the  astonished 
magistrates.  At  the  same  time,  his  confederates  had 
scoured  the  town  and  taken  every  friar  in  the  city  into 
custody.  Monks  and  senators  were  then  marched 
solemnly  down  towards  the  quay,  where  a  vessel  was  in 
readiness  to  receive  them.  "  To  the  gallows  with  them 
— to  the  gallows  with  them!"  shouted  the  populace,  as 
they  passed  along.  "  To  the  gibbet,  whither  they  have 
brought  many  a  good  fellow  before  his  time!"  Such 
were  the  openly-expressed  desires  of  their  fellow-citizens, 
as  these  dignitaries  and  holy  men  proceeded  to  what  they 
believed  their  doom.  Although  treated  respectfully  by 
those  who  guarded  them,  they  were  filled  with  trepida- 
tion, for  they  believed  the  execrations  of  the  populace  the 
harbingers  of  their  fate.  As  they  entered  the  vessel,  they 
felt  convinced  that  a  watery  death  had  been  substituted 
for  the  gibbet.  Poor  old  Heinrich  Dirckzoon,  ex-burgo- 
master, pathetically  rejected  a  couple  of  clean  shirts 
which  his  careful  wife  had  sent  him  by  the  hands  of  the 
housemaid.  "  Take  them  away;  take  them  home  again," 
said  the  rueful  burgomaster;  "I  shall  never  need  clean 
shirts  again  in  this  world."3  He  entertained  no  doubt 
that  it  was  the  intention  of  his  captors  to  scuttle  the 
vessel  as  soon  as  they  had  put  a  little  out  to  sea,  and  so 

1  Bor,  xii.  953.     Hoofd,  xiii.  570.  2  Hpofd,  xiii.  571.     Wagenaer,  vii.  306. 

*  Wagenaer,  vii.  207. 


Dutch  Republic  223 

to  leave  them  to  their  fate.  No  such  tragic  end  was 
contemplated,  however,  and,  in  fact,  never  was  a  com- 
plete municipal  revolution  accomplished  in  so  good- 
natured  and  jocose  a  manner.  The  Catholic  magistrates 
and  friars  escaped  with  their  fright.  They  were  simply 
turned  out  of  the  town,  and  forbidden,  for  their  lives, 
ever  to  come  back  again.  After  the  vessel  had  proceeded 
a  little  distance  from  the  city,  they  were  all  landed  high 
and  dry  upon  a  dyke,  and  so  left  unharmed  within  the 
open  country.1 

A  new  board  of  magistrates,  of  which  stout  William 
Bardez  was  one,  was  soon  appointed ;  the  train-bands  were 
reorganized,  and  the  churches  thrown  open  to  the  reformed 
worship — to  the  exclusion,  at  first,  of  the  Catholics. 
This  was  certainly  contrary  to  the  Ghent  Treaty,  and  to 
the  recent  Satisfaction ;  it  was  also  highly  repugnant  to 
the  opinions  of  Orange.  After  a  short  time,  accordingly, 
the  Catholics  were  again  allowed  access  to  the  churches, 
but  the  tables  had  now  been  turned  for  ever  in  the  capital 
of  Holland,  and  the  Reformation  was  an  established  fact 
throughout  that  little  province. 

Similar  events  occurring  upon  the  following  day  at 
Harlem,  accompanied  with  some  bloodshed — for  which, 
however,  the  perpetrator  was  punished  with  death — 
opened  the  great  church  of  that  city  to  the  reformed 
congregations,  and  closed  them  for  a  time  to  the 
Catholics.2 

Thus,  the  cause  of  the  new  religion  was  triumphant  in 
Holland  and  Zeland,  while  it  was  advancing  with  rapid 
strides  through  the  other  provinces.  Public  preaching 
was  of  daily  occurrence  everywhere.  On  a  single  Sun- 
day, fifteen  different  ministers  of  the  reformed  religion 
preached  in  different  places  in  Antwerp.3  "  Do  you  think 
this  can  be  put  down?"  said  Orange  to  the  remonstrating 
burgomaster  of  that  city.  "  'Tis  for  you  to  repress  it," 
said  the  functionary,  "  I  grant  your  Highness  full  power 
to  do  so."  "  And  do  you  think,"  replied  the  Prince, 
"  that  I  can  do  at  this  late  moment,  what  the  Duke  of 
Alva  was  unable  to  accomplish  in  the  very  plenitude  of 
his  power?"4  At  the  same  time,  the  Prince  of  Orange 
was  more  than  ever  disposed  to  rebuke  his  own  church 

1  Hoofd.  xiii.  571.     Bor,  xij.  953.     Wagenaer,  vii.  207. 

2  Bor,  xii.  953.     Hoofd,  xiii.  572.     Wagenaer,  vii.  209,  210. 

3  Bor,  Hoofd'  ubi  sup. 

4  Langueti,  Ep.  ad  Aug.  Sax.,  ep.  147,  p.  744. 


224  The  Rise  of  the 

for  practising-  persecution  in  her  turn.  Again  he  lifted 
his  commanding-  voice  in  behalf  of  the  Anabaptists  of 
Middelburg.  He  reminded  the  magistrates  of  that  city 
that  these  peaceful  burghers  were  always  perfectly  willing 
to  bear  their  part  in  all  the  common  burthens,  that  their 
word  was  as  good  as  their  oath,  and  that  as  to  the  matter 
of  military  service,  although  their  principles  forbade  them 
to  bear  arms,  they  had  ever  been  ready  to  provide  and 
pay  for  substitutes.  "We  declare  to  you,  therefore," 
said  he,  "  that  you  have  no  right  to  trouble  yourselves 
with  any  man's  conscience,  so  long  as  nothing  is  done 
to  cause  private  harm  or  public  scandal.  We  therefore 
expressly  ordain  that  you  desist  from  molesting  these 
Baptists,  from  offering  hindrance  to  their  handicraft  and 
daily  trade,  by  which  they  can  earn  bread  for  their  wives 
and  children,  and  that  you  permit  them  henceforth  to 
open  their  shops  and  to  do  their  work,  according  to  the 
custom  of  former  days.  Beware,  therefore,  of  disobedi- 
ence and  of  resistance  to  the  ordinance  which  we  now 
establish.  "1 

Meantime,  the  armies  on  both  sides  had  been  assembled, 
and  had  been  moving  towards  each  other.  Don  John 
was  at  the  head  of  nearly  thirty  thousand  troops,  includ- 
ing a  large  proportion  of  Spanish  and  Italian  veterans.2 
The  states'  army  hardly  numbered  eighteen  thousand  foot 
and  two  thousand  cavalry,  under  the  famous  Francois  de 
la  Noue,  surnamed  Bras  de  Fer,  who  had  been  recently 
appointed  Marechal  de  Camp,  and,  under  Count  Bossu, 
commander-in-chief.3  The  muster-place  of  the  provincial 
forces  was  in  the  plains  between  Herenthals  and  Lier. 
At  this  point  they  expected  to  be  reinforced  by  Duke 
Casimir,  who  had  been,  since  the  early  part  of  the  summer, 
in  the  country  of  Zutphen,  but  who  was  still  remaining 
there  inglorious  and  inactive,  until  he  could  be  furnished 
with  the  requisite  advance-money  to  his  troops.4 

Don  John  was  determined,  if  possible,  to  defeat  the 
states'  army,  before  Duke  Casimir,  with  his  twelve  thou- 
sand Germans,  should  effect  his  juncture  with  Bossu. 
The  Governor  therefore  crossed  the  Demer,  near  Aerschot, 
towards  the  end  of  July,  and  offered  battle,  day  after 

1  This  letter  of  the  Prince  to  the  Calyinist  authorities  of  Middelburg  is  given  by  Bor, 
xii.  Q93,  and  by  Brandt,  Hist,  der  Ref.,  i.  609,  610. 

2  Bor,  xii.  987.     Meteren,  viii.  140.     Strada,  Bentivoglio,  and  others  allow  only  sixteen 
or  seventeen  thousand  men. — Compare  Hoofd,  xiii.  581. 

3  Hoofd,  xiil  581.  4  Ibid.     Bor,  xii.  987.     Strada,  x.  491. 


Dutch  Republic  225 

day,  to  the  enemy.  A  series  of  indecisive  skirmishes 
was  the  result,  in  the  last  of  which,  near  Rijnemants,  on 
the  first  day  of  August,  the  royalists  were  worsted  and 
obliged  to  retire,  after  a  desultory  action  of  nearly  eight 
hours,  leaving  a  thousand  dead  upon  the  field.1  .Their 
offer  of  "  double  or  quits,"  the  following  morning  was 
steadily  refused  by  Bossu,  who,  secure  within  his  in- 
trenchments,  was  not  to  be  induced  at  that  moment  to 
encounter  the  chances  of  a  general  engagement.  For  this 
he  was  severely  blamed  by  the  more  violent  of  the  national 
party.2  His  patriotism,  which  was  of  such  recent  origin, 
was  vehemently  suspected ;  and  his  death,  which  occurred 
not  long  afterwards,  was  supposed  to  have  alone  pre- 
vented his  deserting  the  states  to  fight  again  under 
Spanish  colours.  These  suspicions  were  probably  unjust. 
Bossu 's  truth  of  character  had  been  as  universally  re- 
cognized as  was  his  signal  bravery.  If  he  refused  upon 
this  occasion  a  general  battle,  those  who  reflected  upon 
the  usual  results  to  the  patriot  banner  of  such  engage- 
ments, might  confess,  perhaps,  that  one  disaster  the  more 
had  been  avoided.  Don  John,  finding  it  impossible  to 
accomplish  his  purpose,  and  to  achieve  another  Gemblours 
victory,  fell  back  again  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Namur.3 
The  states'  forces  remained  waiting  for  the  long- 
promised  succour  of  John  Casimir.  It  was  the  26th 
August,  however,  before  the  Duke  led  his  twelve  thousand 
men  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Mechlin,  where  Bossu  was 
encamped.4  This  young  Prince  possessed  neither  the 
ability  nor  the  generosity  which  were  requisite  for  the 
heroic  part  which  he  was  ambitious  to  perform  in  the 
Netherland  drama.  He  was  inspired  by  a  vague  idea  of 
personal  aggrandizement,  although  he  professed  at  the 
same  time  the  utmost  deference  to  William  of  Orange. 
He  expressed  the  hope  that  he  and  the  Prince  "  should 
be  but  two  heads  under  one  hat;"5  but  he  would  have 
done  well  to  ask  himself  whether  his  own  contribution  to 

1  Bor,  xii.  987.     Meteren,  viii.  140.     Hoofd,  xiii.  583. — The  Spaniards,  however,  only 
allow   twenty  killed   and   fifty  wounded.— Compare   Hoofd,    ubi  sup.      Not  the  least 
picturesque  feature  in  this  celebrated  action  is  one  reported  by  Strada.     The  heat  of  the 
day  was  so  oppressive  that  a  band  of  Scotch  veterans  under  Robert  Stuart  thought  it 
more  comfortable  to  strip  themselves  to  their  shirts  ;  and,  at  last,  as  the  weather  and  the 
skirmish  grew  hotter,  to  lay  aside  even  those  integuments,  and  to  fight  all  day  long,  in  the 
costume  of  Ancient  Picts. — Strada,  x.  497.     The  date  of  the  battle  in  Strada,  and  in 
Bentivoglio,  x.  213,  is  the  ist  of  August.     The  same  date  is  given  by  Hoofd.     Bor  says 
3ist  of  July. 

2  Bor,  xii.  987.     Hoofd,  xiii.  584.  *  Ibid.     Ibid.  4  Bor,  xii.  997. 
6  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vi.  377. 

VOL.   III.  I 


226  The  Rise  of  the 

this  partnership  of  brains  would  very  much  enrich  the 
silent  statesman.  Orange  himself  regarded  him  with 
respectful  contempt,  and  considered  his  interference  with 
Netherland  matters  but  as  an  additional  element  of  mis- 
chief. The  Duke's  right-hand  man,  however,  Peter 
Peutterich,  the  "  equestrian  doctor  " — as  Sir  Philip 
Sidney  called  him — equally  skilful  with  the  sword  as  with 
the  pen,  had  succeeded,  while  on  a  mission  to  England,  in 
acquiring  the  Queen's  favour  for  his  master.1  To 
Casimir,  therefore,  had  been  entrusted  the  command  of 
the  levies,  and  the  principal  expenditure  of  the  subsidies 
which  she  had  placed  at  the  disposition  of  the  states. 
Upon  Casimir  she  relied,  as  a  counterweight  to  the  Duke 
of  Alengon,  who,  as  she  knew,  had  already  entered  the 
provinces  at  the  secret  solicitation  of  a  large  faction 
among  the  nobles.  She  had  as  much  confidence  as  ever 
in  Orange,  but  she  imagined  herself  to  be  strengthening 
his  cause  by  providing  him  with  such  a  lieutenant.  Casi- 
mir's  immediate  friends  had  but  little  respect  for  his 
abilities.  His  father-in-law,  Augustus  of  Saxony,  did  not 
approve  his  expedition.  The  Landgrave  William,  to 
whom  he  wrote  for  counsel,  answered,  in  his  quaint 
manner,  that  it  was  always  difficult  for  one  friend  to 
advise  another  in  three  matters — to  wit,  in  taking  a  wife, 
going  to  sea,  and  going  to  war;  but  that,  nevertheless, 
despite  the  ancient  proverb,  he  would  assume  the  respon- 
sibility of  warning  Casimir  not  to  plunge  into  what  he 
was  pleased  to  call  the  "  confusum  chaos  of  Netherland 
politics."  The  Duke  felt  no  inclination,  however,  to  take 
the  advice  which  he  had  solicited.  He  had  been  stung 
by  the  sarcasm  which  Alva  had  once  uttered,  that  the 
German  potentates  carried  plenty  of  lions,  dragons,  eagles, 
and  griffins  on  their  shields;  but  that  these  ferocious 
animals  were  not  given  to  biting  or  scratching.  He  was 
therefore  disposed,  once  for  all,  to  show  that  the  teeth 
and  claws  of  German  princes  could  still  be  dangerous. 
Unfortunately,  he  was  destined  to  add  a  fresh  element 
of  confusion  to  the  chaos,  and  to  furnish  rather  a  proof 
than  a  refutation  of  the  correctness  of  Alva's  gibe.2 

1  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  etc.,  vi.  376,  377,  note  i. 

2  Meteren,  viii.  140.     Hoofd,  xiii.  584.     Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  etc.,  vi.  375,  note. 
"  Dann,  zu  weih  nehmen,  fiber  mehr  schiffen,  undt  zum  Kriege,  kein  freundt  dem  andern, 
dem  gemeynen  Sprichwortt  nach,  rathen,"  etc. — Letter  of  Landgrave  William,  Archives 
de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vi.  317.     He  adds  that  the  Netherlander  were  a  wild,  godless, 
and  irresponsible  crew,  neither  attached  to  the  true  religion,  nor  having  any  real  regard 
for  the  Prince,  etc.,  etc. — Ibid.     See  also  Archives  et  Correspondance,  vi.  300  and  427. 


Dutch  Republic  227 

This  was  the  hero  who  was  now  thrust,  head  and 
shoulders  as  it  were,  into  the  entangled  affairs  of  the 
Netherlanders,  and  it  was  Elizabeth  of  England,  more 
than  ever  alarmed  at  the  schemes  of  Alen9on,  who  had 
pushed  forward  this  Protestant  champion,  notwithstand- 
ing the  disinclination  of  Orange. 

The  Queen  was  right  in  her  uneasiness  respecting  the 
French  prince.  The  Catholic  nobles,  relying  upon  the 
strong  feeling  still  rife  throughout  the  Walloon  country 
against  the  reformed  religion,  and  inflamed  more  than  ever 
by  their  repugnance  to  Orange,  whose  genius  threw 
them  so  completely  into  the  shade,  had  already  drawn 
closer  to  the  Duke.  The  same  influences  were  at  work 
to  introduce  Alencon  which  had  formerly  been  employed 
to  bring  Matthias  from  Vienna.  Now  that  the  Archduke, 
who  was  to  have  been  the  rival,  had  become  the  dependant 
of  William,  they  turned  their  attention  to  the  son  of 
Catherine  de  Medici,  Orange  himself  having  always  kept 
the  Duke  in  reserve,  as  an  instrument  to  overcome  the 
political  coquetry  of  Elizabeth.  That  great  Princess 
never  manifested  less  greatness  than  in  her  earlier  and 
most  tormenting  connexion  with  the  Netherlands ;  she 
had  promised  much ;  her  performance  had  been  nothing. 
Her  jealousy  of  French  influence  had  at  length  been  turned 
to  account ;  a  subsidy  and  a  levy  extorted  from  her  fears. 
Her  ministers  and  prominent  advisers  were  one  and  all 
in  favour  of  an  open  and  generous  support  to  the  pro- 
vinces. Walsingham,  Burleigh,  Knollys,  Davison, 
Sidney,  Leicester,  Fleetwood,  Wilson,  all  desired  that 
she  should  frankly  espouse  their  cause.  A  bold  policy 
they  believed  to  be  the  only  prudent  one  in  this  case ;  yet 
the  Queen  considered  it  sagacious  to  despatch  envoys 
both  to  Philip  and  to  Don  John,  as  if,  after  what  they 
knew  of  her  secret  practices,  such  missions  could  effect 
any  useful  purpose.  Better,  therefore,  in  the  opinion  of 
the  honest  and  intrepid  statesmen  of  England,  to  throw 
down  the  gauntlet  at  once  in  the  cause  of  the  oppressed 
than  to  shuffle  and  palter  until  the  dreaded  rival  should 
cross  the  frontier.  A  French  Netherlands  they  considered 
even  more  dangerous  than  a  Spanish,  and  Elizabeth  par- 
took of  their  sentiments,  although  incapable  of  their 
promptness.  With  the  perverseness  which  was  the  chief 
blot  upon  her  character,  she  was  pleased  that  the  Duke 
should  be  still  a  dangler  for  her  hand,  even  while  she 


228  The  Rise  of  the 

was  intriguing  against  his  political  hopes.1  She  listened 
with  undisguised  rapture  to  his  proposals  of  love,  while 
she  was  secretly  thwarting  the  plans  of  his  ambition. 

Meanwhile,  Alen£on  had  arrived  at  Mons,  and  we  have 
seen  already  the  feminine  adroitness  with  which  his  sister 
of  Navarre  had  prepared  his  entrance.  Not  in  vain  had 
she  cajoled  the  commandant  of  Cambray  citadel;  not  idly 
had  she  led  captive  the  hearts  of  Lalain  and  his  Countess, 
thus  securing  the  important  province  of  Hainault  for  the 
Duke.  Don  John  might,  indeed,  gnash  his  teeth  with 
rage,  as  he  marked  the  result  of  all  the  feasting  and 
flattery,  the  piping  and  dancing  at  Namur. 

Francis  Duke  of  Alencon,  and — since  the  accession  of 
his  brother  Henry  to  the  French  throne — Duke  of  Anjou, 
was,  upon  the  whole,  the  most  despicable  personage  who 
had  ever  entered  the  Netherlands.  His  previous  career 
at  home  had  been  so  flagrantly  false  that  he  had  forfeited 
the  esteem  of  every  honest  man  in  Europe,  Catholic  or 
Lutheran,  Huguenot  or  Malcontent.  The  world  has  long 
known  his  character.  History  will  always  retain  him 
as  an  example,  to  show  mankind  the  amount  of  mischief 
which  may  be  perpetrated  by  a  prince,  ferocious  without 
courage,  ambitious  without  talent,  and  bigoted  without 
opinions.  Incapable  of  religious  convictions  himself,  he 
had  alternately  aspired  to  be  a  commander  of  Catholic 
and  of  Huguenot  zealots,  and  he  had  acquired  nothing 
by  his  vacillating  course,  save  the  entire  contempt  of  all 
parties  and  of  both  religions.  Scared  from  the  side  of 
Navarre  and  Conde  by  the  menacing  attitude  of  the 
"  league,"  fearing  to  forfeit  the  succession  to  the  throne, 
unless  he  made  his  peace  with  the  court,  he  had  recently 
resumed  his  place  among  the  Catholic  commanders.  No- 
thing was  easier  for  him  than  to  return  shamelessly  to 
a  party  which  he  had  shamelessly  deserted,  save  perhaps 
to  betray  it  again,  should  his  interest  prompt  him  to  do 
so,  on  the  morrow.  Since  the  peace  of  1576,  it  had  been 
evident  that  the  Protestants  could  not  count  upon  his 
friendship,  and  he  had  soon  afterwards  been  placed  at 
the  head  of  the  army  which  was  besieging  the  Huguenots 
of  Issoire.2  He  sought  to  atone  for  having  commanded 
the  troops  of  the  new  religion  by  the  barbarity  with  which 


See,  for  example,  a  letter  from  Sir  Annas  Paulet  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  in  Groen 
Prinst.,  vi.  421-423. 
2  De  Thou,  vii.  liv.  Ixiii.     Me'moires  de  Marg.  de  Valois.  liv.  ii. 


Dutch  Republic  229 

he  now  persecuted  its  votaries.  When  Issoire  fell  into  his 
hands,  the  luckless  city  was  spared  none  of  the  misery 
which  can  be  inflicted  by  a  brutal  and  frenzied  soldiery. 
Its  men  were  butchered,  its  females  outraged,  its  property 
plundered  with  a  thoroughness  which  rivalled  the  Nether- 
land  practice  of  Alva,  or  Frederic  Toledo,  or  Julian 
Romero.  The  town  was  sacked  and  burned  to  ashes  by 
furious  Catholics,  under  the  command  of  Francis  Alencon, 
almost  at  the  very  moment  when  his  fair  sister,  Mar- 
garet, was  preparing  the  way  in  the  Netherlands  for  the 
fresh  treason  1  which  he  already  meditated  to  the  Catholic 
cause.  The  treaty  of  Bergerac,  signed  in  the  autumn  of 
1577,2  again  restored  a  semblance  of  repose  to  France, 
and  again  afforded  an  opportunity  for  Alencon  to  change 
his  politics,  and  what  he  called  his  religion.  Reeking 
with  the  blood  of  the  Protestants  of  Issoire,  he  was  now 
at  leisure  to  renew  his  dalliance  with  the  Queen  of  Protest- 
ant England,  and  to  resume  his  correspondence  with  the 
great  chieftain  of  the  Reformation  in  the  Netherlands. 

It  is,  perhaps,  an  impeachment  upon  the  perspicacity  of 
Orange,  that  he  could  tolerate  this  mischievous  and 
worthless  "  son  of  France,"  even  for  the  grave  reasons 
which  influenced  him.  Nevertheless,  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  he  only  intended  to  keep  him  in  reserve,  for 
the  purpose  of  irritating  the  jealousy  and  quickening  the 
friendship  of  the  English  Queen.  Those  who  see  any- 
thing tortuous  in  such  politics  must  beware  of  judging 
the  intriguing  age  of  Philip  and  Catherine  de  Medici  by 
the  higher  standard  of  later,  and  possibly  more  candid 
times. 

The  ill  effects  of  Elizabeth's  coquetry  too  plainly  mani- 
fested themselves  at  last,  and  Alencon  had  now  a  foot- 
hold in  the  Netherlands.  Precipitated  by  the  intrigues  of 
the  party  which  had  always  been  either  openly  or  secretly 
hostile  to  Orange,  his  advent  could  no  longer  be  delayed. 
It  only  remained  for  the  Prince  to  make  himself  his 
master,  as  he  had  already  subdued  each  previous  rival. 
This  he  accomplished  with  his  customary  adroitness.  It 
was  soon  obvious,  even  to  so  dull  and  so  base  a  nature 
as  that  of  the  Duke,  that  it  was  his  best  policy  to 
continue  to  cultivate  so  powerful  a  friendship.  It  cost 
him  little  to  crouch,  but  events  were  fatally  to  prove  at  a 

1  But  three  men  were  spared,  according  to  De  Thou,  vii.  502,  liv.  Ixiii. 

2  De  Then,  vii.  529,  liv.  Ixiv. 


230  The  Rise  of  the 

later  day,  that  there  are  natures  too  malignant  to  be 
trusted  or  to  be  tamed.  For  the  present,  however, 
Alencon  professed  the  most  friendly  sentiments  towards 
the  Prince.  Solicited  by  so  ardent  and  considerable  a 
faction,  the  Duke  was  no  longer  to  be  withheld  from 
trying  the  venture,1  and  if  he  could  not  effect  his  entrance 
by  fair  means,  was  determined  to  do  so  by  force.2  He 
would  obtrude  his  assistance,  if  it  were  declined.  He 
would  do  his  best  to  dismember  the  provinces,  if  only  a 
portion  of  them  would  accept  his  proffered  friendship. 
Under  these  circumstances,  as  the  Prince  could  no  longer 
exclude  him  from  the  country,  it  became  necessary  to 
accept  his  friendship,  and  to  hold  him  in  control.  The 
Duke  had  formally  offered  his  assistance  to  the  states- 
general,  directly  after  the  defeat  of  Gemblours,3  and  early 
in  July  had  made  his  appearance  in  Mons.  Hence  he 
despatched  his  envoys,  Des  Pruneaux  and  Rochefort,  to 
deal  with  the  states-general  and  with  Orange,  while  he 
treated  Matthias  with  contempt,  and  declared  that  he  had 
no  intention  to  negotiate  with  him.  The  Archduke  burst 
into  tears  when  informed  of  this  slight,  and  feebly  ex- 
pressed a  wish  that  succour  might  be  found  in  Germany 
which  would  render  this  French  alliance  unnecessary.  It 
was  not  the  first  nor  the  last  mortification  which  the 
future  emperor  was  to  undergo.  The  Prince  was 
addressed  with  distinguished  consideration ;  Des  Pruneaux 
protesting  that  he  desired  but  three  things — the  glory 
of  his  master,  the  glory  of  God,  and  the  glory  of  William 
of  Orange.4 

The  French  King  was  naturally  supposed  to  be  privy  to 
his  brother's  schemes,  for  it  was  thought  ridiculous  to 
suggest  that  Henry's  own  troops  could  be  led  by  his  own 
brother  on  this  foreign  expedition,  without  his  conniv- 
ance.5 At  the  same  time,  private  letters,  written  by  him 
at  this  epoch,  expressed  disapprobation  of  the  schemes  of 
Alencon,  and  jealousy  of  his  aggrandizement.  It  was,  per- 
haps, difficult  to  decide  as  to  the  precise  views  of  a 
monarch  who  was  too  weak  to  form  opinions  for  himself, 

1  See  the  remarks  and  citations  of  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  etc.,  vi.  pp.  364-370. — 
Compare  Apologie  d'Orange,  p.  107,  and  Bor,  xii.  975. 

2  R£S.  MSS.  des  Es.  Gx.,  in  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  vi.  370. 

3  Meteren,  viii.  i4oa.     Bor,  xii.  950. 

4  Archives  et  Correspondance,  vi.  404,  sqq.     Letter  of  Des  Pruneaux,  in  Archives  de 
la  Maison  d'Orange,  vi.  390. 

5  This  was  Granvelle's  opinion.     See  letter  from  Granvelle  to  Bellefontaine,  Archives 
de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vi.  426. 


Dutch  Republic  231 

and  too  false  to  maintain  those  with  which  he  had  been 
furnished  by  others.  With  the  Medicean  mother  it  was 
different,  and  it  was  she  who  was  believed  to  be  at  the 
bottom  of  the  intrigue.  There  was  even  a  vague  idea  that 
the  Spanish  sovereign  himself  might  be  privy  to  the  plot, 
and  that  a  possible  marriage  between  Alen£on  and  the 
Infanta  might  be  on  the  cards.1  In  truth,  however,  Philip 
felt  himself  outraged  by  the  whole  proceedings.  He  reso- 
lutely refused  to  accept  the  excuses  proffered  by  the  French 
court,  or  to  doubt  the  complicity  of  the  Queen  Dowager, 
who,  it  was  well  known,  governed  all  her  sons.  She  had, 
to  be  sure,  thought  proper  to  read  the  envoys  of  the 
states-general  a  lecture  upon  the  impropriety  of  subjects 
opposing  the  commands  of  their  lawful  prince,  but  such 
artifices  were  thought  too  transparent  to  deceive.  Gran- 
velle  scouted  the  idea  of  her  being  ignorant  of  Anjou's 
scheme,  or  opposed  to  its  success.2  As  for  William  of 
Hesse,  while  he  bewailed  more  than  ever  the  luckless 
plunge  into  "  confusum  chaos  "  which  Casimir  had  taken, 
he  unhesitatingly  expressed  his  conviction  that  the  invasion 
of  Alencon  was  a  masterpiece  of  Catherine.  The  whole 
responsibility  of  the  transaction  he  divided,  in  truth,  be- 
tween the  dowager  and  the  comet,  which  just  then  hung 
over  the  world,  filling  the  soul  of  the  excellent  Landgrave 
with  dismal  apprehension.3 

The  Queen  of  England  was  highly  incensed  by  the  actual 
occurrence  of  the  invasion  which  she  had  so  long  dreaded. 
She  was  loud  in  her  denunciations  of  the  danger  and  dis- 
honour which  would  be  the  result  to  the  provinces  of  this 
French  alliance.  She  threatened  not  only  to  withdraw  her- 
self from  their  cause,  but  even  to  take  arms  against  a 
commonwealth  which  had  dared  to  accept  Alencon  for  its 
master.  She  had  originally  agreed  to  furnish  one  hundred 
thousand  pounds  by  way  of  loan.  This  assistance  had 
been  afterwards  commuted  into  a  levy  of  three  thousand 
foot  and  two  thousand  horse,  to  be  added  to  the  forces  of 
John  Casimir,  and  to  be  placed  under  his  command.  It 
had  been  stipulated,  also,  that  the  Palatine  should  have 
the  rank  and  pay  of  an  English  general-in-chief,  and  be 
considered  as  the  Queen's  lieutenant.  The  money  had 

1  Remarks  and  citations  of  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  vi.  368,  424-427. — Compare  De  Thou, 
vii.  698.  2  Letter  of  Granvelle  to  Bellefontaine. 

3  " Summa,  der  comett  und  die  grosse  prodigia  so  diesz  jahr  gesehenn  wordenn, 

wollen  ihre  wirckung  haben.  Gott  gebe  dasz  sie  zu  eynem  guten  ende  lauffen."— 
Archives  et  Corresp.,  vi.  140.— Compare  Strada,  ix.  463. 


232  The  Rise  of  the 

been  furnished  and  the  troops  enrolled.  So  much  had 
been  already  bestowed,  and  could  not  be  recalled,  but  it 
was  not  probable  that,  in  her  present  humour,  the  Queen 
would  be  induced  to  add  to  her  favours.1 

The  Prince,  obliged  by  the  necessity  of  the  case,  had 
prescribed  the  terms  and  the  title  under  which  Alencon 
should  be  accepted.  Upon  the  i3th  of  August  the  Duke's 
envoy  concluded  a  convention  in  twenty-three  articles, 
which  were  afterwards  subscribed  by  the  Duke  himself,  at 
Mons,  upon  the  2oth  of  the  same  month.2  The  substance 
of  this  arrangement  was  that  Alen9on  should  lend  his 
assistance  to  the  provinces  against  the  intolerable  tyranny 
of  the  Spaniards  and  the  unjustifiable  military  invasion  of 
Don  John.  He  was,  moreover,  to  bring  into  the  field  ten 
thousand  foot  and  two  thousand  horse  for  three  months. 
After  the  expiration  of  this  term,  his  forces  might  be  re- 
duced to  three  thousand  foot  and  five  hundred  horse.  The 
states  were  to  confer  upon  him  the  title  of  "  Defender  of 
the  liberty  of  the  Netherlands  against  the  tyranny  of  the 
Spaniards  and  their  adherents."  He  was  to  undertake  no 
hostilities  against  Queen  Elizabeth.  The  states  were  to 
aid  him,  whenever  it  should  become  necessary,  with  the 
same  amount  of  force  with  which  he  now  assisted  them. 
He  was  to  submit  himself  contentedly  to  the  civil  govern- 
ment of  the  country,  in  everything  regarding  its  internal 
polity.  He  was  to  make  no  special  contracts  or  treaties 
with  any  cities  or  provinces  of  the  Netherlands.  Should 
the  states-general  accept  another  prince  as  sovereign,  the 
Duke  was  to  be  preferred  to  all  others,  upon  conditions 
afterwards  to  be  arranged.  All  cities  which  might  be  con- 
quered within  the  territory  of  the  united  provinces  were  to 
belong  to  the  states.  Such  places  not  in  that  territory,  as 
should  voluntarily  surrender,  were  to  be  apportioned,  by 
equal  division,  between  the  Duke  and  the  states.  The 
Duke  was  to  bring  no  foreign  troops  but  French  into  the 
provinces.  The  month  of  August  was  reserved,  during 
which  the  states  were,  if  possible,  to  make  a  composition 
with  Don  John.3 

^  These  articles  were  certainly  drawn  up  with  skill.  A 
high-sounding  but  barren  title,  which  gratified  the  Duke's 
vanity  and  signified  nothing,  had  been  conferred  upon 

l  Eor,  xii.  948,  949,  975,  sqq.— Compare  Meteren,  viii.  140. 
*  Bor,  xii.  976-978.     Meteren,  viii.  140,  141. 
3  See  especially  Articles  4,  5,  10,  14,  15,  16,  21. 


Dutch  Republic  233 

him,  while  at  the  same  time  he  was  forbidden  to  make 
conquests  or  contracts,  and  was  obliged  to  submit  himself 
to  the  civil  government  of  the  country  :  in  short,  he  was 
to  obey  the  Prince  of  Orange  in  all  things — and  so  here 
was  another  plot  of  the  Prince's  enemies  neutralized. 
Thus,  for  the  present  at  least,  had  the  position  of  Anjou 
been  defined. 

As  the  month  of  August,  during  which  it  was  agreed  1 
that  negotiations  with  the  Governor-General  should  remain 
open,  had  already  half  expired,  certain  articles,  drawn  up 
by  the  states-general,  were  at  once  laid  before  Don  John. 
Lord  Cobham  and  Sir  Francis  Walsingham  were  then  in 
the  Netherlands,  having  been  sent  by  Elizabeth  for  the 
purpose  of  effecting  a  pacification  of  the  estates  with  the 
Governor,  if  possible.  They  had  also  explained — so  far  as 
an  explanation  was  possible — the  assistance  which  the 
English  government  had  rendered  to  the  rebels,  upon  the 
ground  that  the  French  invasion  could  be  prevented  in  no 
other  way.2  This  somewhat  lame  apology  had  been  passed 
over  in  silence  rather  than  accepted  by  Don  John.  In  the 
same  interview  the  envoys  made  an  equally  unsuccessful 
effort  to  induce  the  acceptance  by  the  Governor  of  the 
terms  offered  by  the  states.  A  further  proposition,  on  their 
part,  for  an  "Interim,"3  upon  the  plan  attempted  by 
Charles  the  Fifth  in  Germany,  previously  to  the  Peace  of 
Passau,  met  with  no  more  favour  than  it  merited,  for  cer- 
tainly that  name — which  became  so  odious  in  Germany 
that  cats  and  dogs  were  called  "  Interim  "  by  the  common 
people,  in  derision — was  hardly  a  potent  word  to  conjure 
with,  at  that  moment,  in  the  Netherlands.  They  then  ex- 
pressed their  intention  of  retiring  to  England,  much 
grieved  at  the  result  of  their  mission.  The  Governor  re- 
plied that  they  might  do  as  they  liked,  but  that  he,  at 
least,  had  done  all  in  his  power  to  bring  about  a  peace, 
and  that  the  King  had  been  equally  pacific  in  his  inten- 
tions. He  then  asked  the  envoys  what  they  themselves 
thought  of  the  terms  proposed.  "  Indeed,  they  are  too 
hard,  your  Highness,"  4  answered  Walsingham,  "  but  'tis 

1  Article  21  of  the  Convention. — See  Bor.  xii.  978  ;  Meteren,  viii.  141. 

2  "  Y  disculpando  a  la  Reyna  su  ama  de  lo  que  avia  hecho  en  favor  de  los  Estados,  y 
que  avia  sido  por  mejor  y  porque  el  frances  no  metiesse  pie  en  ellos." — Lo  que  en  sub- 
stancia  ha  passado  con  su  Alteza,  14  Agosto,  1578.     Acta  Stat.  Belg.,  iii.     MS.  Hague 
Archives.  3  Ibid. 

4  "Que  in  veritd  erano  troppo  dun.' — The  conversation  was  carried  on  partly  in 
Italian,  partly  in  French,  partly  in  Spanish. — MS.  memorandum,  diet.  act. 

I  2 


234  The  Rise  of  the 

only  by  pure  menace  that  we  have  extorted  them  from  the 
states,  unfavourable  though  they  seem." 

"  Then  you  may  tell  them,"  replied  the  Governor,  "  to 
keep  their  offers  to  themselves.  Such  terms  will  go  but 
little  way  in  any  negotiation  with  me." 

The  envoys  shrugged  their  shoulders. 

"  What  is  your-  own  opinion  on  the  whole  affair?"  re- 
sumed Don  John.  "  Perhaps  your  advice  may  yet  help 
me  to  a  better  conclusion." 

The  envoys  continued  silent  and  pensive. 

"  We  can  only  answer,"  said  Walsingham,  at  length, 
"by  imitating  the  physician,  who  would  prescribe  no 
medicine  until  he  was  quite  sure  that  the  patient  was  ready 
to  swallow  it.  'Tis  no  use  wasting  counsel  or  drugs."  l 

The  reply  was  not  satisfactory,  but  the  envoys  had  con- 
vinced themselves  that  the  sword  was  the  only  surgical 
instrument  likely  to  find  favour  at  that  juncture.  Don 
John  referred,  in  vague  terms,  to  his  peaceable  inclina- 
tions, but  protested  that  there  was  no  treating  with  so 
unbridled  a  people  as  the  Netherlanders.  The  ambassadors 
soon  afterwards  took  their  leave.  After  this  conference, 
which  was  on  the  24th  of  August,  1578,  Walsingham  and 
Cobham  addressed  a  letter  to  the  states-general,  deploring 
the  disingenuous  and  procrastinating  conduct  of  the 
Governor,  and  begging  that  the  failure  to  effect  a  pacifica- 
tion might  not  be  imputed  to  them.2  They  then  returned 
to  England. 

The  imperial  envoy,  Count  Schwartzburg,  at  whose 
urgent  solicitation  this  renewed  attempt  at  a  composition 
had  been  made,  was  most  desirous  that  the  Governor 
should  accept  the  articles.3  They  formed,  indeed,  the  basis 
of  a  liberal,  constitutional,  representative  government,  in 
which  the  Spanish  monarch  was  to  retain  only  a  strictly- 
limited  sovereignty.4  The  proposed  convention  required 
Don  John,  with  all  his  troops  and  adherents,  forthwith  to 
leave  the  land  after  giving  up  all  strongholds  and  cities  in 
his  possession.  It  provided  that  the  Archduke  Matthias 
should  remain  as  Governor-General,  under  the  conditions 
according  to  which  he  had  been  originally  accepted.  It 
left  the  question  of  religious  worship  to  the  decision  of  the 
states-general.  It  provided  for  the  release  of  all  prisoners, 

1  MS.  memorandum,  diet.  act. 

2  Acta  Stat.  Belg.,  iii.  f.  71.— MS.  Hague  Archives. 
8  Bor,  xii.  qyq.     Hoofd,  xii.  587. 

4  See  the  thirteen  articles  in  Bor,  xii.  979,  980. 


Dutch  Republic  235 

the  return  of  all  exiles,  the  restoration  of  all  confiscated 
property.  It  stipulated  that  upon  the  death  or  departure 
of  Matthias,  his  Majesty  was  not  to  appoint. a  governor- 
general  without  the  consent  of  the  states-general.1 

When  Count  Schwartzburg  waited  upon  the  Governor 
with  these  astonishing  propositions — which  Walsingham 
might  well  call  somewhat  hard — he  found  him  less  dis- 
posed to  explode  with  wrath  than  he  had  been  in  previous 
conferences.  Already  his  spirit  was  broken,  both  by  the 
ill  health  which  was  rapidly  undermining  his  constitution 
and  by  the  helpless  condition  in  which  he  had  been  left 
while  contending  with  the  great  rebellion.  He  had  soldiers, 
but  no  money  to  pay  them  withal ;  he  had  no  means  of 
upholding-  that  supremacy  of  crown  and  church  which  he 
was  so  vigorously  instructed  to  maintain ;  and  he  was 
heartily  wearied  of  fulminating  edicts  which  he  had  no 
power  to  enforce.  He  had  repeatedly  solicited  his  recall, 
and  was  growng  daily  more  impatient  that  his  dismissal 
did  not  arrive.  Moreover,  the  horrible  news  of  Escovedo's 
assassination  had  sickened  him  to  the  soul.2  The  deed  had 
flashed  a  sudden  light  into  the  abyss  of  dark  duplicity  in 
which  his  own  fate  was  suspended.  His  most  intimate  and 
confidential  friend  had  been  murdered  by  royal  command, 
while  he  was  himself  abandoned  by  Philip,  exposed  to 
insult,  left  destitute  of  defence.  No  money  was  forth- 
coming, in  spite  of  constant  importunities  and  perpetual 
promises.3  Plenty  of  words  were  sent  him;  he  complained, 
as  if  he  possessed  the  art  of  extracting  gold  from  them, 
or  as  if  war  could  be  carried  on  with  words  alone.4 

Being  in  so  desponding  a  mood,  he  declined  entering 
into  any  controversy  with  regard  to  the  new  propositions, 
which,  however,  he  characterized  as  most  iniquitous.  He 
stated  merely  that  his  Majesty  had  determined  to  refer  the 
Netherland  matters  to  the  arbitration  of  the  Emperor; 
that  the  Duke  de  Terra  Nova  would  soon  be  empowered  to 
treat  upon  the  subject  at  the  imperial  court ;  and  that,  in 
the  meantime,  he  was  himself  most  anxiously  awaiting  his 
recall.  5 

A  synod  of  the  reformed  churches  had  been  held,  during 
the  month  of  June,  at  Dort.  There  they  had  laid  down  a 

1  Articles  5  and  12  of  the  proposed  Convention,  Bor,  xii.  979. 

2  That  event  had  occurred,   as   already  stated,  upon   the  3ist  March  of  this  year 
(is?8). 

5  See  the  letter  of  Philip  in  Cabrera,  xii.  978.  4  Slrada,  x-  502. 

6  Bor,  xii.  981. — Compare  Meteren,  viii.  140,  141. 


236 


The  Rise  of  the 


platform  of  their  principles  of  church  government  in  one 
hundred  and  one  articles.1  In  the  same  month,  the  lead- 
ing members  of  the  Reformed  Church  had  drawn  up  an 
ably-reasoned  address  to  Matthias  and  the  Council  of  State 
on  the  subject  of  a  general  peace  of  religion  for  the 
provinces.2 

William  of  Orange  did  his  utmost  to  improve  the  oppor- 
tunity. He  sketched  a  system  of  provisional  toleration, 
which  he  caused  to  be  signed  by  the  Archduke  Matthias, 
and  which,  at  least  for  a  season,  was  to  establish  religious 
freedom.3  The  brave,  tranquil,  solitary  man  still  held  his 
track  across  the  raging  waves,  shedding  as  much  light  as 
one  clear  human  soul  could  dispense;  yet  the  dim  lantern, 
so  far  in  advance,  was  swallowed  in  the  mist,  ere  those 
who  sailed  in  his  wake  could  shape  their  course  by  his 
example.  No  man  understood  him.  Not  even  his  nearest 
friends  comprehended  his  views,  nor  saw  that  he  strove  to 
establish  not  freedom  for  Calvinism,  but  freedom  for  con- 
science. Sainte  Aldegonde  complained  that  the  Prince 
would  not  persecute  the  Anabaptists,4  Peter  Dathenus 
denounced  him  as  an  atheist,  while  even  Count  John,  the 
only  one  left  of  his  valiant  and  generous  brothers,  opposed 
the  religious  peace — except  where  the  advantage  was  on 
the  side  of  the  new  religion.  Where  the  Catholics  had 
been  effectually  put  down,  as  in  Holland  and  Zeland, 
honest  John  saw  no  reason  for  allowing  them  to  lift  them- 
selves up  again.5  In  the  Popish  provinces,  on  the  other 
hand,  he  was  for  a  religious  peace.  In  this  bigoted  spirit 
he  was  followed  by  too  many  of  the  reforming  mass,  while, 
on  their  part,  the  Walloons  were  already  banding  them- 
selves together  in  the  more  southern  provinces,  under  the 
name  of  Malcontents.  Stigmatized  by  the  Calvinists  as 
"Paternoster  Jacks,"6  they  were  daily  drawing  closer 
their  alliance  with  Alencon,  and  weakening  the  bonds 
which  united  them  with  their  Protestant  brethren.  Count 
John  had  at  length  become  a  permanent  functionary  in  the 
Netherlands.  Urgently  solicited  by  the  leaders  and  the 
great  multitude  of  the  Reformers,  he  had  long  been  un- 
willing to  abandon  his  home,  and  to  neglect  the  private 
affairs  which  his  devotion  to  the  Netherland  cause  had 

1  Given  in  Bor,  xii.  981-986.  2  In  Bor,  xii.  971. 

8  Bor,  xii.  973.  4  Hoofd,  xiii.  575.     Ev.  Reyd.  Ann.,  ii.  23. 

8  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  etc.,  vi.  434,  435. 

6  "Paternoster  Knechten. "— Meteren,  viii.   143.     Bor,  xii.  998.— Compare  Bentivo- 
glio,  x.  216. 


Dutch  Republic  237 

thrown  into  great  confusion.  The  Landgrave,  too,  whose 
advice  he  had  asked,  had  strongly  urged  him  not  to  "  dip 
his  fingers  into  the  olla  podrida."  l  The  future  of  the 
provinces  was,  in  his  opinion,  so  big  with  disaster,  that  the 
past,  with  all  its  horrors,  under  Alva  and  Requesens,  had 
only  furnished  the  "  preludia  "  of  that  which  was  to 
ensue.2  For  these  desperate  views  his  main  reason,  as 
usual,  was  the  comet ;  that  mischievous  luminary  still  con- 
tinuing to  cast  a  lurid  glare  across  the  Landgrave's  path.3 
Notwithstanding  these  direful  warnings  from  a  prince  of 
the  Reformation,  notwithstanding  the  **  olla  podrida  "  and 
the  "comet,"  Count  John  had  nevertheless  accepted  the 
office  of  Governor  of  Gelderland,  to  which  he  had  been 
elected  by  the  estates  of  that  province  on  the  nth  of 
March.4  That  important  bulwark  of  Holland,  Zeland, 
and  Utrecht  on  the  one  side,  and  of  Groningen  and  Fries- 
land  on  the  other — the  main  buttress,  in  short,  of  the 
nascent  republic — was  now  in  hands  which  would  defend  it 
to  the  last. 

As  soon  as  the  discussion  came  up  in  the  states-general 
on  the  subject  of  the  Dort  petitions,  Orange  requested  that 
every  member  who  had  formed  his  opinions  should  express 
them  fully  and  frankly.  All  wished,  however,  to  be  guided 
and  governed  by  the  sentiments  of  the  Prince.  Not  a  man 
spoke  save  to  demand  their  leader's  views,  and  to  express 
their  adhesion  in  advance  to  the  course  which  his  wisdom 
might  suggest.5  The  result  was  a  projected  convention,  a 
draft  for  a  religious  peace,6  which,  if  definitely  established, 
would  have  healed  many  wounds,  and  averted  much 
calamity.  It  was  not,  however,  destined  to  be  accepted 
at  that  time  by  the  states  of  the  different  provinces  where 
it  was  brought  up  for  discussion ;  and  several  changes 
were  made,  both  of  form  and  substance,  before  the  system 
was  adopted  at  all.  Meantime,  for  the  important  city  of 
Antwerp,  where  religious  broils  were  again  on  the  point 
of  breaking  out,  the  Prince  preferred  a  provisional  arrange- 
ment, which  he  forthwith  carried  into  execution.  A  pro- 
clamation, in  the  name  of  the  Archduke  Matthias  and  of 

1  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  vi.  317. 

2  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vi.  256. 

3  Letters  of  Landgrave  William,  Archives  et  Correspon dance,  v.  34,  ii.  256-269. 

4  Archives  et  Correspondance,  vi.  308. 

*>  Langueti  Ep.  Sec.  ad  Aug.  Sax.,  147,  p.  744. 

6  According  to  the  3rd  and  4th  Articles,  the  Catholic  OR  the  reformed  religion  was  to 
be  re-established  and  freely  exercised  in  any  town  or  village  where  such  re-establishment 
should  be  demanded  by  one  hundred  families. — Meteren,  viii.  i43a. 


238  The  Rise  of  the 

the  State  Council,  assigned  five  special  places  in  the  city 
where  the  members  of  the  "  pretended  reformed  religion  " 
should  have  liberty  to  exercise  their  religious  worship, 
with  preaching,  singing,  and  the  sacraments.1  The  church- 
yards of  the  parochial  churches  were  to  be  opened  for  the 
burial  of  their  dead,  but  the  funerals  were  to  be  unaccom- 
panied with  exhortation,  or  any  public  demonstration 
which  might  excite  disturbance.  The  adherents  of  one 
religion  were  forbidden  to  disturb,  to  insult,  or  in  any  way 
to  interfere  with  the  solemnities  of  the  other.  All  were  to 
abstain  from  mutual  jeerings — by  pictures,  ballads,  books, 
or  otherwise — and  from  all  injuries  to  ecclesiastical  pro- 
perty. Every  man,  of  whatever  religion,  was  to  be  per- 
mitted entrance  to  the  churches  of  either  religion,  and 
when  there,  all  were  to  conform  to  the  regulations  of  the 
church  with  modesty  and  respect.  Those  of  the  new  re- 
ligion were  to  take  oaths  of  obedience  to  the  authorities, 
and  to  abstain  from  meddling  with  the  secular  administra- 
tion of  affairs.  Preachers  of  both  religions  were  forbidden 
to  preach  out  of  doors,  or  to  make  use  of  language  tending 
to  sedition.  All  were  to  bind  themselves  to  assist  the 
magistrates  in  quelling  riots,  and  in  sustaining  the  civil 
government.2 

This  example  of  religious  peace,  together  with  the  active 
correspondence  thus  occasioned  with  the  different  state 
assemblies,  excited  the  jealousy  of  the  Catholic  leaders 
and  of  the  Walloon  population.3  Champagny,  who,  de- 
spite admirable  qualities  and  brilliant  services,  was  still 
unable  to  place  himself  on  the  same  platform  of  toleration 
with  Orange,  now  undertook  a  decided  movement  against 
the  policy  of  the  Prince.  Catholic  to  the  core,  he  drew  up 
a  petition,  remonstrating  most  vigorously  against  the  draft 
for  a  religious  peace,  then  in  circulation  through  the  pro- 
vinces.4 To  this  petition  he  procured  many  signatures 
among  the  more  ardent  Catholic  nobles.  De  He"ze,  De 
Glimes,  and  others  of  the  same  stamp,  were  willing  enough 
to  follow  the  lead  of  so  distinguished  a  chieftain.  The 
remonstrance  was  addressed  to  the  Archduke,  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  the  State  Council,  and  the  states-general,  and 

1  See  the  document  in  Bor,  xii.  974,  975.     Hoofd,  xiii.  575. 

2  Bor,  xii.  974,  975.     The  principle  of  the  religious  peace  was  adopted,  and  churches 
accordingly  allotted  to  the  members  of  the  Reformed  Church,  in  the  cities  of  Antwerp, 
Brussels,  Mechlin,  Bergen,  Breda,  Liere,  Bruges,  Ypres,  and  in  many  cities  of  Gelder- 
land  and  Friesland. — Meteren,  yiii.  142.  3  Bor,  xii.  975.     Hoofd,  xiii.  575. 

4  See  the  petition  in  Bor,  xii.  989,  990. — Compare  Hoofd,  xiii.  578.     Meteren,  xiii. 


Dutch  Republic  239 

called  upon  them  all  to  abide  by  their  solemn  promises  to 
permit  no  schism  in  the  ancient  Church.  Should  the  exer- 
cise of  the  new  religion  be  allowed,  the  petitioners  insisted 
that  the  godless  licentiousness  of  the  Netherlands  would 
excite  the  contempt  of  all  peoples  and  potentates.  They 
suggested,  in  conclusion,  that  all  the  principal  cities  of 
France — and  in  particular  the  city  of  Paris — had  kept 
themselves  clear  of  the  exercise  of  the  new  religion,  and 
that  repose  and  prosperity  had  been  the  result.1 

This  petition  was  carried  with  considerable  solemnity  by 
Champagny,  attended  by  many  of  his  confederates,  to  the 
H6tel  de  Ville,  and  presented  to  the  magistracy  of  Brus- 
sels. These  functionaries  were  requested  to  deliver  it 
forthwith  to  the  Archduke  and  council.  The  magistrates 
demurred.  A  discussion  ensued,  which  grew  warmer  and 
warmer,  as  it  proceeded.  The  younger  nobles  permitted 
themselves  abusive  language,  which  the  civic  dignitaries 
would  not  brook.  The  session  was  dissolved,  and  the 
magistrates,  still  followed  by  the  petitioners,  came  forth 
into  the  street.  The  confederates,  more  inflamed  than 
ever,  continued  to  vociferate  and  to  threaten.  A  crowd 
soon  collected  in  the  square.  The  citizens  were  naturally 
curious  to  know  why  the  senators  were  thus  browbeaten 
and  insulted  by  a  party  of  insolent  young  Catholic  nobles. 
The  old  politician  at  their  head,  who,  in  spite  of  many 
services,  was  not  considered  a  friend  to  the  nation,  in- 
spired them  with  distrust.2  Being  informed  of  the  pre- 
sentation of  the  petition,  the  multitude  loudly  demanded 
that  the  document  should  be  read.  This  was  immediately 
done.  The  general  drift  of  the  remonstrance  was  anything 
but  acceptable,  but  the  allusion  to  Paris,  at  the  close, 
excited  a  tempest  of  indignation.  "  Paris  !  Paris  !  Saint 
Bartholomew  !  Saint  Bartholomew  !  Are  we  to  have  Paris 
weddings  in  Brussels  also?"  howled  the  mob,  as  is  often 
the  case,  extracting  but  a  single  idea,  and  that  a  wrong 
one,  from  the  public  lecture  which  had  just  been  made. 
"  Are  we  to  have  a  Paris  massacre,  a  Paris  blood-bath 
here  in  the  Netherland  capital?  God  forbid  !  God  forbid  ! 
Away  with  the  conspirators  !  Down  with  the  Papists  !"  3 

1  Petition  in  Bor,  vii.  989,  990. 

2  Bor,  xii.  988.     Champagny  was  a  Catholic  and  the  brother  of  Granvelle  ;  he  was 
also  one  of  the  most  patriotic  and  honourable — as  he  was  unquestionably  one  of  the 
bravest — of  the  Netherland  nobles.     His  character  is  interesting,  and  his  services  were 
remarkable.     It  is  said  that  he  could  not  rise  to  the  same  tolerance  in  religious  matters 
which  the  Prince  of  Orange  had  attained.  3  Bor,  xii.  988.     Hoofd,  xiii.  578,  5^9. 


240  The  Rise  of  the 

It  was  easily  represented  to  the  inflamed  imaginations 
of  the  populace  that  a  Brussels  Saint  Bartholomew  had 
been  organized,  and  that  Champagny,  who  stood  there 
before  them,  was  its  originator  and  manager.  The  un- 
grateful Netherlanders  forgot  the  heroism  with  which  the 
old  soldier  had  arranged  the  defence  of  Antwerp  against 
the  "  Spanish  Fury  "  but  two  years  before.  They  heard 
only  the  instigations  of  his  enemies ;  they  remembered  only 
that  he  was  the  hated  Granvelle's  brother;  they  believed 
only  that  there  was  a  plot  by  which,  in  some  utterly 
incomprehensible  manner,  they  were  all  to  be  immediately 
engaged  in  cutting  each  other's  throats  and  throwing  each 
other  out  of  the  windows,  as  had  been  done  half-a-dozen 
years  before  in  Paris.  Such  was  the  mischievous  intention 
ascribed  to  a  petition  which  Champagny  and  his  friends 
had  as  much  right  to  offer — however  narrow  and  mistaken 
their  opinions  might  now  be  considered — as  had  the  synod 
of  Dort  to  present  their  remonstrances.  Never  was  a  more 
malignant  or  more  stupid  perversion  of  a  simple  and  not 
very  alarming  phrase.  No  allusion  had  been  made  to  Saint 
Bartholomew,  but  all  its  horrors  were  supposed  to  be  con- 
cealed in  the  sentence  which  referred  to  Paris.  The  nobles 
were  arrested  on  the  spot  and  hurried  to  prison,  with  the 
exception  of  Champagny,  who  made  his  escape  at  first, 
and  lay  concealed  for  several  days.1  He  was,  however, 
finally  ferreted  out  of  his  hiding-place  and  carried  off  to 
Ghent.  There  he  was  thrown  into  strict  confinement,  being 
treated  in  all  respects  as  the  accomplice  of  Aerschot  and 
the  other  nobles  who  had  been  arrested  in  the  time  of 
Ryhove's  revolution.2  Certainly,  this  conduct  towards  a 
brave  and  generous  gentleman  was  ill  calculated  to  in- 
crease general  sympathy  for  the  cause,  or  to  merit  the 
approbation  of  Orange.  There  was,  however,  a  strong 
prejudice  against  Champagny.  His  brother  Granvelle  had 
never  been  forgotten  by  the  Netherlanders,  and  was  still 
regarded  as  their  most  untiring  foe,  while  Champagny 
was  supposed  to  be  in  close  league  with  the  Cardinal.  In 
these  views  the  people  were  completely  mistaken. 

While  these  events  were  taking  place  in  Brussels  and 
Antwerp,  the  two  armies  of  the  states  and  of  Don  John 
were  indolently  watching  each  other.  The  sinews  of  war 
had  been  cut  upon  both  sides.  Both  parties  were  cramped 

1  Bor,  xii.  588.     Hoofd,  xiii.  579.     Meteren,  viii.  142. 

2  Ibid.     Ibid.     Ibid. — His  captivity  lasted  several  years. 


Dutch  Republic  241 

by  the  most  abject  poverty.  The  troops  under  Bossu  and 
Casimir,  in  the  camp  near  Mechlin,  were  already  discon- 
tented, for  want  of  pay.  The  one  hundred  thousand 
pounds  of  Elizabeth  had  already  been  spent,  and  it  was 
not  probable  that  the  offended  Queen  would  soon  furnish 
another  subsidy.  The  states  could  with  difficulty  extort 
anything  like  the  assessed  quotas  from  the  different  pro- 
vinces. The  Duke  of  Alen£on  was  still  at  Mons,  from 
which  place  he  had  issued  a  violent  proclamation  of  war 
against  Don  John — a  manifesto  which  had,  however,  not 
been  followed  up  by  very  vigorous  demonstrations.  Don 
John  himself  was  in  his  fortified  camp  at  Bouge,  within  a 
league  of  Namur,  but  the  hero  was  consuming  with  mental 
and  with  bodily  fever.  He  was,  as  it  were,  besieged.  He 
was  left  entirely  without  funds,  while  his  royal  brother 
obstinately  refused  compliance  with  his  earnest  demands 
to  be  recalled,  and  coldly  neglected  his  importunities  for 
pecuniary  assistance.1 

Compelled  to  carry  on  a  war  against  an  armed  rebellion 
with  such  gold  only  as  could  be  extracted  from  royal 
words ;  stung  to  the  heart  by  the  suspicion  of  which  he 
felt  himself  the  object  at  home,  and  by  the  hatred  with 
which  he  was  regarded  in  the  provinces ;  outraged  in  his 
inmost  feelings  by  the  murder  of  Escovedo;  foiled,  out- 
witted, reduced  to  a  political  nullity  by  the  masterly  tactics 
of  the  "  odious  heretic  of  heretics  "  to  whom  he  had 
originally  offered  his  own  patronage  and  the  royal  forgive- 
ness, the  high-spirited  soldier  was  an  object  to  excite 
the  tenderness  even  of  religious  and  political  opponents. 
Wearied  with  the  turmoil  of  camps  without  battle  and  of 
cabinets  without  counsel,  he  sighed  for  repose,  even  if  it 
could  be  found  only  in  a  cloister  or  the  grave.  "  I  rejoice 
to  see  by  your  letter,"  he  wrote,  pathetically,  to  John 
Andrew  Doria,  at  Genoa,  "  that  your  life  is  flowing  on 
with  such  calmness,  while  the  world  around  me  is  so 
tumultuously  agitated.  I  consider  you  most  fortunate  that 
you  are  passing  the  remainder  of  your  days  for  God  and 
yourself;  that  you  are  not  forced  to  put  yourself  perpetu- 
ally in  the  scales  of  the  world's  events,  nor  to  venture 
yourself  daily  on  its  hazardous  games."2  He  proceeded 

1  Bor,  xii.   997,  998.     Hoofd,  xiv.  584,  585.     The  states  had  agreed  to  pay  600,000 
guldens  per  month.     The  expenses  of  the  army  were  estimated  at  800,000  guldens  per 
month. — Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  vi.  397.     Proclamation  in  Bor,  xii.  996,  997. 

2  This  remarkable  and  pathetic  letter,   as  v/ell  as  that  addressed  to  Mendoza,   is 
published  in  Bor,  xii.  1004,  1005,  and  in  Hoofd,  xiv.  589,  590. 


242  The  Rise  of  the 

to  inform  his  friend  of  his  own  painful  situation,  sur- 
rounded by  innumerable  enemies,  without  means  of  hold- 
ing- out  more  than^  three  months,  and  cut  off  from  all 
assistance  by  a  government  which  could  not  see  that  if  the 
present  chance  were  lost  all  was  lost.  He  declared  it  im- 
possible for  him  to  fight  in  the  position  to  which  he  was 
reduced,  pressed  as  he  was  within  half  a  mile  of  the  point 
which  he  had  always  considered  as  his  last  refuge.  He 
stated  also  that  the  French  were  strengthening  themselves 
in  Hainault,  under  Alencon,  and  that  the  King-  of  France 
was  in  readiness  to  break  in  through  Burgundy,  should  his 
brother  obtain  a  firm  foothold  in  the  provinces.  "  I  have 
besought  his  Majesty  over  and  over  again,"  he  continued, 
"to  send  to  me  his  orders;  if  they  come  they  shall  be 
executed,  unless  they  arrive  too  late.  They  have  cut  off 
our  hands,  and  we  have  now  nothing  for  it  but  to  stretch 
forth  our  heads  also  to  the  axe.  I  grieve  to  trouble  you 
with  my  sorrows,  but  I  trust  to  your  sympathy  as  a  man 
and  a  friend.  I  hope  that  you  will  remember  me  in  your 
prayers,  for  you  can  put  your  trust  where,  in  former  days, 
I  never  could  place  my  own."  * 

The  dying  soldier  wrote  another  letter,  in  the  same 
mournful  strain,  to  another  intimate  friend,  Don  Pedro 
Mendoza,  Spanish  envoy  in  Genoa.  It  was  dated  upon  the 
same  day  from  his  camp  near  Namur,  and  repeated  the 
statement  that  the  King  of  France  was  ready  to  invade 
the  Netherlands,  as  soon  as  Alencon  should  prepare  an 
opening.  "His  Majesty,"  continued  Don  John,  "is  re- 
solved upon  nothing ;  at  least  I  am  kept  in  ignorance  of 
his  intentions.  Our  life  is  doled  out  to  us  here  by  moments. 
I  cry  aloud,  but  it  profits  me  little.  Matters  will  soon  be 
disposed,  through  our  negligence,  exactly  as  the  devi) 
would  best  wish  them.  It  is  plain  that  we  are  left  here  to 
pine  away  till  our  last  breath.  God  direct  us  all  as  He 
may  see  fit;  in  his  hands  are  all  things."  2 

Four  days  later  he  wrote  to  the  King,  stating  that  he 
was  confined  to  his  chamber  with  a  fever,  by  which  he  was 
already  as  much  reduced  as  if  he  had  been  ill  for  a  month. 
"  I  assure  your  Majesty,"  said  he,  "  that  the  work  here  is 
enough  to  destroy  any  constitution  and  any  life."  He 
reminded  Philip  how  often  he  had  been  warned  by  him  as 
to  the  insidious  practices  of  the  French.  Those  prophecies 

1  Letter  to  Doria  ;  Bor,  Hoofd,  ubi  sup. 

2  Letter  to  Pedro  de  Mendoza ;  Bor,  xii.  1005.     Hoofd,  xiv.  590. 


Dutch  Republic  243 

had  now  become  facts.  The  French  had  entered  the 
country,  while  some  of  the  inhabitants  were  frightened, 
others  disaffected.  Don  John  declared  himself  in  a 
dilemma.  With  his  small  force,  hardly  enough  to  make 
head  against  the  enemy  immediately  in  front,  and  to  pro- 
tect the  places  which  required  guarding,  it  was  impossible 
for  him  to  leave  his  position  to  attack  the  enemy  in  Bur- 
gundy. If  he  remained  stationary,  the  communications 
were  cut  off  through  which  his  money  and  supplies  reached 
him.  "Thus  I  remain,"  said  he,  "perplexed  and  con- 
fused, desiring,  more  than  life,  some  decision  on  your 
Majesty's  part,  for  which  I  have  implored  so  many  times." 
He  urged  the  King  most  vehemently  to  send  him  instruc- 
tions as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued,1  adding  that  it 
wounded  him  to  the  soul  to  find  them  so  long  delayed. 
He  begged  to  be  informed  "  whether  he  was  to  attack  the 
enemy  in  Burgundy,  whether  he  should  await  where  he 
then  was  the  succour  of  his  Majesty,  or  whether  he  was 
to  fight,  and  if  so  with  which  of  his  enemies  :  in  fine,  what 
he  was  to  do ;  because,  losing  or  winning,  he  meant  to 
conform  to  his  Majesty's  will.  He  felt  deeply  pained,  he 
said,  at  being  disgraced  and  abandoned  by  the  King, 
having  served  him  both  as  a  brother  and  a  man,  with  love 
and  faith  and  heartiness.  "  Our  lives,"  said  he,  "  are  at 
stake  upon  this  game,  and  all  we  wish  is  to  lose  them 
honourably."2  He  begged  the  King  to  send  a  special 
envoy  to  France,  with  remonstrances  on  the  subject  of 
Alencon,  and  another  to  the  Pope  to  ask  for  the  Duke's 
excommunication.  He  protested  that  he  would  give  his 
blood  rather  than  occasion  so  much  annoyance  to  the 
King,  but  that  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  tell  the  naked  truth. 
The  pest  was  ravaging  his  little  army.  Twelve  hundred 
were  now  in  hospital,  besides  those  nursed  in  private 
houses,  and  he  had  no  means  or  money  to  remedy  the 
evil.  Moreover,  the  enemy,  seeing  that  they  were  not 
opposed  in  the  open  field,  had  cut  off  the  passage  into 
Liege  by  the  Meuse,  and  had  advanced  to  Nivelles  and 
Chimay  for  the  sake  of  communications  with  France,  by 
the  same  river.3 

1  "La  orden  de  como  tengo  de  gobernar."" — These  words  in  Don  John's  letter  were 
underlined  by  Philip,  who  made  upon  reading  them  the  following  most  characteristic 
annotation  :  "The  marked  request  I  will  not  grant.  I  will  not  tell ;"  (lo  rayado  no  yo 
le  dire).  2  "  Nos  van  las  vidas  en  esto  juego,"  etc.,  etc. 

3  Carta  (descifrada)  del  S.  D.  Juan  a  Su  Mag.,  20  Sept  1578.  MS.  Royal  Library, 
Hague,  f.  41-4^0. 


244  The  Rise  of  the 

Ten  days  after  these  pathetic  passages  had  been  written, 
the  writer  was  dead.  Since  the  assassination  of  Escovedo, 
a  consuming-  melancholy  had  settled  upon  his  spirits,  and 
a  burning  fever  came,  in  the  month  of  September,  to 
destroy  his  physical  strength.  The  house  where  he  lay 
was  a  hovel,  the  only  chamber  of  which  had  been  long 
used  as  a  pigeon-house.  This  wretched  garret  was 
cleansed,  as  well  as  it  could  be,  of  its  filth,  and  hung  with 
tapestry  emblazoned  with  armorial  bearings.  In  that 
dovecot  the  hero  of  Lepanto  was  destined  to  expire. 
During  the  last  few  days  of  his  illness  he  was  delirious. 
Tossing  upon  his  uneasy  couch,  he  again  arranged  in 
imagination  the  combinations  of  great  battles,  again 
shouted  his  orders  to  rushing  squadrons,  and  listened  with 
brightening  eye  to  the  trumpet  of  victory.  Reason  re- 
turned, however,  before  the  hour  of  death,  and  permitted 
him  the  opportunity  to  make  the  dispositions  rendered 
necessary  by  his  condition.  He  appointed  his  nephew, 
Alexander  of  Parma,  who  had  been  watching  assiduously 
over  his  death-bed,  to  succeed  him,  provisionally,  in  the 
command  of  the  army  and  in  his  other  dignities,  received 
the  last  sacraments  with  composure,  and  tranquilly  breathed 
his  last  upon  the  first  day  of  October,  the  month  which, 
since  the  battle  of  Lepanto,  he  had  always  considered  a 
festive  and  a  fortunate  one.1 

It  was  inevitable  that  suspicion  of  poison  should  be  al 
once  excited  by  his  decease.  Those  suspicions  have  been 
never  set  at  rest,  and  never  proved.  Two  Englishmen, 
Ratcliff  and  Gray  by  name,  had  been  arrested  and  executed 
on  a  charge  of  having  been  employed  by  Secretary  Wal- 
singham  to  assassinate  the  Governor.2  The  charge  was 
doubtless  an  infamous  falsehood ;  but  had  Philip,  who  was 
suspected  of  being  the  real  criminal,  really  compassed  the 
death  of  his  brother,  it  was  none  the  less  probable  that  an 
innocent  victim  or  two  would  be  executed,  to  save  appear- 
ances. Now  that  time  has  unveiled  to  us  many  mysteries, 
now  that  we  have  learned  from  Philip's  own  lips  and  those 
of  his  accomplices  the  exact  manner  in  which  Montigny 
and  Escovedo  were  put  to  death,  the  world  will  hardly 
be  very  charitable  with  regard  to  other  imputations.  It 
was  vehemently  suspected  that  Don  John  had  been  mur- 

1  Van  der   Hammen  y  Leon,   vi.   324.     Bor,    xii.    1005.     Cabrera,   xii.    1008,    1009. 
Strada,  x.  503,  505,  506.     Hoofd,  591. 

2  De  Thou,  viL  699. — Compare  Cabrera,  xii.  1006. 


Dutch  Republic  245 

dered  by  the  command  of  Philip,  but  no  such  fact  was  ever 
proved. 

The  body,  when  opened  that  it  might  be  embalmed,  was 
supposed  to  offer  evidence  of  poison.  The  heart  was  dry, 
the  other  internal  organs  were  likewise  so  desiccated  as  to 
crumble  when  touched,  and  the  general  colour  of  the 
interior  was  of  a  blackish  brown,  as  if  it  had  been  singed. 
Various  persons  were  mentioned  as  the  probable  criminals ; 
various  motives  assigned  for  the  commission  of  the  deed. 
Nevertheless,  it  must  be  admitted  that  there  were  causes, 
which  were  undisputed,  for  his  death,  sufficient  to  render  a 
search  for  the  more  mysterious  ones  comparatively  super- 
fluous. A  disorder  called  the  pest  was  raging  in  his  camp, 
and  had  carried  off  a  thousand  of  his  soldiers  within  a  few 
days,  while  his  mental  sufferings  had  been  acute  enough 
to  turn  his  heart  to  ashes.  Disappointed,  tormented  by 
friend  and  foe,  suspected,  insulted,  broken  spirited,  it  was 
not  strange  that  he  should  prove  an  easy  victim  to  a 
pestilent  disorder  before  which  many  stronger  men  were 
daily  falling.1 

On  the  third  day  after  his  decease,  the  funeral  rites  were 
celebrated.  A  dispute  between  the  Spaniards,  Germans, 
and  Netherlanders  in  the  army  arose,  each  claiming  prece- 
dence in  the  ceremony,  on  account  of  superior  national 
propinquity  to  the  illustrious  deceased.  All  were,  in  truth, 
equally  near  to  him,  for  different  reasons,  and  it  was 
arranged  that  all  should  share  equally  in  the  obsequies. 
The  corpse,  disembowelled  and  embalmed,  was  laid  upon 
a  couch  of  state.  The  hero  was  clad  in  complete  armour ; 
his  sword,  helmet,  and  steel  gauntlets  lying  at  his  feet,  a 
coronet,  blazing  with  precious  stones,  upon  his  head,  the 
jewelled  chain  and  insignia  of  the  Golden  Fleece  about  his 
neck,  and  perfumed  gloves  upon  his  hands.  Thus  royally 
and  martially  arrayed,  he  was  placed  upon  his  bier  and 

1  "  Namque  in  defunct!  corpore  extitisse  non  obscura  veneni  vestigia  affirmant,  qui 
viderunt." — Strada,  x.  512.     The  Jesuit  does  not  express  any  opinion  as  to  the  truth  of 

the  report. — Compare  Cabrera,  xii.  1000.     Van  d.  Vynckt,  ii.  253,  254.     " hallaronla 

parte  del  coracon  seca  i  todo  lo  interior  i  lo  esterior  denegrido  i  come  tostado,  que  se  deshazia 
con  el  toque  ;  i  lo  demas  de  color  palido  de  natural  difunto." — Cabrera,  xii,  1009.  The 
Seigneur  de  Brantome,  after  expressing  his  regrets  that  such  a  brave  son  of  Mars  should 

have  died  in  his  bed,  (" comme  si  c'eust  estd  quelque  mignon  de  Venus,")  suggests 

that  he  was  poisoned  by  -means  of  perfumed  boots  (certainly  an  original  method,  and  one 

which  was  not  likely  to  make  his  "  interior"  look  as  if  "toasted") ;  " car  on  tient 

tout  qu'il  mourut  empoissonn£  par  des  bottines  parfume'es." — Homrnes  Illust.  et  Gr., 
cap.  ii.  140.  The  poisoning  was  attributed  to  various  persons  ;  to  Philip,  to  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  and  to  the  Abbot  of  St.  Gertrude,  who  is  said  to  have  effected  the  deed 
through  one  Guerin,  a  well-known  poisoner  of  Marseilles.— V.  Wyn  Aanm.  op  Wagenaer, 
vii.  65.  See  also  Hoofd,  xiv.  591 ;  Bor,  xii.  1004. 


246  The  Rise  of  the 

borne  forth  from  the  house  where  he  had  died,  by  the 
gentlemen  of  his  bedchamber.  From  them  he  was  re- 
ceived by  the  colonels  of  the  regiments  stationed  next  his 
own  quarters.  These  chiefs,  followed  by  their  troops 
with  inverted  arms  and  muffled  drums,  escorted  the  body 
to  the  next  station,  where  it  was  received  by  the  com- 
manding1 officers,  of  other  national  regiments,  to  be  again 
transmitted  to  those  of  the  third.  Thus  by  soldiers  of  the 
three  nations,  it  was  successively  conducted  to  the  gates 
of  Namur,  where  it  was  received  by  the  civic  authorities. 
The  pall-bearers,  old  Peter  Ernest  Mansfeld,  Ottavio 
Gonzaga,  the  Marquis  de  Villa  Franca,  and  the  Count  de 
Reux,  then  bore  it  to  the  church,  where  it  was  deposited 
until  the  royal  orders  should  be  received  from  Spain.  The 
heart  of  the  hero  was  permanently  buried  beneath  the 
pavement  of  the  little  church,  and  a  monumental  inscrip- 
tion, prepared  by  Alexander  Farnese,  still  indicates  the 
spot  where  that  lion  heart  returned  to  dust.1 

It  had  been  Don  John's  dying  request  to  Philip  that 
his  remains  might  be  buried  in  the  Escorial  by  the  side  of 
his  imperial  father,  and  the  prayer  being  granted,  the 
royal  order  in  due  time  arrived  for  the  transportation  of 
the  corpse  to  Spain.  Permission  had  been  asked  and 
given  for  the  passage  of  a  small  number  of  Spanish  troops 
through  France.  The  thrifty  King  had,  however,  made 
no  allusion  to  the  fact  that  those  soldiers  were  to  bear 
with  them  the  mortal  remains  of  Lepanto's  hero,  for  he 
was  disposed  to  save  the  expense  which  a  public  trans- 
portation of  the  body  and  the  exchange  of  pompous  cour- 
tesies with  the  authorities  of  every  town  upon  the  long 
journey  would  occasion.  The  corpse  was  accordingly 
divided  into  three  parts,  and  packed  in  three  separate 
bags  :  and  thus  the  different  portions,  to  save  weight, 
being  suspended  at  the  saddle-bows  of  different  troopers, 
the  body  of  the  conqueror  was  conveyed  to  its  distant 
resting-place.2 

"  Expende  Hannibalem  :  quot  libras  in  duce  summo 
Invenies?" 

Thus   irreverently,    almost  blasphemously,    the   disjointed 

1  Strada,  x.  515.  Hoofd,  xiv.  591.  "  Relacion  de  la  enfermedad  y  muerte  del  S.  D. 
Tuan." — Documentos  Indditos,  vii.  443-448. — Compare  Tassis,  iv.  326  ;  Hoofd,  xiv.  591  ; 
Haraeus  (Ann.,  iii.  285).  The  inscription  on  the  tablet  may  yet  be  read  at  Namur, 
although  a  new  church  has  replaced  the  one  in  which  the  heart  was  originally 
deposited. 

-  Strada,  x.  516,  519. — "  Relacion  de  la  enfermedad  y  muerte,"  pp.  443-448.  Hoofd, 
xiv.  592. 


Dutch  Republic  247 

relics  of  the  great  warrior  were  hurried  through  France ; 
— France,  which  the  romantic  Saracen  slave  had  traversed 
but  two  short  years  before,  filled  with  high  hopes,  and 
pursuing  extravagant  visions.  It  has  been  recorded  by 
classic  historians,1  that  the  different  fragments,  after  their 
arrival  in  Spain,  were  reunited,  and  fastened  together 
with  wire;  that  the  body  was  then  stuffed,  attired  in  mag- 
nificent habiliments,  placed  upon  its  feet,  and  supported 
by  a  martial  staff,  and  that  thus  prepared  for  a  royal  in- 
terview, the  mortal  remains  of  Don  John  were  presented 
to  his  Most  Catholic  Majesty.  Philip  is  said  to  have 
manifested  emotion  at  sight  of  the  hideous  spectre — for 
hideous  and  spectral,  despite  of  jewels,  balsams,  and  bro- 
cades, must  have  been  that  unburied  corpse,  aping  life  in 
attitude  and  vestment,  but  standing  there  only  to  assert 
its  privilege  of  descending  into  the  tomb.  The  claim  was 
granted,  and  Don  John  of  Austria  at  last  found  repose  by 
the  side  of  his  imperial  father.2 

1  " ubi  ossibus  iterum  commissis,  aereiqe  nexu  fill  colligatis,  totam  facile  articula- 

vere  compagem  corporis." — Strada,  x.  519.     " Quod  tomento  expletum,  ac  superin- 

dutis  armis,  pretipsis  vestibus  exornatum  ita  Regis  obtulere  oculis  quasi  pedibus  innitens, 
Imperatorii  videlicet  baculi  adjumento,  plane  vivere  ac  spirare  videretur." — Ibid.     The 
story  must  be  received,  however,  with  extreme  caution,  as  being  perhaps  only  one  of  the 
imaginative  embroideries  of  that  genial  Jesuit,  Strada.     There  is  no  mention  of  the  cir- 
cumstance in  the  "  Relacion  de  la  enfermedad,"  etc.,  but,  on  the  contrary,  the  body  of 
the  hero  is  there  represented  as  having  been  wrapped  decently  in  a  shroud  of  "  delicate 
Hollands,"  and  placed    in    a  coffin  covered  within  and  without  with  black  velvet. — 
Documentos  Indditos,  vii.  443-448. 

2  Strada,  x.  519. 


PART .  VI 
ALEXANDER  OF   PARMA 

1578—1584 

CHAPTER    I 

Birth,  education,  marriage,  and  youthful  character  of  Alexander  Farnese — His  private 
adventures — Exploits  at  Lepanto  and  at  Gemblours — He  succeeds  to  the  government 
— Personal  appearance  and  characteristics — Aspect  of  affairs — Internal  dissensions— 
Anjou  at  Mons — John  Casimir's  intrigues  at  Ghent — Anjou  disbands  his  soldiers — 
The  Netherlands  ravaged  by  various  foreign  troops — Anarchy  and  confusion  in 
Ghent — Imbize  and  Ryhove-^-Fate  of  Hessels  and  Visch — New  Pacification  drawn 
up  by  Orange — Representations  of  Queen  Elizabeth — Remonstrance  of  Brussels — 
Riots  and  image-breaking  in  Ghent — Displeasure  of  Orange — His  presence  implored 
at  Ghent,  where  he  establishes  a  Religious  Peace — Painful  situation  of  John  Casimir 
— Sharp  rebukes  of  Elizabeth — He  takes  his  departure — His  troops  apply  to  Farnese, 
who  allows  them  to  leave  the  country — Anjou's  departure  and  manifesto — Elizabeth's 
letters  to  the  states-general  with  regard  to  him — Complimentary  addresses  by  the 
estates  to  the  Duke — Death  of  Bossu — Calumnies  against  Orange — Venality  of  the 
Malcontent  grandees — La  Motte's  treason — Intrigues  of  the  Prior  of  Renty — Sainte 
Aldegonde  at  Arras — The  Prior  of  St.  Vaast's  exertions — Opposition  of  the  clergy  in 
the  Walloon  provinces  to  the  taxation  of  the  general  government — Triangular  contest 
— Municipal  revolution  in  Arras  led  by  Gosson  and  others — Counter-revolution — 
Rapid  trials  and  executions — "Reconciliation"  of  the  Malcontent  chieftains — Secret 
treaty  of  Mount  St.  Eloi — Mischief  made  by  the  Prior  of  Renty — His  accusations 
against  the  reconciled  lords — Vengeance  taken  upon  him — Counter  movement  by  the 
liberal  party — Union  of  Utrecht — The  Act  analyzed  and  characterized. 

A  FIFTH  Governor  now  stood  in  the  place  which  had  been 
successively  vacated  by  Margaret  of  Parma,  by  Alva,  by 
the  Grand  Commander,  and  by  Don  John  of  Austria.  Of 
all  the  eminent  personages  to  whom  Philip  had  confided 
the  reins  of  that  most  difficult  and  dangerous  administra- 
tion, the  man  who  was  now  to  rule  was  by  far  the  ablest 
and  the  best  fitted  for  his  post.  If  there  were  living 
charioteer  skilful  enough  to  guide  the  wheels  of  state, 
whirling  now  more  dizzily  than  ever  through  "  confusum 
chaos,"  Alexander  Farnese  was  the  charioteer  to  guide — 
his  hand  the  only  one  which  could  control. 

He  was  now  in  his  thirty-third  year — his  uncle  Don 
John,  his  cousin  Don  Carlos,  and  himself,  having  all  been 
born  within  a  few  months  of  each  other.  His  father  was 
Ottavio  Farnese,  the  faithful  lieutenant  of  Charles  the 
Fifth,  and  grandson  of  Pope  Paul  the  Third ;  his  mother 


The  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic     249 

was  Margaret  of  Parma,  first  Regent  of  the  Netherlands 
after  the  departure  of  Philip  from  the  provinces.  He  was 
one  of  the  twins  by  which  the  reunion  of  Margaret  and 
her  youthful  husband  had  been  blessed,  and  the  only 
one  that  survived.  His  great-grandfather,  Paul,  whose 
secular  name  of  Alexander  he  had  received,  had  placed 
his  hand  upon  the  new-born  infant's  head,  and  prophesied 
that  he  would  grow  up  to  become  a  mighty  warrior.1  The 
boy,  from  his  earliest  years,  seemed  destined  to  verify  the 
prediction.  Though  apt  enough  at  his  studies,  he  turned 
with  impatience  from  his  literary  tutors  to  military  exer- 
cises and  the  hardiest  sports.  The  din  of  arms  surrounded 
his  cradle.  The  trophies  of  Ottavio,  returning  victorious 
from  beyond  the  Alps,  had  dazzled  the  eyes  of  his  infancy, 
and  when  but  six  years  of  age  he  had  witnessed  the  siege 
of  his  native  Parma,  and  its  vigorous  defence  by  his 
martial  father.  When  Philip  was  in  the  Netherlands — 
in  the  years  immediately  succeeding  the  abdication  of  the 
Emperor — he  had  received  the  boy  from  his  parents  as  a 
hostage  for  their  friendship.  Although  but  eleven  years 
of  age,  Alexander  had  begged  earnestly  to  be  allowed  to 
serve  as  a  volunteer  on  the  memorable  day  of  Saint 
Quentin,  and  had  wept  bitterly  when  the  amazed  monarch 
refused  his  request.2  His  education  had  been  completed 
at  Alcala,  and  at  Madrid,  under  the  immediate  supervision 
of  his  royal  uncle,  and  in  the  companionship  of  the  Infante 
Carlos  and  the  brilliant  Don  John.  The  imperial  bastard 
was  alone  able  to  surpass,  or  even  to  equal,  the  Italian 
Prince  in  all  martial  and  manly  pursuits.  Both  were 
equally  devoted  to  the  chase  and  to  the  tourney ;  both 
longed  impatiently  for  the  period  when  the  irksome 
routine  of  monkish  pedantry,  and  the  fictitious  combats 
which  formed  their  main  recreation,  should  be  exchanged 
for  the  substantial  delights  of  war.  At  the  age  of  twenty 
he  had  been  affianced  to  Maria  of  Portugal,  daughter  of 
Prince  Edward,  granddaughter  of  King  Emanuel,  and 
his  nuptials  with  that  peerless  princess  were,  as  we  have 
seen,  celebrated  soon  afterwards  with  much  pomp  in 
Brussels.  Sons  and  daughters  were  born  to  him  in  due 
time,  during  his  subsequent  residence  in  Parma.  Here, 
however,  the  fiery  and  impatient  spirit  of  the  future 
illustrious  commander  was  doomed  for  a  time  to  fret 
under  restraint,  and  to  corrode  in  distasteful  repose.  His 

1  Strada,  ix.  451,  x.  508.  2  Ibid.,  ix.  458. 


250  The  Rise  of  the 

father,  still  in  the  vigour  of  his  years,  governing  the 
family  duchies  of  Parma  and  Piacenza,  Alexander  had 
no  occupation  in  the  brief  period  of  peace  which  then 
existed.  The  martial  spirit,  pining  for  a  wide  and  lofty 
sphere  of  action,  in  which  alone  its  energies  could  be 
fitly  exercised,  now  sought  delight  in  the  pursuits  of  the 
duellist  and  gladiator.  Nightly  did  the  hereditary  prince 
of  the  land  perambulate  the  streets  of  his  capital,  dis- 
guised, well  armed,  alone,  or  with  a  single  confidential 
attendant.1  Every  chance  passenger  of  martial  aspect 
whom  he  encountered  in  the  midnight  streets  was  forced 
to  stand  and  measure  swords  with  an  unknown,  almost 
unseen,  but  most  redoubtable  foe,  and  many  were  the 
single  combats  which  he  thus  enjoyed,  so  long  as  his 
incognito  was  preserved.  Especially,  it  was  his  wont 
to  seek  and  defy  every  gentleman  whose  skill  or  bravery 
had  ever  been  commended  in  his  hearing.  At  last,  upon 
one  occasion,  it  was  his  fortune  to  encounter*  a  certain 
Count  Torelli,  whose  reputation  as  a  swordsman  and 
duellist  was  well  established  in  Parma.  The  blades  were 
joined,  and  the  fierce  combat  had  already  been  engaged 
in  the  darkness,  when  the  torch  of  an  accidental  passenger 
flashed  full  in  the  face  of  Alexander.  Torelli,  recogniz- 
ing thus  suddenly  his  antagonist,  dropped  his  sword  and 
implored  forgiveness,2  for  the  wily  Italian  was  too  keen 
not  to  perceive  that  even  if  the  death  of  neither  com- 
batant should  be  the  result  of  the  fray,  his  own  position 
was,  in  every  event,  a  false  one.  Victory  would  ensure 
him  the  hatred,  defeat  the  contempt  of  his  future 
sovereign.  The  unsatisfactory  issue  and  subsequent 
notoriety  of  this  encounter  put  a  termination  to  these  mid- 
night joys  of  Alexander,  and  for  a  season  he  felt  obliged 
to  assume  more  pacific  habits,  and  to  solace  himself  with 
the  society  of  that  "phoenix  of  Portugal,"  who  had  so 
long  sat  brooding  on  his  domestic  hearth. 

At  last  the  holy  league  was  formed,  the  new  and  last 
crusade  proclaimed,  his  uncle  and  bosom  friend  appointed 
to  the  command  of  the  united  troops  of  Rome,  Spain,  and 
Venice.  He  could  no  longer  be  restrained.  Disdaining 
the  pleadings  of  his  mother  and  of  his  spouse,  he  extorted 
permission  from  Philip,  and  flew  to  the  seat  of  war  in  the 
Levant.  Don  John  received  him  with  open  arms,  just 
before  the  famous  action  of  Lepanto,  and  gave  him  an 

1  Strada,  ix.  454,  455.  2  ibid.,  ix.  455. 


Dutch  Republic  251 

excellent  position  in  the  very  front  of  the  battle,  with  the 
command  of  several  Genoese  galleys.  Alexander's  ex- 
ploits on  that  eventful  day  seemed  those  of  a  fabulous 
hero  of  romance.  He  laid  his  galley  alongside  of  the 
treasure-ship  of  the  Turkish  fleet,  a  vessel,  on  account  of 
its  importance,  doubly  manned  and  armed.  Impatient 
that  the  Crescent  was  not  lowered,  after  a  few  broadsides, 
he  sprang  on  board  the  enemy  alone,  waving  an  immense 
two-handed  sword — his  usual  weapon — and  mowing  a 
passage  right  and  left  through  the  hostile  ranks  for  the 
warriors  who  tardily  followed  the  footsteps  of  their  vehe- 
ment chief.  Mustapha  Bey,  the  treasurer  and  commander 
of  the  ship,  fell  before  his  sword,  besides  many  others, 
whom  he  hardly  saw  or  counted.  The  galley  was  soon 
his  own,  as  well  as  another,  which  came  to  the  rescue  of 
the  treasure-ship  only  to  share  its  defeat.  The  booty  which 
Alexander's  crew  secured  was  prodigious,  individual 
soldiers  obtaining  two  and  three  thousand  ducats  each.1 
Don  John  received  his  nephew  after  the  battle  with  com- 
mendations, not,  however,  unmingled  with  censure.  The 
successful  result  alone  had  justified  such  insane  and 
desperate  conduct,  for  had  he  been  slain,  or  overcome, 
said  the  commander-in-chief,  there  would  have  been  few 
to  applaud  his  temerity.  Alexander  gaily  replied  by 
assuring  his  uncle  that  he  had  felt  sustained  by  a  more 
than  mortal  confidence,  the  prayers  which  his  saintly 
wife  was  incessantly  offering  in  his  behalf  since  he  went 
to  the  wars  being  a  sufficient  support  and  shield  in  even 
greater  danger  than  he  had  yet  confronted.2 

This  was  Alexander's  first  campaign,  nor  was  he  per- 
mitted to  reap  any  more  glory  for  a  few  succeeding  years. 
At  last,  Philip  was  disposed  to  send  both  his  mother  and 
himself  to  the  Netherlands,  removing  Don  John  from  the 
rack  where  he  had  been  enduring  such  slow  torture. 
Granvelle's  intercession  proved  fruitless  with  the  Duchess, 
but  Alexander  was  all  eagerness  to  go  where  blows  were 
passing  current,  and  he  gladly  led  the  reinforcements 
which  were  sent  to  Don  John  at  the  close  of  the  year 
1577.  He  had  reached  Luxemburg  on  the  i8th  of 
December  of  that  year,  in  time,  as  we  have  seen,  to  par- 
ticipate, and,  in  fact,  to  take  the  lead  in  the  signal  victory 
of  Gemblours.  He  had  been  struck  with  the  fatal  change 
which  disappointment  and  anxiety  had  wrought  upon  the 

1  Strada,  ix.  456,  457.  2  Ibid.,  ix.  458. 


252  The  Rise  of  the 

beautiful  and  haughty  features  of  his  illustrious  kinsman.1 
He  had  since  closed  his  eyes  in  the  camp,  and  erected  a 
marble  tablet  over  his  heart  in  the  little  church.  He  now 
governed  in  his  stead. 

His  personal  appearance  corresponded  with  his 
character.  He  had  the  head  of  a  gladiator,  round,  com- 
pact, combative,  with  something  alert  and  snake-like  in 
its  movements.  The  black,  closely-shorn  hair  was  erect 
and  bristling.  The  forehead  was  lofty  and  narrow.  The 
features  were  handsome,  the  nose  regularly  aquiline,  the 
eyes  well  opened,  dark,  piercing,  but  with  something 
dangerous  and  sinister  in  their  expression.2  There  was 
an  habitual  look  askance,  as  of  a  man  seeking  to  parry  or 
inflict  a  mortal  blow — the  look  of  a  swordsman  and  pro- 
fessional fighter.  The  lower  part  of  the  face  was 
swallowed  in  a  bushy  beard ;  the  mouth  and  chin  being 
quite  invisible.  He  was  of  middle  stature,  well  formed, 
and  graceful  in  person,  princely  in  demeanour,  sumptuous 
and  stately  in  apparel.3  His  high  ruff  of  point  lace,  his 
badge  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  his  gold-inlaid  Milan  armour, 
marked  him  at  once  as  one  of  high  degree.  On  the 
field  of  battle  he  possessed  the  rare  gift  of  inspiring  his 
soldiers  with  his  own  impetuous  and  chivalrous  courage. 
He  ever  led  the  way  upon  the  most  dangerous  and  despe- 
rate ventures,  and,  like  his  uncle  and  his  imperial  grand- 
father, well  knew  how  to  reward  the  devotion  of  his 
readiest  followers  with  a  poniard,  a  feather,  a  riband,  a 
jewel,  taken  with  his  own  hands  from  his  own  attire.4 

His  military  abilities — now  for  the  first  time  to  be 
largely  called  into  employment — were  unquestionably 
superior  to  those  of  Don  John,  whose  name  had  been  sur- 
rounded with  such  splendour  by  the  world-renowned  battle 
of  Lepanto.  Moreover,  he  possessed  far  greater  power  for 
governing  men,  whether  in  camp  or  cabinet.  Less 
attractive  and  fascinating,  he  was  more  commanding  than 
his  kinsman.  Decorous  and  self-poised,  he  was  only  pas- 
sionate before  the  enemy,  but  he  rarely  permitted  a  dis- 
respectful look  or  word  to  escape  condign  and  deliberate 
chastisement.  He  was  no  schemer  or  dreamer.  He  was 
no  knight  errant.  He  would  not  have  crossed  seas  and 
mountains  to  rescue  a  captive  queen,  nor  have  sought  to 

1  Strada,  ix.  460. 

1  "  Een  fel  gesicht,"  says  Bor,  3,  xxix.  661,  and  the  portraits  confirm  the  statement. 
8  "  Kostelijck  en  overdadig  in  kleecieren." — Bor,  loc.  cit.  4  Strada,  2,  iii.  150. 


Dutch  Republic  253 

place  her  crown  on  his  own  head,  as  a  reward  for  his 
heroism.  He  had  a  single  and  concentrated  kind  of 
Character.  He  knew  precisely  the  work  which  Philip 
required,  and  felt  himself  to  be  precisely  the  workman 
that  had  so  long  been  wanted.  Cool,  incisive,  fearless, 
artful,  he  united  the  unscrupulous  audacity  of  a  con- 
dottiere  with  the  wily  patience  of  a  Jesuit.  He  could 
coil  unperceived  through  unsuspected  paths,  could  strike 
suddenly,  sting  mortally.  He  came  prepared,  not  only  to 
smite  the  Netherlanders  in  the  open  field,  but  to  cope  with 
them  in  tortuous  policy ;  to  outwatch  and  outweary  them 
in  the  game  to  which  his  impatient  predecessor  had  fallen 
a  baffled  victim.  He  possessed  the  art  and  the  patience 
— as  time  was  to  prove — not  only  to  undermine  their  most 
impregnable  cities,  but  to  delve  below  the  intrigues  of 
their  most  accomplished  politicians.  To  circumvent  at 
once  both  their  negotiators  and  their  men-at-arms  was  his 
appointed  task.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  courage,  the 
vigilance,  and  the  superior  intellect  of  a  single  antago- 
nist, the  whole  of  the  Netherlands  would  have  shared  the 
fate  which  was  reserved  for  the  more  southern  portion. 
Had  the  life  of  William  of  Orange  been  prolonged,  perhaps 
the  evil  genius  of  the  Netherlands  might  have  still  been 
exorcised  throughout  the  whole  extent  of  the  country. 

As  for  religion,  Alexander  Farnese,  was,  of  course, 
strictly  Catholic,  regarding  all  seceders  from  Romanism 
as  mere  heathen  dogs.  Not  that  he  practically  troubled 
himself  much  with  sacred  matters — for  during  the  lifetime 
of  his  wife,  he  had  cavalierly  thrown  the  whole  burden 
of  his  personal  salvation  upon  her  saintly  shoulders.  She 
had  now  flown  to  higher  spheres,  but  Alexander  was, 
perhaps,  willing  to  rely  upon  her  continued  intercessions 
in  his  behalf.  The  life  of  a  bravo  in  time  of  peace — the 
deliberate  project  in  war  to  exterminate  whole  cities  full 
of  innocent  people,  who  had  different  notions  on  the  sub- 
ject of  image-worship  and  ecclesiastical  ceremonies  from 
those  entertained  at  Rome,  did  not  seem  to  him  at  all  in- 
compatible with  the  precepts  of  Jesus.  Hanging,  drown- 
ing, burning,  and  butchering  heretics  were  the  legitimate 
deductions  of  his  theology.  He  was  no  casuist  nor  pre- 
tender to  holiness  :  but  in  those  days  every  man  was 
devout,  and  Alexander  looked  with  honest  horror  upon 
the  impiety  of  the  heretics,  whom  he  persecuted  and 
massacred.  He  attended  mass  regularly — in  the  winter 


254  The  Rise  of  the 

mornings  by  torch-light — and  would  as  soon  have  fore- 
gone his  daily  tennis  as  his  religious  exercises.  Roman- 
ism was  the  creed  of  his  caste.  It  was  the  religion  of 
princes  and  gentlemen  of  high  degree.  As  for  Lutheran- 
ism,  Zwinglism,  Calvinism,  and  similar  systems,  they  were 
but  the  fantastic  rites  of  weavers,  brewers,  and  the  like — 
an  ignoble  herd  whose  presumption  in  entitling  themselves 
Christians,  while  rejecting  the  Pope,  called  for  their  instant 
extermination.  His  personal  habits  were  extremely  tem- 
perate. He  was  accustomed  to  say  that  he  ate  only  to 
support  life;  and  he  rarely  finished  a  dinner  without 
having  risen  three  or  four  times  from  table  to  attend  to 
some  public  business  which,  in  his  opinion,  ought  not  to 
be  deferred.1 

His  previous  connexions  in  the  Netherlands  were  of 
use  to  him,  and  he  knew  how  to  turn  them  to  immediate 
account.  The  great  nobles,  who  had  been  uniformly 
actuated  by  jealousy  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  who  had 
been  baffled  in  their  intrigue  with  Matthias,  whose  half- 
blown  designs  upon  Anjou  had  already  been  nipped  in  the 
bud,  were  now  peculiarly  in  a  position  to  listen  to  the 
wily  tongue  of  Alexander  Farnese.  The  Montignys,  thfe 
La  Mottes,  the  Meluns,  the  Egmonts,  the  Aerschots,  the 
Havres,  foiled  and  doubly  foiled  in  all  their  small  intrigues 
and  their  base  ambitions,  were  ready  to  sacrifice  their 
country  to  the  man  they  hated,  and  to  the  ancient  religion 
which  they  thought  that  they  loved.  The  Malcontents 
ravaging  the  land  of  Hainault  and  threatening  Ghent, 
the  "  Paternoster  Jacks  "  who  were  only  waiting  for  a 
favourable  opportunity  and  a  good  bargain  to  make  their 
peace  with  Spain,  were  the  very  instruments  which 
Parma  most  desired  to  use  at  this  opening  stage  of  his 
career.  The  position  of  affairs  was  far  more  favourable 
for  him  than  it  had  been  for  Don  John  when  he  first 
succeeded  to  power.  On  the  whole,  there  seemed  a  bright 
prospect  of  success.  It  seemed  quite  possible  that  it 
would  be  in  Parma's  power  to  reduce,  at  last,  this 
chronic  rebellion,  and  to  re-establish  the  absolute  supre- 
macy of  Church  and  King.  The  pledges  of  the  Ghent 
Treaty  had  been  broken,  while  in  the  unions  of  Brussels 
which  had  succeeded,  the  fatal  religious  clause  had  turned 
the  instrument  of  peace  into  a  sword.  The  "  religion- 
peace  "  which  had  been  proclaimed  at  Antwerp  had 

1  Bor,  xxix.  66ib.  d.  iii. 


Dutch  Republic  255 

hardly  found  favour  anywhere.  As  the  provinces,  for  an 
instant,  had  seemingly  got  the  better  of  their  foe,  they 
turned  madly  upon  each  other,  and  the  fires  of  religious 
discord,  which  had  been  extinguished  by  the  common 
exertions  of  a  whole  race  trembling  for  the  destruction 
of  their  fatherland,  were  now  re-lighted  with  a  thousand 
brands  plucked  from  the  sacred  domestic  hearth.  Fathers 
and  children,  brothers  and  sisters,  husbands  and  wives, 
were  beginning  to  wrangle,  and  were  prepared  to  perse- 
cute. Catholic  and  Protestant,  during  the  momentary  relief 
from  pressure,  forgot  their  voluntary  and  most  blessed 
Pacification,  to  renew  their  internecine  feuds.  The  banished 
Reformers,  who  had  swarmed  back  in  droves  at  the 
tidings  of  peace  and  goodwill  to  all  men,  found  them- 
selves bitterly  disappointed.  They  were  exposed  in  the 
Walloon  provinces  to  the  persecution  of  the  Malcontents, 
in  the  Frisian  regions  to  the  still  powerful  coercion  of 
the  royal  stadholders. 

Persecution  begat  counter-persecution.  The  city  of 
Ghent  became  the  centre  of  a  system  of  insurrection,  by 
which  all  the  laws  of  God  and  man  were  outraged  under 
the  pretence  of  establishing  a  larger  liberty  in  civil  and 
religious  matters.  It  was  at  Ghent  that  the  opening 
scenes  in  Parma's  administration  took  place.  Of  the 
high-born  suitors  for  the  Netherland  bride,  two  were  still 
watching  each  other  with  jealous  eyes.  Anjou  was  at 
Mons,  which  city  he  had  secretly  but  unsuccessfully  at- 
tempted to  master  for  his  own  purposes.  John  Casimir 
was  at  Ghent,1  fomenting  an  insurrection  which  he  had 
neither  skill  to  guide,  nor  intelligence  to  comprehend. 
There  was  a  talk  of  making  him  Count  of  Flanders,2 
and  his  paltry  ambition  was  dazzled  by  the  glittering 
prize.  Anjou,  who  meant  to  be  Count  of  Flanders  him- 
self, as  well  as  Duke  or  Count  of  all  the  other  Nether- 
lands, was  highly  indignant  at  this  report,  which  he  chose 
to  consider  true.  He  wrote  to  the  estates  to  express  his 
indignation.  He  wrote  to  Ghent  to  offer  his  mediation 
between  the  burghers  and  the  Malcontents.  Casimir 
wanted  money  for  his  troops.  He  obtained  a  liberal 
supply,  but  he  wanted  more.  Meantime,  the  mercenaries 
were  roaming  through  the  southern  provinces ;  eating 
up  every  green  leaf,  robbing  and  pillaging,  where  robbery 
and  pillage  had  gone  so  often  that  hardly  anything  was 

1  Bor,  3,  xiii.  3.  2  ibid. 


256 


The  Rise  of  the 


left  for  rapine.1  Thus  dealt  the  soldiers  in  the  open 
country,  while  their  master  at  Ghent  was  plunging  into 
the  complicated  intrigues  spread  over  that  unfortunate  city 
by  the  most  mischievous  demagogues  who  ever  polluted 
a  sacred  cause.  Well  had  Cardinal  Granvelle,  his  enemy, 
and  William  of  Hesse,  his  friend  and  kinsman,  under- 
stood the  character  of  John  Casimir.  Robbery  and  pillage 
were  his  achievements,  to  make  chaos  more  confounded 
was  his  destiny.  Anjou — disgusted  with  the  temporary 
favour  accorded  to  a  rival  whom  he  affected  to  despise — 
disbanded  his  troops  in  dudgeon,  and  prepared  to  retire 
to  France.2  Several  thousand  of  these  mercenaries  took 
service  immediately  with  the  Malcontents 3  under  Mon- 
tigny,  thus  swelling  the  ranks  of  the  deadliest  foes  to 
that  land  over  which  Anjou  had  assumed  the  title  of 
protector.  The  states'  army,  meanwhile,  had  been  rapidly 
dissolving.  There  were  hardly  men  enough  left  to  make 
a  demonstration  in  the  field,  or  properly  to  garrison  the 
more  important  towns.  The  unhappy  provinces,  torn  by 
civil  and  religious  dissensions,  were  overrun  by  hordes  of 
unpaid  soldiers  of  all  nations,  creeds,  and  tongues — - 
Spaniards,  Italians,  Burgundians,  Walloons,  Germans, 
Scotch,  and  English ;  some  who  came  to  attack  and 
others  to  protect,  but  who  all  achieved  nothing  and  agreed 
in  nothing  save  to  maltreat  and  to  outrage  the  defenceless 
peasantry  and  denizens  of  the  lesser  towns.  The  contem- 
porary chronicles  are  full  of  harrowing  domestic  tragedies, 
in  which  the  actors  are  always  the  insolent  foreign 
soldiery  and  their  desperate  victims.4 

Ghent — energetic,  opulent,  powerful,  passionate,  unruly 
Ghent — was  now  the  focus  of  discord,  the  centre  from 
whence  radiated  not  the  light  and  warmth  of  reasonable 
and  intelligent  liberty,  but  the  bale-fires  of  murderous 
licence  and  savage  anarchy.  The  second  city  of  the 
Netherlands,  one  of  the  wealthiest  and  most  powerful 
cities  of  Christendom,  it  had  been  its  fate  so  often  to 
overstep  the  bounds  of  reason  and  moderation  in  its  de- 
votion to  freedom,  so  often  to  incur  ignominious  chastise- 
ment from  power  which  its  own  excesses  had  made  more 
powerful,  that  its  name  was  already  becoming  a  byword. 
It  now,  most  fatally  and  for  ever,  was  to  misunderstand 
Hts  true  position. 

1  Bor,  3,  xiii.  3.  2  Ibid.,  3,  xii.  3  Ibid.     Meteren,  viii.  n4d. 

4  Bor,  b.  xii.     Hoofd,  b.  xiv.     Meteren,  b.  viii.,  passim. 


Dutch  Republic  257 

The  great  majority  of  the  burghers  were  of  the  reformed 
religion,  and  disposed  to  make  effectual  resistance  to  the 
Malcontents,  led  by  the  disaffected  nobles.  The  city, 
considering  itself  the  natural  head  of  all  the  southern 
country,  was  indignant  that  the  Walloon  provinces  should 
dare  to  reassert  that  supremacy  of  Romanism  which  had 
been  so  effectually  suppressed,  and  to  admit  the  possibility 
of  friendly  relations  with  a  sovereign  who  had  been 
virtually  disowned.  There  were  two  parties,  however,  in 
Ghent.  Both  were  led  by  men  of  abandoned  and  danger- 
ous character.1  Imbize,  the  worse  of  the  two  dema- 
gogues, was  inconstant,  cruel,  cowardly,  and  treacherous, 
but  possessed  of  eloquence  and  a  talent  for  intrigue. 
Ryhove  was  a  bolder  ruffian — wrathful,  bitter,  and  un- 
scrupulous. Imbize  was  at  the  time  opposed  to  Orange, 
disliking  his  moderation,  and  trembling  at  his  firmness. 
Ryhove  considered  himself  the  friend  of  the  Prince.  We 
have  seen  that  he  had  consulted  him  previously  to  his 
memorable  attack  upon  Aerschot,  in  the  autumn  of  the 
preceding  year,  and  we  know  the  result  of  that  conference. 

The  Prince  had  winked  at  a  project  which  he  would  not 
openly  approve.  He  was  not  thoroughly  acquainted, 
however,  with  the  desperate  character  of  the  man,  for 
he  would  have  scorned  an  instrument  so  thoroughly  base 
as  Ryhove  subsequently  proved.  The  violence  of  that 
personage  on  the  occasion  of  the  arrest  of  Aerschot  and 
his  colleagues  was  mildness  compared  with  the  deed  with 
which  he  now  disgraced  the  cause  of  freedom.  He  had 
been  ordered  out  from  Ghent  to  oppose  a  force  of  Malcon- 
tents which  was  gathering  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Courtray ;  2  but  he  swore  that  he  would  not  leave  the 
gates  so  long  as  two  of  the  gentlemen  whom  he  had 
arrested  on  the  28th  of  the  previous  October,  and  who  yet 
remained  in  captivity,  were  still  alive.3  These  two 
prisoners  were  ex-procurator  Visch  and  Blood-Councillor 
Hessels.  Hessels,  it  seemed,  had  avowed  undying 
hostility  to  Ryhove  for  the  injury  sustained  at  his  hands, 
and  he  had  sworn,  "  by  his  grey  beard,"  that  the  ruffian 
should  yet  hang  for  the  outrage.  Ryhove,  not  feeling 
very  safe  in  the  position  of  affairs  which  then  existed, 
and  knowing  that  he  could  neither  trust  Imbize,  who  had 
formerly  been  his  friend,  nor  the  imprisoned  nobles,  who 

1  Van  d.  Vynckt,  iii.  38,  39.     Bor,  xlii.  5,  sqq.     Hoofd,  xiv.  589,  599. 

2  Bor,  xiii.  5.  3  Ibid. 

VOL.  III.  K 


258 


The  Rise  of  the 


had  ever  been  his  implacable  enemies,  was  resolved  to 
make  himself  safe  in  one  quarter  at  least,  before  he  set 
forth  against  the  Malcontents.  Accordingly,  Hessels  and 
Visch,  as  they  sat  together  in  their  prison,  at  chess,  upon 
the  4th  of  October,  1578,  were  suddenly  summoned  to 
leave  the  house,  and  to  enter  a  carriage  which  stood  at 
the  door.  A  force  of  armed  men  brought  the  order,  and 
were  sufficiently  strong  to  enforce  it.  The  prisoners 
obeyed,  and  the  coach  soon  rolled  slowly  through  the 
streets,  left  the  Courtray  gate,  and  proceeded  a  short 
distance  along  the  road  towards  that  city.1 

After  a  few  minutes  a  halt  was  made.  Ryhove  then 
made  his  appearance  at  the  carriage-window,  and  an- 
nounced to  the  astonished  prisoners  that  they  were  forth- 
with to  be  hanged  upon  a  tree  which  stood  by  the  road- 
side. He  proceeded  to  taunt  the  aged  Hessels  with  his 
threat  against  himself,  and  with  his  vow  "  by  his  grey 
beard."  "  Such  grey  beard  shalt  thou  never  live  thyself 
to  wear,  ruffian,"  cried  Hessels,  stoutly — furious  rather 
than  terrified  at  the  suddenness  of  his  doom.  "  There 
thou  liest,  false  traitor!"  roared  Ryhove  in  reply;  and  to 
prove  the  falsehood,  he  straightway  tore  out  a  handful  of 
the  old  man's  beard,  and  fastened  it  upon  his  own  cap 
like  a  plume.  His  action  was  imitated  by  several  of  his 
companions,  who  cut  for  themselves  locks  from  the  same 
grey  beard,  and  decorated  themselves  as  their  leader  had 
done.  This  preliminary  ceremony  having  been  concluded, 
the  two  aged  prisoners  were  forthwith  hanged  on  a  tree, 
without  the  least  pretence  of  trial  or  even  sentence.2 

Such  events,  with  the  hatred  growing  daily  more  intense 
between  the  Walloons  and  the  Ghenters,  made  it  highly 
important  that  some  kind  of  an  accord  should  be  con- 
cluded, if  possible.  In  the  country,  the  Malcontents,  under 
pretence  of  protecting  the  Catholic  clergy,  were  daily 
abusing  and  plundering  the  people,  while  in  Ghent  the 
clergy  were  maltreated,  the  cloisters  pillaged,  under  the 
pretence  of  maintaining  liberty.3  In  this  emergency  the 
eyes  of  all  honest  men  turned  naturally  to  Orange. 

Deputies  went  to  and  fro  between  Antwerp  and  Ghent. 
Three  points  were  laid  down  by  the  Prince  as  indispen- 
sable to  any  arrangement — firstly,  that  the  Catholic  clergy 

1  Hoofd,  xiv.  593.     Bor,  xiii.  5. 

*  Ibid.,  xiv.  593,  594.     Ibid.,  xiii.  5,  seq.     Meteren,  viii.  143.     Wagenaer,  Vad.   Hist., 
vn.  234.  3  Bor,  xiii.     Hoofd,  xiv.     Van  der  Vynckt,  3,  iii.  33,  sqq. 


Dutch  Republic  259 

should  be  allowed  the  free  use  of  their  property ;  secondly, 
that  they  should  not  be  disturbed  in  the  exercise  of  their 
religion ;  thirdly,  that  the  gentlemen  kept  in  prison  since 
the  memorable  28th  of  October  should  be  released.1  If 
these  points  should  be  granted,  the  Archduke  Matthias, 
the  states-general,  and  the  Prince  of  Orange  would  agree 
to  drive  off  the  Walloon  soldiery,  and  to  defend  Ghent 
against  all  injury.2  The  first  two  points  were  granted, 
upon  condition  that  sufficient  guarantees  should  be  estab- 
lished for  the  safety  of  the  reformed  religion.  The  third 
was  rejected,  but  it  was  agreed  that  the  prisoners,  Cham- 
pagny,  Sweveghem,  and  the  rest — who,  after  the  horrid 
fate  of  Hessels  and  Visch,  might  be  supposed  to  be  suffici- 
ently anxious  as  to  their  own  doom — should  have  legal 
trial,  and  be  defended  in  the  meantime  from  outrage.3 

On  the  3rd  of  November,  1578,  a  formal  act  of  accept- 
ance of  these  terms  was  signed  at  Antwerp.4  At  the  same 
time  there  was  murmuring  at  Ghent,  the  extravagant 
portion  of  the  liberal  party  averring  that  they  had  no  in- 
tention of  establishing  the  "  religious  peace  "  when  they 
agreed  not  to  molest  the  Catholics.  On  the  nth  of  Novem- 
ber, the  Prince  of  Orange  sent  messengers  to  Ghent  in  the 
name  of  the  Archduke  and  the  states-general,  summoning 
the  authorities  to  a  faithful  execution  of  the  act  of  accept- 
ance. Upon  the  same  day  the  English  envoy,  Davison, 
made  an  energetic  representation  to  the  same  magistrates, 
declaring  that  the  conduct  of  the  Ghenters  was  exciting 
regret  throughout  the  world,  and  affording  a  proof  that  it 
was  their  object  to  protract,  not  suppress,  the  civil  war 
which  had  so  long  been  raging.  Such  proceedings,  he 
observed,  created  doubts  whether  they  were  willing  to 
obey  any  law  or  any  magistracy.  As,  however,  it  might  be 
supposed  that  the  presence  of  John  Casimir  in  Ghent  at 
that  juncture  was  authorized  by  Queen  Elizabeth — inas- 
much as  it  was  known  that  he  had  received  a  subsidy  from 
her — the  envoy  took  occasion  to  declare  that  her  Majesty 
entirely  disavowed  his  proceedings.  He  observed  further 
that,  in  the  opinion  of  her  Majesty,  it  was  still  possible  to 
maintain  peace  by  conforming  to  the  counsels  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange  and  of  the  states-general.  This,  however,  could 
be  done  only  by  establishing  the  three  points  which  he  had 
laid  down.  Her  Majesty  likewise  warned  the  Ghenters  that 

1  Bor,  xiii.  5.  2  Ibid. 

3  See  the  Act  of  Acceptance  ;  Bor,  xiii.  5,  sqq.  4  Bor>  xii;.  Qt  7. 


260  The  Rise  of  the 

their  conduct  would  soon  compel  her  to  abandon  the 
country's  cause  altogether,  and,  in  conclusion,  she  re- 
quested, with  characteristic  thriftiness,  to  be  immediately 
furnished  with  a  city  bond  for  forty-five  thousand  pounds 
sterling.1 

Two  days  afterwards,  envoys  arrived  from  Brussels  to 
remonstrate,  in  their  turn,  with  the  sister  city,  and  to  save 
her,  if  possible,  from  the  madness  which  had  seized  upon 
her.  They  recalled  to  the  memory  of  the  magistrates  the 
frequent  and  wise  counsels  of  the  Prince  of  Orange.  He 
had  declared  that  he  knew  of  no  means  to  avert  the  im- 
pending desolation  of  the  fatherland  save  union  of  all  the 
provinces  and  obedience  to  the  general  government.  His 
own  reputation,  and  the  honour  of  his  house,  he  felt  now 
to  be  at  stake ;  for,  by  reason  of  the  offices  which  he  now 
held,  he  had  been  ceaselessly  calumniated  as  the  author 
of  all  the  crimes  which  had  been  committed  at  Ghent. 
Against  these  calumnies  he  had  avowed  his  intention  of 
publishing  his  defence.2  After  thus  citing  the  opinion  of 
the  Prince,  the  envoys  implored  the  magistrates  to  accept 
the  religious  peace  which  he  had  proposed,  and  to  liberate 
the  prisoners  as  he  had  demanded.  For  their  own  part, 
they  declared  that  the  inhabitants  of  Brussels  would  never 
desert  him ;  for,  next  to  God,  there  was  no  one  who  under- 
stood their  cause  so  entirely,  or  who  could  point  out  the 
remedy  so  intelligently.3 

Thus  reasoned  the  envoys  from  the  states-general  and 
from  Brussels,  but  even  while  they  were  reasoning,  a  fresh 
tumult  occurred  at  Ghent.  The  people  had  been  inflamed 
by  demagogues,  and  by  the  insane  howlings  of  Peter 
Dathenus,  the  unfrocked  monk  of  Poperingen,  who  had 
been  the  servant  and  minister  both  of  the  Pope  and  of 
Orange,  and  who  now  hated  each  with  equal  fervour.  The 
populace,  under  these  influences,  rose  in  its  wrath  upon 
the  Catholics,  smote  all  their  images  into  fragments,  de- 
stroyed all  their  altar  pictures,  robbed  them  of  much  valu- 
able property,  and  turned  all  the  Papists  themselves  out  of 
the  city.  The  riot  was  so  furious  that  it  seemed,  says  a 
chronicler,  as  if  all  the  inhabitants  had  gone  raving  mad.4 
The  drums  beat  the  alarm,  the  magistrates  went  forth  to 

1  Bor,  xiii.  7.  a  Ibid.,  xiii.  8. 

3  "  Als  naest  God  niemand  kennende  die  de  gemeine  sake  en  inwendigen  nood  beter 
verstaet  en  de  remedien  beter  kan  dirigeren." — Bor,  ubi  sup. 

4  "  Met  sulken  geraes,  getier  en  gebaer  datmen  geseid  soude  hebben  dat  alle  de  in- 
woonders  dol  en  rasende  waren." — Bor,  xiii.  9.     Meteren,  ix.  149. 


Dutch  Republic  261 

expostulate,  but  no  commands  were  heeded  till  the  work 
of  destruction  had  been  accomplished,  when  the  tumult 
expired,  at  last  by  its  own  limitation. 

Affairs  seemed  more  threatening  than  ever.  Nothing- 
more  excited  the  indignation  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  than 
such  senseless  iconomachy.  In  fact,  he  had  at  one  time 
procured  an  enactment  by  the  Ghent  authorities,  making 
it  a  crime  punishable  with  death.1  He  was  of  Luther's 
opinion,  that  idol-worship  was  to  be  eradicated  from  the 
heart,  and  that  then  the  idols  in  the  churches  would  fall  of 
themselves.  He  felt  too  with  Landgrave  William,  that 
"  the  destruction  of  such  worthless  idols  was  ever  avenged 
by  torrents  of  good  human  blood."2  Therefore  it  may 
be  well  supposed  that  this  fresh  act  of  senseless  violence, 
in  the  very  teeth  of  his  remonstrances,  in  the  very  presence 
of  his  envoys,  met  with  his  stern  disapprobation.  He  was 
on  the  point  of  publishing  his  defence  against  the  calum- 
nies which  his  toleration  had  drawn  upon  him  from  both 
Catholic  and  Calvinist.  He  was  deeply  revolving  the  ques- 
tion, whether  it  were  not  better  to  turn  his  back  at  once 
upon  a  country  which  seemed  so  incapable  of  comprehend- 
ing his  high  purposes,  or  seconding  his  virtuous  efforts. 
From  both  projects  he  was  dissuaded ;  and  although  bit- 
terly wronged  by  both  friend  and  foe,  although  feeling 
that  even  in  his  own  Holland,3  there  were  whispers  against 
his  purity,  since  his  favourable  inclinations  towards  Anjou 
had  become  the  general  topic,  yet  he  still  preserved  his 
tranquillity,  and  smiled  at  the  arrows  which  fell  harmless 
at  his  feet.  "  I  admire  his  wisdom,  daily  more  and  more," 
cried  Hubert  Languet;  "  I  see  those  who  profess  them- 
selves his  friends  causing  him  more  annoyance  than  his 
foes ;  while,  nevertheless,  he  ever  remains  true  to  himself, 
is  driven  by  no  tempests  from  his  equanimity,  nor  pro- 
voked by  repeated  injuries  to  immoderate  action."  4 

The  Prince  had  that  year  been  chosen  unanimously  by 
the  four  "  members  "  of  Flanders  to  be  governor  of  that 
province,  but  had  again  declined  the  office.5  The  inhabit- 
ants, notwithstanding  the  furious  transactions  at  Ghent, 
professed  attachment  to  his  person,  and  respect  for  his 
authority.  He  was  implored  to  go  to  the  city.  His  pre- 
sence, and  that  alone,  would  restore  the  burghers  to  their 

1  Gh.  Gesch.,  ii.  39  ;  cited  by  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  vi.  465. 

2  Letter  of  Landgrave  William  of  Hesse.— Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives  et  Correspond - 
ance,  vi.  451,  sqq.  3  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  etc.,  481,  482. 

4  Letter  to  Sir  P.  Sidney.  8  Bor,  xiii.  9.     Apologie  d'Orange,  pp.  108,  109. 


262  The  Rise  of  the 

reason,  but  the  task  was  not  a  grateful  one.  It  was  also 
not  unattended  with  danger ;  although  this  was  a  consider- 
ation which  never  influenced  him,  from  the  commencement 
of  his  career  to  its  close.  Imbize  and  his  crew  were  capable 
of  resorting  to  any  extremity  or  any  ambush,  to  destroy 
the  man  whom  they  feared  and  hated.  The  presence  of 
John  Casimir  was  an  additional  complication ;  for  Orange, 
while  he  despised  the  man,  was  unwilling  to  offend  his 
friends.  Moreover,  Casimir  had  professed  a  willingness 
to  assist  the  cause,  and  to  defer  to  the  better  judgment  of 
the  Prince.  He  had  brought  an  army  into  the  field,  with 
which,  however,  he  had  accomplished  nothing  except  a 
thorough  pillaging  of  the  peasantry,  while,  at  the  same 
time,  he  was  loud  in  his  demands  upon  the  states  to  pay 
his  soldiers'  wages.  The  soldiers  of  the  different  armies 
who  now  overran  the  country,  indeed,  vied  with  each  other 
in  extravagant  insolence.  '  *  Their  outrages  are  most  exe- 
crable," wrote  Marquis  Havre";  "they  demand  the  most 
exquisite  food,  and  drink  champagne  and  burgundy  by  the 
bucketful."1  Nevertheless,  on  the  4th  of  December,  the 
Prince  came  to  Ghent.2  He  held  constant  and  anxious 
conferences  with  the  magistrates.  He  was  closeted  daily 
with  John  Casimir,  whose  vanity  and  extravagance  of 
temper  he  managed  with  his  usual  skill.  He  even  dined 
with  Imbize,  and  thus,  by  smoothing  difficulties  and  recon- 
ciling angry  passions,  he  succeeded  at  last  in  obtaining 
the  consent  of  all  to  a  religious  peace,  which  was  pub- 
lished on  the  27th  of  December,  1578.  It  contained  the 
same  provisions  as  those  of  the  project  prepared  and  pro- 
posed during  the  previous  summer  throughout  the  Nether- 
lands. Exercise  of  both  religions  was  established ;  mutual 
insults  and  irritations — whether  by  word,  book,  picture, 
song,  or  gesture — were  prohibited,  under  severe  penalties, 
while  all  persons  were  sworn  to  protect  the  common  tran- 
quillity by  blood,  purse,  and  life.  The  Catholics,  by  virtue 
of  this  accord,  re-entered  into  possession  of  their  churches 
and  cloisters,  but  nothing  could  be  obtained  in  favour  of 
the  imprisoned  gentlemen.3 

The  Walloons  and  Malcontents  were  now  summoned  to 
lay  down  their  arms ;  but,  as  might  be  supposed,  they  ex- 
pressed dissatisfaction  with  the  religious  peace,  proclaim- 

1  Keryon  de  Volkersbeke  et  Diegerick,  Documents  Historiques,  i.  156,  157. 

2  Bor,  xiii.  10. 

3  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  etc.,  vi.  507,  sqq.     See  the  Accord  in  Bor,  2,  xiii.  10,  n. 


Dutch  Republic  263 

ing  it  hostile  to  the  Ghent  Treaty  and  the  Brussels  union.1 
In  short,  nothing  would  satisfy  them  but  total  suppression 
of  the  reformed  religion ;  as  nothing  would  content  Imbize 
and  his  faction  but  the  absolute  extermination  of  Roman- 
ism. A  strong  man  might  well  seem  powerless  in  the 
midst  .of  such  obstinate  and  worthless  fanatics. 

The  arrival  of  the  Prince  in  Ghent  was,  on  the  whole,  a 
relief  to  John  Casimir.  As  usual,  this  addle-brained  indi- 
vidual had  plunged  headlong  into  difficulties,  out  of  which 
he  was  unable  to  extricate  himself.  He  knew  not  what  to 
do,  or  which  way  to  turn.  He  had  tampered  with  Imbize 
and  his  crew,  but  he  had  found  that  they  were  not  the  men 
for  a  person  of  his  quality  to  deal  with.  He  had  brought 
a  large  army  into  the  field,  and  had  not  a  stiver  in  his 
coffers.  He  felt  bitterly  the  truth  of  the  Landgrave's 
warning — "  that  'twas  better  to  have  thirty  thousand 
devils  at  one's  back  than  thirty  thousand  German  troopers, 
with  no  money  to  give  them;  it  being  possible  to  pay  the 
devils  with  the  sign  of  the  cross,  while  the  soldiers  could 
be  discharged  only  with  money  or  hard  knocks."  2  Queen 
Elizabeth,  too,  under  whose  patronage  he  had  made  this 
most  inglorious  campaign,  was  incessant  in  her  reproofs, 
and  importunate  in  her  demands  for  reimbursement.  She 
wrote  to  him  personally,  upbraiding  him  with  his  high 
pretensions  and  his  shortcomings.  His  visit  to  Ghent,  so 
entirely  unjustified  and  mischievous;  his  failure  to  effect 
that  junction  of  his  army  with  the  states'  force  under 
Bossu,  by  which  the  royal  army  was  to  have  been  surprised 
and  annihilated;  his  having  given  reason  to  the  common 
people  to  suspect  her  Majesty  and  the  Prince  of  Orange 
of  collusion  with  his  designs,  and  of  a  disposition  to  seek 
their  private  advantage  and  not  the  general  good  of  the 
whole  Netherlands ;  the  imminent  danger,  which  he  had 
aggravated,  that  the  Walloon  provinces,  actuated  by  such 
suspicions,  would  fall  away  from  the  "  generality  "  and 
seek  a  private  accord  with  Parma ;  these  and  similar  sins 
of  omission  and  commission  were  sharply  and  shrewishly 
set  forth  in  the  Queen's  epistle.3  'Twas  not  for  such 
marauding  and  intriguing  work  that  she  had  appointed 
him  her  lieutenant,  and  furnished  him  with  troops  and  sub- 
sidies. She  begged  him  forthwith  to  amend  his  ways,  for 
the  sake  of  his  name  and  fame,  which  were  sufficiently 

1  Bor,  xiii.  12.  2  Archives  et  Correspondance,  vi.  479. 

3  Bor,  3,  xiii.  13,  sqq. 


264  The  Rise  of  the 

soiled  in  the  places  where  his  soldiers  had  been  plunder- 
ing- the  country  which  they  came  to  protect.1 

The  Queen  sent  Daniel  Rogers  with  instruction  of  similar 
import  to  the  states-general,  repeatedly  and  expressly  dis- 
avowing Casimir's  proceedings  and  censuring  his  charac- 
ter. She  also  warmly  insisted  on  her  bonds.  In  -short, 
never  was  unlucky  prince  more  soundly  berated  by  his 
superiors,  more  thoroughly  disgraced  by  his  followers. 
From  this  position  Orange  partly  rescued  him.  He  made 
his  peace  with  the  states-general.  He  smoothed  matters 
with  the  extravagant  Reformers,  and  he  even  extorted 
from  the  authorities  of  Ghent  the  forty-five  thousand 
pounds  bond,  on  which  Elizabeth  had  insisted  with  such 
obduracy.2  Casimir  repaid  these  favours  of  the  Prince  in 
the  coin  with  which  narrow  minds  and  jealous  tempers 
are  apt  to  discharge  such  obligations — ingratitude.  The 
friendship  which  he  openly  manifested  at  first  grew  almost 
immediately  cool.  Soon  afterwards  he  left  Ghent  and  de- 
parted for  Germany,  leaving  behind  him  a  long  and  tedious 
remonstrance,  addressed  to  the  states-general,  in  which 
document  he  narrated  the  history  of  his  exploits,  and  en- 
deavoured to  vindicate  the  purity  of  his  character.  He 
concluded  this  very  tedious  and  superfluous  manifesto  by 
observing  that — for  reasons  which  he  thought  proper  to 
give  at  considerable  length — he  felt  himself  ' '  neither  too 
useful  nor  too  agreeable  to  the  provinces."  As  he  had 
been  informed,  he  said,  that  the  states-general  had  re- 
quested the  Queen  of  England  to  procure  his  departure,  he 
had  resolved,  in  order  to  spare  her  and  them  inconveni- 
ence, to  return  of  his  own  accord,  "  leaving  the  issue  of 
the  war  in  the  high  and  mighty  hand  of  God."  3 

The  estates  answered  this  remonstrance  with  words  of 
unlimited  courtesy;  expressing  themselves  "obliged  to 
all  eternity  "  for  his  services,  and  holding  out  vague  hopes 
that  the  moneys  which  he  demanded  on  behalf  of  his 
troops  should  ere  long  be  forthcoming.4 

Casimir  having  already  answered  Queen  Elizabeth's  re- 
proachful letter  by  throwing  the  blame  of  his  apparent 
misconduct  upon  the  states-general,  and  having  promised 
soon  to  appear  before  her  Majesty  in  person,  tarried 
accordingly  but  a  brief  season  in  Germany,  and  then 
repaired  to  England.  Here  he  was  feasted,  flattered, 

1  Bor,  xiii.  13.  2  Ibid.,  n,  sqq. 

8  See  the  document  at  length  in  Bor,  xiii.  13-17.  *  Bor,  3,  xiii.  17  (ii.). 


Dutch  Republic  265 

caressed,  and  invested  with  the  order  of  the  Garter.1 
Pleased  with  royal  blandishments,  and  highly  enjoying-  the 
splendid  hospitalities  of  England,  he  quite  forgot  the 
*'  thirty  thousand  devils  "  whom  he  had  left  running  loose 
in  the  Netherlands,  while  these  wild  soldiers,  on  their  part, 
being  absolutely  in  a  starving  condition — for  there  was 
little  left  for  booty  in  a  land  which  had  been  so  often 
plundered — now  had  the  effrontery  to  apply  to  the  Prince 
of  Parma  for  payment  of  their  wages.2  Alexander  Farnese 
laughed  heartily  at  the  proposition,  which  he  considered 
an  excellent  jest.  It  seemed,  in  truth,  a  jest,  although  but 
a  sorry  one.  Parma  replied  to  the  messenger  of  Maurice 
of  Saxony  who  had  made  the  proposition,  that  the  Germans 
must  be  mad  to  ask  him  for  money,  instead  of  offering  to 
pay  him  a  heavy  sum  for  permission  to  leave  the  country. 
Nevertheless,  he  was  willing  to  be  so  far  indulgent  as  to 
furnish  them  with  passports,  provided  they  departed  from 
the  Netherlands  instantly.  Should  they  interpose  the  least 
delay,  he  would  set  upon  them  without  further  preface, 
and  he  gave  them  notice,  with  the  arrogance  becoming  a 
Spanish  general,  that  the  courier  was  already  waiting  to 
report  to  Spain  the  number  of  them  left  alive  after  the 
encounter.  Thus  deserted  by  their  chief,  and  hectored  by 
the  enemy,  the  mercenaries,  who  had  little  stomach  for 
fight  without  wages,  accepted  the  passports  proffered  by 
Parma.3  They  revenged  themselves  for  the  harsh  treat- 
ment which  they  had  received  from  Casimir  and  from  the 
states-general,  by  singing  everywhere,  as  they  retreated, 
a  doggrel  ballad — half  Flemish,  half  German — in  which 
their  wrongs  were  expressed  with  uncouth  vigour. 

Casimir  received  the  news  of  the  departure  of  his  ragged 
soldiery  on  the  very  day  which  witnessed  his  investment 
with  the  Garter  by  the  fair  hands  of  Elizabeth  herself.4 
A  few  days  afterwards  he  left  England,  accompanied  by 
an  escort  of  lords  and  gentlemen,  especially  appointed  for 
that  purpose  by  the  Queen.  He  landed  in  Flushing,  where 
he  was  received  with  distinguished  hospitality,  by  order  of 
the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  on  the  i4th  of  February,  1579, 
he  passed  through  Utrecht.5  Here  he  conversed  freely  at 
his  lodgings  in  the  "  German  House  "  on  the  subject  of 

1  Bor,  xiii.  34,  35.     Hoofd,  xiv.  609. 

2  Bor,  xiii.  34,  sqq.     Strada,  Dec.  2,  i.  26,  sqq.  3  Strada,  2,  i.  27,  28. 
4  Ibid.,  2,  i.  28. 

B  Languet.  ad  Sydnseum,  90  ;  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  etc.,  vi.  571,  572.     Bor,  xiii. 
34  ("•)• 

K   2 


266  The  Rise  of  the 

his  vagabond  troops,  whose  final  adventures  and  departure 
seemed  to  afford  him  considerable  amusement;  and  he, 
moreover,  diverted  his  company  by  singing,  after  supper, 
a  few  verses  of  the  ballad  already  mentioned.1 

The  Duke  of  Anjou,  meantime,  after  disbanding  his 
troops,  had  lingered  for  a  while  near  the  frontier.  Upon 
taking  his  final  departure,  he  sent  his  resident  minister 
Des  Pruneaux,  with  a  long  communication  to  the  states- 
general,  complaining  that  they  had  not  published  their 
contract  with  himself,  nor  fulfilled  its  conditions.  He  ex- 
cused, as  well  as  he  could,  the  awkward  fact  that  his 
disbanded  troops  had  taken  refuge  with  the  Walloons, 
and  he  affected  to  place  his  own  departure  upon  the  ground 
of  urgent  political  business  in  France,  to  arrange  which  his 
royal  brother  had  required  his  immediate  attendance.  He 
furthermore  most  hypocritically  expressed  a  desire  for  a 
'speedy  reconciliation  of  the  provinces  with  their  sovereign, 
and  a  resolution  that — although  for  their  sake  he  had 
made  himself  a  foe  to  his  Catholic  Majesty — he  would  still 
interpose  no  obstacle  to  so  desirable  a  result.2 

To  such  shallow  discourse  the  states  answered  with  in- 
finite urbanity,  for  it  was  the  determination  of  Orange 
not  to  make  enemies,  at  that  juncture,  of  France  and 
England  in  the  same  breath.  They  had  foes  enough 
already,  and  it  seemed  obvious  at  that  moment,  to  all 
persons  most  observant  of  the  course  of  affairs,  that  a 
matrimonial  alliance  was  soon  to  unite  the  two  crowns. 
The  probability  of  Anjou 's  marriage  with  Elizabeth  was, 
in  truth,  a  leading  motive  with  Orange  for  his  close 
alliance  with  the  Duke.  The  political  structure,  according 
to  which  he  had  selected  the  French  Prince  as  protector 
of  the  Netherlands,  was  sagaciously  planned;  but  unfor- 
tunately its  foundation  was  the  shifting  sandbank  of  female 
and  royal  coquetry.  Those  who  judge  only  by  the  result, 
will  be  quick  to  censure  a  policy  which  might  have  had 
very  different  issue.  They  who  place  themselves  in  the 

1  Bor — who  heard  the  Duke  sing  the  song  at  the  "  German  House  "  in  Utrecht,  3,  xiii. 
34- 
A  translation  of  a  single  verse  may  serve  as  a  specimen  of  the  song  : — 

"  O,  have  you  been  in  Brabant,  fighting  for  the  states  ? 
O,  have  you  brought  hack  anything  except  your  broken  pates  ? 
O,  I  have  been  in  Brabant,  myself  and  all  my  mates. 
We'll  go  no  more  to  Brabant,  unless  our  brains  were  addle  ; 
We're  coming  home  on  foot,  we  went  there  in  the  saddle  ; 
For  there's  neither  gold  nor  glory  got,  in  fighting  for  the  states." 

etc.,  etc. 
3  Bor,  xn.  12,  sqq. 


Dutch  Republic  267 

period  anterior  to  Anjou's  visit  to  England,  will  admit 
that  it  was  hardly  human  not  to  be  deceived  by  the  political 
aspects  of  that  moment.  The  Queen,  moreover,  took  pains 
to  upbraid  the  states-general,  by  letter,  with  their  dis- 
respect and  ingratitude  towards  the  Duke  of  Anjou — be- 
haviour with  which  he  had  been  "justly  scandalized." 
For  her  own  part,  she  assured  them  of  her  extreme  dis- 
pleasure at  learning  that  such  a  course  of  conduct  had 
been  held  with  a  view  to  her  especial  contentment — "  as 
if  the  person  of  Monsieur,  son'  of  France,  brother  of  the 
King,  were  disagreeable  to  her,  or  as  if  she  wished  him 
ill;"  whereas,  on  the  contrary,  they  would  best  satisfy  her 
wishes  by  showing  him  all  the  courtesy  to  which  his  high 
degree  and  his  eminent  services  entitled  him.1 

The  estates,  even  before  receiving  this  letter,  had,  how- 
ever, acted  in  its  spirit.  They  had  addressed  elaborate 
apologies  and  unlimited  professions  to  the  Duke.  They 
thanked  him  heartily  for  his  achievements,  expressed 
unbounded  regret  at  his  departure,  with  sincere  hopes  for 
his  speedy  return,  and  promised  "  eternal  remembrance  of 
his  heroic  virtues."2  They  assured  him,  moreover,  that 
should  the  first  of  the  following  March  arrive  without 
bringing  with  it  an  honourable  peace  with  his  Catholic 
Majesty,  they  should  then  feel  themselves  compelled  to 
declare  that  the  King  had  forfeited  his  right  to  the  sove- 
reignty of  these  provinces.  In  this  case  they  concluded 
that,  as  the  inhabitants  would  be  then  absolved  from  their 
allegiance  to  the  Spanish  monarch,  it  would  then  be  in 
their  power  to  treat  with  his  Highness  of  Anjou  concern- 
ing the  sovereignty,  according  to  the  contract  already 
existing.3 

These  assurances  were  ample,  but  the  states,  knowing; 
the  vanity  of  the  man,  offered  other  inducements,  some 
of  which  seemed  sufficiently  puerile.  They  promised  that 
"  his  statue,  in  copper,  should  be  placed  in  the  public 
squares  of  Antwerp  and  Brussels,  for  the  eternal  admir- 
ation of  posterity,"  and  that  a  "crown  of  olive-leaves 
should  be  presented  to  him  every  year."  4  The  Duke — not 
inexorable  to  such  courteous  solicitations — was  willing  to 
achieve  both  immortality  and  power  by  continuing  his 

1  Archives,  etc.,  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vi.  535,  sqq. 

2  "  Sijn  bewesen  bystand  en  sijne  heroike  deugt  souden  sy  nimmermeer  vergeten." — 
Bor,  xiii.  12,  sqq.  3  Ibid. 

4  Meteren,  ix.  1453. — "Accompanied,  however,  by  substantial  presents  to  the  value  of 
100,000  livres  Artois." — Meteren,  ubi  sup. 


268  The  Rise  of  the 

friendly  relations  with  the  states,  and  he  answered  accord- 
ingly in  the  most  courteous  terms.  The  result  of  this  inter- 
change of  civilities  it  will  be  soon  our  duty  to  narrate. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  the  Count  of  Bossu  died,  much 
to  the  regret  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  whose  party — since 
his  release  from  prison  by  virtue  of  the  Ghent  Treaty — he 
had  warmly  espoused.  "  We  are  in  the  deepest  distress 
in  the  world,"  wrote  the  Prince  to  his  brother,  three  days 
before  the  Count's  death,  "for  the  dangerous  malady  of 
M.  de  Bossu.  Certainly,  the  country  has  much  to  lose  in 
his  death,  but  I  hope  that  God  will  not  so  much  afflict 
us."  l  Yet  the  calumniators  of  the  day  did  not  scruple  to 
circulate,  nor  the  royalist  chroniclers  to  perpetuate,  the 
most  senseless  and  infamous  fables  on  the  subject  of  this 
nobleman's  death.  He  died  of  poison,  they  said,  adminis- 
tered to  him  "  in  oysters,"  2  by  command  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  who  had  likewise  made  a  point  of  standing  over 
him  on  his  death-bed,  for  the  express  purpose  of  sneering  at 
the  Catholic  ceremonies  by  which  his  dying  agonies  were 
solaced.3  Such  were  the  tales  which  grave  historians  have 
recorded  concerning  the  death  of  Maximilian  of  Bossu, 
who  owed  so  much  to  the  Prince.  The  command  of  the 
states'  army,  a  yearly  pension  of  five  thousand  florins, 
granted  at  the  especial  request  of  Orange  but  a  few 
months  before,  and  the  profound  words  of  regret  in  the 
private  letter  just  cited,  are  a  sufficient  answer  to  such 
slanders.4 

The  personal  courage  and  profound  military  science  of 
Parma  were  invaluable  to  the  royal  cause;  but  his  subtle, 
unscrupulous,  and  subterranean  combinations  of  policy 
were  even  more  fruitful  at  this  period.  No  man  ever 
.understood  the  art  of  bribery  more  thoroughly  or  prac- 
tised it  more  skilfully.  He  bought  a  politician,  or  a 
general,  or  a  grandee,  or  a  regiment  of  infantry,  usually 
at  the  cheapest  price  at  which  those  articles  could  be  pur- 
chased, and  always  with  the  utmost  delicacy  with  which 
such  traffic  could  be  conducted.  Men  conveyed  themselves 
to  government  for  a  definite  price — fixed  accurately  in 
florins  and  groats,  in  places  and  pensions — while  a  decent 
gossamer  was  ever  allowed  to  float  over  the  nakedness  of 
unblushing  treason.  Men  high  in  station,  illustrious  by 

1  Archives  et  Corresp.,  vi.  513.  %  J.  B.  Tassis,  Comment.,  lib.  v.  329. 

8  Strada,  2,  i.  37. 

4  Compare  Groen  v.  Prinst,  vi.  511,  512.     Bor,  2,  xiii.  250.     Wagenaer,  Vad.  Hist., 
vii.  243,  244. 


Dutch  Republic  269 

ancestry,  brilliant  in  valour,  huckstered  themselves,  and 
swindled  a  confiding-  country  for  as  ignoble  motives  as  ever 
led  counterfeiters  or  bravoes  to  the  gallows,  but  they  were 
dealt  with  in  public  as  if  actuated  only  by  the  loftiest 
principles.  Behind  their  ancient  shields,  ostentatiously 
emblazoned  with  fidelity  to  church  and  king,  they  thrust 
forth  their  itching  palms  with  a  mendicity  which  would  be 
hardly  credible,  were  it  not  attested  by  the  monuments, 
more  perennial  than  brass,  of  their  own  letteVs  and  re- 
corded conversations. 

Already,  before  the  accession  of  Parma  to  power,  the 
true  way  to  dissever  the  provinces  had  been  indicated  by 
the  famous  treason  of  the  Seigneur  de  la  Motte.  This 
nobleman  commanded  a  regiment  in  the  service  of  the 
states-general,  and  was  governor  of  Gravelines.  On  pro- 
mise of  forgiveness  for  all  past  disloyalty,  of  being  con- 
tinued in  the  same  military  posts  under  Philip  which  he 
then  held  for  the  patriots,  and  of  a  "  merced  "  large 
enough  to  satisfy  his  most  avaricious  dreams,  he  went 
over  to  the  royal  government.1  The  negotiation  was  con- 
ducted by  Alonzo  Curiel,  financial  agent  of  the  King,  and 
was  not  very  nicely  handled.  The  paymaster,  looking  at 
the  affair  purely  as  a  money  transaction — which  in  truth  it 
was — had  been  disposed  to  drive  rather  too  hard  a  bar- 
gain. He  offered  only  fifty  thousand  crowns  for  La  Motte 
and  his  friend  Baron  Montigny,  and  assured  his  govern- 
ment that  those  gentlemen,  with  the  soldiers  under  their 
command,  were  very  dear  at  the  price.2  La  Motte  higgled 
very  hard  for  more,  and  talked  pathetically  of  his  services 
and  his  wounds — for  he  had  been  a  most  distinguished 
and  courageous  campaigner — but  Alonzo  was  implacable.3 
Moreover,  one  Robert  Bien-Aime,  Prior  of  Renty,  was 
present  at  all  the  conferences.  This  ecclesiastic  was  a  busy 
intriguer,  but  not  very  adroit.  He  was  disposed  to  make 
himself  useful  to  government,  for  he  had  set  his  heart 
upon  putting  the  mitre  of  Saint  Omer  upon  his  head,  and 
he  had  accordingly  composed  a  very  ingenious  libel  upon 
the  Prince  of  Orange,  in  which  production,  "  although  the 
Prior  did  not  pretend  to  be  Apelles  or  Lysippus,"  he 

1  Reconciliation  des   Provinces  Wallones,  i.  2-12,  202.    213-216,    227-234,    271,    272. 
Letters  of  La  Motte  and  Don  John  of  Austria,  etc.,  MS.,  Royal  Archives  at  Brussels. 

2  Lettres  intercepted  du    Contador  Alonzo   Curiel  au  Prince  de    Parme.     Plantin. 
Anvers,  1579. — " pirece  a  me  que  son  soldados  comprados  a  muy  alto  precio." 

3  " con  cien  mil  remonstraciones  y  historias  de  sus  servicios  y  heridas,"  etc. — 

Lettres  interceptees  de  Curiel. 


270  The  Rise  of  the 

hoped  that  the  Governor-General  would  recognize  a  por- 
trait coloured  to  the  life.1  This  accomplished  artist  was, 
however,  not  so  successful  as  he  was  picturesque  and 
industrious.  He  was  inordinately  vain  of  his  services, 
thinking  himself,  said  Alonzo,  splenetically,  worthy  to  be 
carried  in  a  procession  like  a  little  saint,2  and  as  he  had 
a  busy  brain,  but  an  unruly  tongue,  it  will  be  seen  that 
he  possessed  a  remarkable  faculty  of  making  himself  un- 
pleasant. This  was  not  the  way  to  earn  his  bishopric. 
La  Motte,  through  the  candid  communications  of  the 
Prior,  found  himself  the  subject  of  mockery  in  Parma's 
camp  and  cabinet,  where  treachery  to  one's  country  and 
party  was  not,  it  seemed,  regarded  as  one  of  the  loftier 
virtues,  however  convenient  it  might  be  at  the  moment 
to  the  royal  cause.  The  Prior  intimated  especially  that 
Ottavio  Gonzaga  had  indulged  in  many  sarcastic  remarks 
at  La  Motte 's  expense.  The  brave  but  venal  warrior, 
highly  incensed  at  thus  learning  the  manner  in  which  his 
conduct  was  estimated  by  men  of  such  high  rank  in  the 
royal  service,  was  near  breaking  off  the  bargain.  He  was 
eventually  secured,  however,  by  still  larger  offers — Don 
John  allowing  him  three  hundred  florins  a  month,  present- 
ing him  with  the  two  best  horses  in  his  stable,  and  sending 
him  an  open  form,  which  he  was  to  fill  out  in  the  most 
stringent  language  which  he  could  devise,  binding  the 
government  to  the  payment  of  an  ample  and  entirely  satis- 
factory "  merced. "  3  Thus  La  Motte 's  bargain  was  com- 
pleted— a  crime  which,  if  it  had  only  entailed  the  loss  of 
the  troops  under  his  command,  and  the  possession  of 
Gravelines,  would  have  been  of  no  great  historic  import- 
ance. It  was,  however,  the  first  blow  of  a  vast  and  care- 
fully-sharpened treason,  by  which  the  country  was  soon 
to  be  cut  in  twain  for  ever — the  first  in  a  series  of  bar- 
gains by  which  the  noblest  names  of  the  Netherlands  were 
to  be  contaminated  with  bribery  and  fraud. 

While  the  negotiations  with  La  Motte  were  in  progress, 
the  government  of  the  states-general  at  Brussels  had  sent 
Sainte  Aldegonde  to  Arras.  The  states  of  Artois,  then 
assembled  in  that  city,  had  made  much  difficulty  in 
acceding  to  an  assessment  of  seven  thousand  florins  laid 
upon  them  by  the  central  authority.  The  occasion  was 


1  Renty  to  Prince  of  Parma,  Rec.  Prov.  Wall.,  iii.  97.     MS. 

que  avia  V.  Alteza  de  mandar  traer  en  palm 
centres  de  Curiel. 


2  " que  avia  V.  Alteza  de  mandar  traer  en  palmas  o  andas, "  etc. — Lettres  inter- 

ptees  de  Curiel. 

3  Don  John  to  La  Motte,  Rec.  Prov.  Wall.    MS.  i.  271,  272.     Lettres  de  Curiel. 


Dutch  Republic  271 

skilfully  made  use  of  by  the  agents  of  the  royal  party  to 
weaken  the  allegiance  of  the  province,  and  of  its  sister 
Walloon  provinces,  to  the  patriot  cause.  Sainte  Aldegonde 
made  his  speech  before  the  assembly,  taking  the  ground 
boldly,  that  the  war  was  made  for  liberty  of  conscience 
and  of  fatherland,  and  that  all  were  bound,  whether 
Catholic  or  Protestant,  to  contribute  to  the  sacred  fund. 
The  vote  passed,  but  it  was  provided  that  a  moiety  of  the 
assessment  should  be  paid  by  the  ecclesiastical  branch,  and 
the  stipulation  excited  a  tremendous  uproar.  The  clerical 
bench  regarded  the  tax  as  both  a  robbery  and  an  affront. 
"  We  came  nearly  to  knife-playing,"  said  the  most  distin- 
guished priest  in  the  assembly,  "  and  if  we  had  done  so, 
the  ecclesiastics  would  not  have  been  the  first  to  cry 
enough."1  They  all  withdrew  in  a  rage,  and  held  a 
private  consultation  upon  "  these  exorbitant  and  more  than 
Turkish  demands."  John  Sarrasin,  Prior  of  Saint  Vaast, 
the  keenest,  boldest,  and  most  indefatigable  of  the  royal 
partizans  of  that  epoch,  made  them  an  artful  harangue. 
This  man — a  better  politician  than  the  other  Prior — was 
playing  for  a  mitre  too,  and  could  use  his  cards  better. 
He  was  soon  to  become  the  most  invaluable  agent  in  the 
great  treason  preparing.  No  one  could  be  more  delicate, 
noiseless,  or  unscrupulous,  and  he  was  soon  recognized 
both  by  Governor-General  and  King  as  the  individual  above 
all  others  to  whom  the  re-establishment  of  the  royal 
authority  over  the  Walloon  provinces  was  owing. 

The  harangue  had  much  effect  upon  his  hearers,  who 
were  now  more  than  ever  determined  to  rebel  against  the 
government  which  they  had  so  recently  accepted,  pre- 
ferring, in  the  words  of  the  Prior,  "to  be  maltreated  by 
their  prince,  than  to  be  barbarously  tyrannized  over  by  a 
heretic."  So  much  anger  had  been  excited  in  celestial 
minds  by  a  demand  of  thirty-five  hundred  florins. 

Sainte  Aldegonde  was  entertained  in  the  evening  at  a 
great  banquet  followed  by  a  theological  controversy,  in 
which  John  Sarrasin  complained  that  ' '  he  had  been  at- 

1  " Les  cpmmuns   orcerent  les  ecclesiastiques  d'en  prendre  la  juste  moitte  a  leur 

charge — et  de  fait  la  chose  etoit  venue  jusques  de  venir  aux  mains  et  jouer  des  cousteaux 
pour  veoir  quy  aurait  belle  amye — les  ecclesiastiques  n'eussent  fait  joucq,"  etc. — MS. 
letter  of  the  Prior  of  St.  Vaast,  Rec.  Prov.  Wall.,  i.  76,  135,  136.  The  whole  history  of 
these  Walloon  intrigues  is  narrated  in  the  numerous  letters — entirely  unpublished — of  the 
Prior,  with  much  piquancy  and  spirit.  They  are  in  the  Collection  of  Correspondence 
between  Don  John,  Parma,  and  others,  and  the  Malcontent  nobles,  entitled  "  Reconcilia- 
tion des  Provinces  Wallones,"  five  vpls.,  Royal  Archives  in  Brussels.  An  examination  of 
these  most  interesting  documents  is  indispensable  to  a  thorough  understanding  of  the 
permanent  separation  of  the  Netherlands  effected  in  the  years  1578  and  1579. 


272  The  Rise  of  the 

tacked  upon  his  own  dung-hill."  Next  day  the  distin- 
guished patriot  departed  on  a  canvassing-  tour  among  the 
principal  cities ;  the  indefatigable  monk  employing  the  in- 
terval of  his  absence  in  aggravating-  the  hostility  of  the 
Artesian  orders  to  the  pecuniary  demands  of  the  general 
government.  He  was  assisted  in  his  task  by  a  peremptory 
order  which  came  down  from  Brussels,  ordering-,  in  the 
name  of  Matthias,  a  levy  upon  the  ecclesiastical  property, 
"  rings,  jewels,  and  reliquaries,"  unless  the  clerical  con- 
tribution should  be  forthcoming.  The  rage  of  the  bench 
was  now  intense,  and  by  the  time  of  Sainte  Aldegonde's 
return  a  general  opposition  had  been  organized.  The 
envoy  met  with  a  chilling  reception ;  there  were  no  ban- 
quets any  more — no  discussions  of  any  kind.  To  his 
demands  for  money,  "he  got  a  fine  nihil,"  said  Saint 
Vaast;  and  as  for  polemics,  the  only  conclusive  argument 
for  the  country  would  be,  as  he  was  informed  on  the  same 
authority,  the  "finishing  of  Orange  and  of  his  minister 
along  with  him."  More  than  once  had  the  Prior  intimated 
to  government — as  so  many  had  done  before  him — that  to 
"  despatch  Orange,  author  of  all  the  troubles,"  was  the 
best  preliminary  to  any  political  arrangement.  From 
Philip  and  his  Governor-General,  down  to  the  humblest 
partizan,  this  conviction  had  been  daily  strengthening. 
The  knife  or  bullet  of  an  assassin  was  the  one  thing  needful 
to  put  an  end  to  this  rebellion.1 

A  triangular  intrig-ue  was  now  fairly  established  in  the 
Walloon  country.  The  Duke  of  Alengon's  headquarters 
were  at  Mons ;  the  rallying-point  of  the  royalist  faction 
was  with  La  Motte  at  Gravelines ;  while  the  ostensible 
leader  of  the  states'  party,  Viscount  Ghent,  was  governor 
of  Artois,  and  supposed  to  be  supreme  in  Arras.  La  Motte 
was  provided  by  government  with  a  large  fund  of  secret- 
service  money,  and  was  instructed  to  be  very  liberal  in  his 
bribes  to  men  of  distinction ;  having  a  tender  regard,  how- 
ever, to  the  excessive  demands  of  this  nature  now  daily 
made  upon  the  royal  purse.2  The  "  little  Count,"  as  the 
Prior  called  Lalain,  together  with  his  brother,  Baron  Mon- 
tigny,  were  considered  highly  desirable  acquisitions  for 

1  "  Ils  commencent  a  desestimer  leur  Rouart  et  ont  opinion  que  si  les  affaires  bastent 
mal,  il  se  retirera  en  sa  tasniere.     II  semble  aux  bons  que  sy  1'on  peut  depescher  le  chef 
des  troubles,  que  ce  seroit  le  moyen  pour  rdunir  ce  quy  est  tant  divtse.     Ste.  Aldegonde 
s'est  bien  apercheu  que  chacun  se  desgouste  du  Prince  d'Orange.     Et  ou  auparavant  tout 
le  monde  1'adprait  et  tenpit  pour  son  saulveur,  maintenant  Ton  ose  bien  dire  qu'il  le  fault 
tuer  et  son  ministre  aussi." — MS.  letters  of  Saint  Vaast,  before  cited. 

2  Parma  to  La  Motte,  Rec.  Prov.  Wall.,  ii.  140-142,  MS. 


Dutch  Republic  273 

government,  if  they  could  be  gained.  It  was  thought, 
however,  that  they  had  the  "  fleur-de-lys  imprinted  too 
deeply  upon  their  hearts,"1  for  the  effect  produced  upon 
Lalain,  governor  of  Hainault,  by  Margaret  of  Valois,  had 
not  yet  been  effaced.  His  brother  also  had  been  disposed 
to  favour  the  French  Prince,  but  his  mind  was  more  open 
to  conviction.  A  few  private  conferences  with  La  Motte, 
and  a  course  of  ecclesiastical  tuition  from  the  Prior,  soon 
wrought  a  change  in  the  Malcontent  chieftain's  mind. 
Other  leading  seigniors  were  secretly  dealt  with  in  the 
same  manner.  Lalain,  He'ze,  Havre",  Capres,  Egmont,  and 
even  the  Viscount  of  Ghent,  all  seriously  inclined  their 
ears  to  the  tempter.  Few  had  yet  declared  themselves; 
but  of  the  grandees  who  commanded  large  bodies  of 
troops,  and  whose  influence  with  their  order  was  para- 
mount, none  were  safe  for  the  patriot  cause  throughout  the 
Walloon  country.2 

The  nobles  and  ecclesiastics  were  ready  to  join  hands  in 
support  of  church  and  king,  but  in  the  city  of  Arras,  the 
capital  of  the  whole  country,  there  was  a  strong  Orange 
and  liberal  party.  Gosson,  a  man  of  great  wealth,  one  of 
the  most  distinguished  advocates  in  the  Netherlands,  and 
possessing  the  gift  of  popular  eloquence  to  a  remarkable 
degree,  was  the  leader  of  this  burgess  faction.  In  the 
earlier  days  of  Parma's  administration,  just  as  a  thorough 
union  of  the  Walloon  provinces  in  favour  of  the  royal  go- 
vernment had  nearly  been  formed,  these  Orangists  of 
Arras  risked  a  daring  stroke.  Inflamed  by  the  harangues 
of  Gosson,  and  supported  by  five  hundred  foot  soldiers 
and  fifty  troopers  under  one  Captain  Ambrose,  they  rose 
against  the  city  magistracy,  whose  sentiments  were  un- 
equivocally for  Parma,  and  thrust  them  all  into  prison.3 
They  then  constituted  a  new  board  of  fifteen,  some 

1  Moncheaux  to  Parma,  Rec.  Prov.  Wall.,  216-218,  MS.  Emanuel  de  Lalain,  Seig- 
neur de  Montigny,  and  afterwards  Marquis  de  Renty,  was  brother  to  Count  de  Lalain, 
governor  of  Hainault,  and  cousin  to  Count  Hoogstraaten  and  Count  Renneberg.  He 
was  not  related  to  the  unfortunate  Baron  Montigny,  whose  tragical  fate  has  been  recorded 


in  the  second  volume  of  this  history,  and  who  was  a  Montmorency. 

2  MS.  Correspondence  of  Parma  with  Saint  Vaast,  La  Motte,  Lalain,  Montigny,  Cap- 
res,  Longueval,  and  others.     Rec.  Prov.  Wall.,  ii.  3,  4,  19,  20,  31-42,  44,  61-77,  87,  88, 
104,  105,  115,  116,  140-142. 

3  MS. 
The 

witness,  entitled  "  Discours  Veritable  de  ce  que  s'est  passe"  en  la  ville  d'  Arras, 
Bourgogne,  No.  6042.  The  author  was  Pontus  Payen,  Seigneur  des  Essarts,  a  warm 
Catholic  and  partizan  of  the  royal  cause,  whose  larger  work  —  also  unpublished  —  upon  the 
earlier  troubles  in  the  Netherlands,  has  been  often  cited  in  the  first  and  second  volumes 
of  this  history.  A  chapter  in  the  history  of  Renom  de  France  is  also  devoted  to  this  series 
of  events  ;  Troubles  des  P.  B.  ,  iv.  c.  3. 


04,  105,  115,  11,  140-142. 

3  MS.  anonymous  letter  from  Arras  (Oct,  26,  1578)  in  Rec.  Prov.  Wall.,  i.  440-442.  — 
he  whole  episode  is  also  most  admirably  related  in  a  manuscript  fragment  by  an  eye- 
itness, entitled  "  Discours  Veritable  de  ce  que  s'est  passe"  en  la  ville  d'  Arras,"  Bibl.  de 


274  The  Rise  of  the 

Catholics  and  some  Protestants,  but  all  patriots,  of  whom 
Gosson  was  chief.  The  stroke  took  the  town  by  surprise, 
and  was  for  a  moment  successful.  Meantime,  they  de- 
pended upon  assistance  from  Brussels.  The  royal  and 
ecclesiastical  party  was,  however,  not  so  easily  defeated, 
and  an  old  soldier,  named  Bourgeois,  loudly  denounced 
Captain  Ambrose,  the  general  of  the  revolutionary  move- 
ment, as  a  vile  coward,  and  affirmed  that  with  thirty 
good  men-at-arms  he  would  undertake  to  pound  the  whole 
rebel  army  to  powder — "  a  pack  of  scarecrows,"  he  said, 
"  who  were  not  worth  as  many  owls  for  military 
purposes." 

Three  days  after  the  imprisonment  of  the  magistracy, 
a  strong  Catholic  rally  was  made  in  their  behalf  in  the 
Fish-market,  the  ubiquitous  Prior  of  Saint  Vaast  flitting 
about  among  the  Malcontents,  blithe  and  busy  as  usual 
when  storms  were  brewing.  Matthew  Doucet,  of  the 
revolutionary  faction — a  man  both  martial  and  pacific  in 
his  pursuits,  being  eminent  both  as  a  gingerbread-baker 
and  a  sword-player l — swore  he  would  have  the  little 
monk's  life  if  he  had  to  take  him  from  the  very  horns 
of  the  altar;  but  the  Prior  had  braved  sharper  threats 
than  these.  Moreover,  the  grand  altar  would  have  been 
the  last  place  to  look  for  him  on  that  occasion.  While 
Gosson  was  making  a  tremendous  speech  in  favour  of 
conscience  and  fatherland  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  practical 
John  Sarrasin,  purse  in  hand,  had  challenged  the  rebel 
general,  Ambrose,  to  private  combat.  In  half  an  hour, 
that  warrior  was  routed,  and  fled  from  the  field  at  the 
head  of  his  scarecrows,2  for  there  was  no  resisting  the 
power  before  which  the  Montignys  and  the  La  Mottes 
had  succumbed.  Eloquent  Gosson  was  left  to  his  fate. 
Having  the  Catholic  magistracy  in  durance,  and  with 
nobody  to  guard  them,  he  felt,  as  was  well  observed  bv 
an  ill-natured  contemporary,  like  a  man  holding  the  wolf 
by  the  ears,  equally  afraid  to  let  go  or  to  retain  his  grasp. 

His  dilemma  was  soon  terminated.  While  he  was  de- 
liberating with  his  colleagues — Mordacq,  an  old  cam- 
paigner, Crugeot,  Bertoul,  and  others — whether  to  stand 
or  fly,  the  drums  and  trumpets  of  the  advancing  royalists 
were  heard.  In  another  instant  the  Hotel  de  Ville  was 
swarming  with  men-at-arms,  headed  by  Bourgeois,  the 

1  "  Faiseur  des  pains  d'espices epicier  et  joueur  d'espde." — Letter  from  Arras,  before 

cited,  P.  Payen,  Troubles  d'Arras,  MS.  2  Letter  from  Arras,  MS. 


Dutch  Republic  275 

veteran  who  had  expressed  so  slighting-  an  opinion  as 
to  the  prowess  of  Captain  Ambrose.  The  tables  were 
turned,  the  miniature  revolution  was  at  an  end,  the  counter- 
revolution effected.  Gosson  and  his  confederates  escaped 
out  of  a  back  door,  but  were  soon  afterwards  arrested. 
Next  morning-,  Baron  Capres,  the  great  Malcontent  seign- 
ior, who  was  stationed  with  his  regiment  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood, and  who  had  long  been  secretly  coquetting 
with  the  Prior  ^and  Parma,  marched  into  the  city  at  the 
head  of  a  strong  detachment,  and  straightway  proceeded 
to  erect  a  very  tall  gibbet  in  front  of  the  Hotel  de  Ville.1 
This  looked  practical  in  the  eyes  of  the  liberated  and 
reinstated  magistrates,  and  Gosson,  Crugeot,  and  the 
rest  were  summoned  at  once  before  them.  The  advocate 
thought,  perhaps,  with  a  sigh,  that  his  judges,  so  recently 
his  prisoners,  might  have  been  the  fruit  for  another 
gallows-tree,  had  he  planted  it  when  the  ground  was  his 
own ;  but  taking  heart  of  grace,  he  encouraged  his  col- 
leagues— now  his  fellow-culprits.  Crugeot,  undismayed, 
made  his  appearance  before  the  tribunal,  arrayed  in  a 
corslet  of  proof,  with  a  golden-hilted  sword,  a  scarf 
embroidered  with  pearls  and  gold,  and  a  hat  bravely 
plumaged  with  white,  blue,  and  orange  feathers — the 
colours  of  William  the  Silent — of  all  which  finery  he  was 
stripped,  however,  as  soon  as  he  entered  the  court.2 

The  process  was  rapid.  A  summons  from  Brussels  was 
expected  every  hour  from  the  general  government,  order- 
ing the  cases  to  be  brought  before  the  federal  tribunal, 
and  as  the  Walloon  provinces  were  not  yet  ready  for 
open  revolt,  the  order  would  be  an  inconvenient  one. 
Hence  the  necessity  for  haste.  The  superior  court  of 
Artois,  to  which  an  appeal  from  the  magistrates  lay, 
immediately  held  a  session  in  another  chamber  of  the 
Hotel  de  Ville,  while  the  lower  court  was  trying  the 
prisoners,  and  Bertoul,  Crugeot,  Mordacq,  with  several 
others,  were  condemned  in  a  few  hours  to  the  gibbet. 
They  were  invited  to  appeal,  if  they  chose,  to  the  Council 
of  Artois,  but  hearing  that  the  court  was  sitting  next 
door,  so  that  there  was  no  chance  of  a  rescue  in  the 
streets,  they  declared  themselves  satisfied  with  the 
sentence.  Gosson  had  not  been  tried,  his  case  being 
reserved  for  the  morrow. 

Meantime,    the    short   autumnal   day   had    drawn    to    a 

1  P.  Payen,  Troubles  d'Arras,  MS.  2  ibid. 


276 


The  Rise  of  the 


close.  A  wild,  stormy,  rainy  night  then  set  in,  but  still 
the  royalist  party — citizens  and  soldiers  intermingled — all 
armed  to  the  teeth,  and  uttering  fierce  cries,  while  the 
whole  scene  was  fitfully  illuminated  with  the  glare  of 
flambeaux  and  blazing  tar-barrels,  kept  watch  in  the 
open  square  around  the  city  hall.  A  series  of  terrible 
Rembrandt-like  night-pieces  succeeded — grim,  fantastic, 
and  gory.  Bertoul,  an  old  man,  who  for  years  had  so 
surely  felt  himself  predestined  to  his  present  doom  that 
he  had  kept  a  gibbet  in  his  own  house  to  accustom  him- 
self to  the  sight  of  the  machine,  was  led  forth  the  first, 
and  hanged  at  ten  in  the  evening.1  He  was  a  good 
man,  of  perfectly  blameless  life,  a  sincere  Catholic,  but 
a  warm  partizan  of  Orange. 

Valentine  de  Mordacq,  an  old  soldier,  came  from  the 
Hotel  de  Ville  to  the  gallows  at  midnight.  As  he  stood 
on  the  ladder,  amid  the  flaming  torches,  he  broke  forth 
into  furious  execrations,  wagging  his  long  white  beard  to 
and  fro,  making  hideous  grimaces,  and  cursing  the  hard 
fate  which,  after  many  dangers  on  the  battle-field  and  in 
beleaguered  cities,  had  left  him  to  such  a  death.  The 
cord  strangled  his  curses.  Crugeot  was  executed  at  three 
in  the  morning,  having  obtained  a  few  hours'  respite  in 
order  to  make  his  preparations,  which  he  accordingly 
occupied  himself  in  doing  as  tranquilly  as  if  he  had  been 
setting  forth  upon  an  agreeable  journey.  He  looked  like 
a  phantom,  according  to  eye-witnesses,  as  he  stood  under 
the  gibbet,  making  a  most  pious  and  Catholic  address 
to  the  crowd. 

The  whole  of  the  following  day  was  devoted  to  the  trial 
of  Gosson.  He  was  condemned  at  nightfall,  and  heard 
by  appeal  before  the  superior  court  directly  afterwards. 
At  midnight  of  the  25th  of  October,  1578,  he  was  con- 
demned to  lose  his  head,  the  execution  to  take  place  with- 
out delay.  The  city  guards  and  the  infantry  under 
Capres  still  bivouacked  upon  the  square ;  the  howling 
storm  still  continued,  but  the  glare  of  fagots  and  torches 
made  the  place  as  light  as  day.  The  ancient  advocate, 
with  haggard  eyes  and  features  distorted  by  wrath,  walk- 
ing between  the  sheriff  and  a  Franciscan  monk,  advanced 
through  the  long  lane  of  halberdiers,  in  the  grand  hall  of 
the  town-house,  and  thence  emerged  upon  the  scaffold 
erected  before  the  door.  He  shook  his  fists  with  rage  at 

1  P.  Payen,  Troubles  d'Arras,  MS. 


Dutch  Republic  277 

the  released  magistrates,  so  lately  his  prisoners,  exclaim- 
ing- that  to  his  misplaced  mercy  it  was  owing1  that  his 
head,  instead  of  their  own,  was  to  be  placed  upon  the 
block.  He  bitterly  reproached  the  citizens  for  their 
cowardice  in  shrinking  from  dealing  a  blow  for  their 
fatherland,  and  in  behalf  of  one  who  had  so  faithfully 
served  them.  The  clerk  of  the  court  then  read  the 
sentence  amid  a  silence  so  profound  that  every  syllable 
he  uttered,  and  every  sigh  and  ejaculation  of  the  victim, 
were  distinctly  heard  in  the  most  remote  corner  of  the 
square.  Gosson  then,  exclaiming  that  he  was  murdered 
without  cause,  knelt  upon  the  scaffold.  His  head  fell 
while  an  angry  imprecation  was  still  upon  his  lips.1 

Several  other  persons  of  lesser  note  were  hanged  during 
the  week — among  others,  Matthew  Doucet,  the  truculent 
man  of  gingerbread,  whose  rage  had  been  so  judiciously 
but  so  unsuccessfully  directed  against  the  Prior  of  Saint 
Vaast.  Captain  Ambrose,  too,  did  not  live  long  to 
enjoy  the  price  of  his  treachery.  He  was  arrested  very 
soon  afterwards  by  the  states'  government  in  Antwerp, 
put  to  the  torture,  hanged  and  quartered.2  In  troublous 
times  like  those,  when  honest  men  found  it  difficult  to 
keep  their  heads  upon  their  shoulders,  rogues  were  apt 
to  meet  their  deserts,  unless  they  had  the  advantage  of 
lofty  lineage  and  elevated  position. 

"  Ille  crucem  sceleris  pretium  tulit,  hie  diadema." 

This  municipal  revolution  and  counter-revolution, 
obscure  though  they  seem,  were  in  reality  of  very  grave 
importance.  This  was  the  last  blow  struck  for  freedom 
in  the  Walloon  country.  The  failure  of  the  movement 
made  that  scission  of  the  Netherlands  certain,  which  has 
endured  till  our  days,  for  the  influence  of  the  ecclesiastics 
in  the  states  of  Artois  and  Hainault,  together  with  the 
military  power  of  the  Malcontent  grandees,  whom  Parma 
and  John  Sarrasin  had  purchased,  could  no  longer  be 
resisted.  The  liberty  of  the  Celtic  provinces  was  sold, 
and  a  few  high-born  traitors  received  the  price.  Before 
the  end  of  the  year  (1578)  Montigny  had  signified  to  the 
Duke  of  Alencon  that  a  prince  who  avowed  himself  too 
poor  to  pay  for  soldiers  was  no  master  for  him.3  The 

1  P.  Payen,  Troubles  d' Arras,  MS. 

2  Letter  of  Saint  Vaast,  Rec.  Prov.  Wall.,  ii.  41,  42,  MS. 

3  M^moire  de  ce  qui  s'est  pass<£  a  1'entrevue  entre  le  Sr.  de  Montigny,  Comte  de  Lalain, 
Due  d'Arschot,  Marquis  d'Havr£,  et  al.  ;  Rec.  Prov.  Wall.,  ii.  104,  105,  MS. 


278 


The  Rise  of  the 


Baron,  therefore,  came  to  an  understanding  with  La 
Motte  and  Sarrasin,  acting-  for  Alexander  Farnese,  and 
received  the  command  of  the  infantry  in  the  Walloon 
provinces,  a  merced  of  four  thousand  crowns  a  year,  to- 
gether with  as  large  a  slice  of  La  Motte 's  hundred  thou- 
sand florins  for  himself  and  soldiers,  as  that  officer  could 
be  induced  to  part  with.1 

Baron  Capres,  whom  Sarrasin — being  especially  en- 
joined to  purchase  him — had,  in  his  own  language, 
"  sweated  blood  and  water  "  to  secure,  at  last  agreed  to 
reconcile  himself  with  the  King's  party  upon  condition  of 
receiving  the  government-general  of  Artois,  together  with 
the  particular  government  of  Hesdin — very  lucrative 
offices,  which  the  Viscount  of  Ghent  then  held  by  com- 
mission of  the  states-general.2  That  politic  personage, 
however,  whose  disinclination  to  desert  the  liberal  party 
which  had  clothed  him  with  such  high  functions,  was 
apparently  so  marked  that  the  Prior  had  caused  an 
ambush  to  be  laid  for  him  and  the  Marquis  Havre",  in 
order  to  obtain  bodily  possession  of  two  such  powerful 
enemies,3  now,  at  the  last  moment,  displayed  his  true 
colours.  He  consented  to  reconcile  himself  also,  on  con- 
dition of  receiving  the  royal  appointment  to  the  same 
government  which  he  then  held  from  the  patriot  autho- 
rities, together  with  the  title  of  Marquis  de  Richebourg, 
the  command  of  all  the  cavalry  in  the  royalist  provinces, 
and  certain  rewards  in  money  besides.  By  holding  him- 
self at  a  high  mark,  and  keeping  at  a  distance,  he  had 
obtained  his  price.  Capres,  for  whom  Philip,  at  Parma's 
suggestion,  had  sent  the  commission  as  governor  of 
Artois  and  of  Hesdin,  was  obliged  to  renounce  those 
offices,  notwithstanding  his  earlier  "  reconciliation,"  and 
the  "  blood  and  water  "  of  John  Sarrasin.4  Ghent  was 
not  even  contented  with  these  guerdons,  but  insisted  upon 
the  command  of  all  the  cavalry,  including  the  band  of 
ordnance  which,  with  handsome  salary,  had  been  assigned 
to  Lalain  as  a  part  of  the  wages  for  his  treason,5- while 
the  "  little  Count  " — fiery  as  his  small  and  belligerent 
cousin  6  whose  exploits  have  been  recorded  in  the  earlier 

1  MS.  letters  of  Parma,  Saint  Vaast,  Montigny.  La  Motte,  et  al.  ;  Rec.  Prov.  Wall.,  ii. 
35-37,  115 ;  iii.  120 ;  iv.  221.  2  Rec.  Prov.  Wall.,  ii.  130-133,  MS. 

1  Ibid.,  ii.  f.  73,  MS. — Compare  Com>sp.  Alex.  Farnese,  p.  61. — Parma  to  Philip  II. 

4  MS.  letters  of  Vicomte  de  Gand  to  Philip  II.,  and  of  Philip  II.  to  Vicomte  de  Gand, 
Marquis  de  Richebourg;  Rec.  Prov.  Wall.,  ii.  197-210. — Compare  Correspondance  Alex. 
Farnese,  8 1,  85,  89,  97.  5  Rec.  Prov.  Wall.,  iv.  223  ;  Lalain  to  Parma,  MS. 

6  Anthony,  Count  of  Hoogstraaten,  the  friend  of  Orange. 


Dutch  Republic  279 

pages  of  this  history — boldly  taxed  Parma  and  the  King 
with  cheating  him  out  of  his  promised  reward,  in  order 
to  please  a  noble  whose  services  had  been  less  valuable 
than  those  of  the  Lalain  family.1  Having  thus  obtained 
the  lion's  share,  due,  as  he  thought,  to  his  well-known 
courage  and  military  talents,  as  well  as  to  the  powerful 
family  influence  which  he  wielded — his  brother,  the  Prince 
of  Espinoy,  hereditary  seneschal  of  Hainault,  having  like- 
wise rallied  to  the  King's  party — Ghent  jocosely  inti- 
mated to  Parma  his  intention  of  helping  himself  to  the  two 
best  horses  in  the  Prince's  stables  in  exchange  for  those 
lost  at  Gemblours,2  in  which  disastrous  action  he  had 
commanded  the  cavalry  for  the  states.  He  also  sent  two 
terriers  to  Farnese,  hoping  that  they  would  "  prove  more 
useful  than  beautiful."  3  The  Prince  might  have  thought, 
perhaps,  as  much  of  the  Viscount's  treason. 

John  Sarrasin,  the  all-accomplished  Prior,  as  the 
reward  of  his  exertions,  received  from  Philip  the  abbey  of 
Saint  Vaast,  the  richest  and  most  powerful  ecclesiastical 
establishment  in  the  Netherlands.  At  a  subsequent 
period  his  grateful  sovereign  created  him  Archbishop  of 
Cambray.4 

Thus  the  "  troubles  of  Arras  " — as  they  were  called — 
terminated.  Gosson,  the  respected,  wealthy,  eloquent, 
and  virtuous  advocate,  together  with  his  colleagues — 
all  Catholics,  but  at  the  same  time  patriots  and  liberals — 
died  the  death  of  felons  for  their  unfortunate  attempt  to 
save  their  fatherland  from  an  ecclesiastical  and  venal 
conspiracy ;  while  the  actors  in  the  plot,  having  all  per- 
formed well  their  parts,  received  their  full  meed  of  prizes 
and  applause. 

The  private  treaty  by  which  the  Walloon  provinces  of 
Artois,  Hainault,  Lille,  Douay,  and  Orchies,  united 
themselves  in  a  separate  league,  was  signed  upon  the 
6th  of  January,  1579,  but  the  final  arrangements  for  the 
reconciliation  of  the  Malcontent  nobles  and  their  soldiers 
were  not  completed  until  April  6th,  upon  which  day  a 
secret  paper  was  signed  at  Mount  Saint  Eloi. 

1  " J'espere  que  S.  M.  ne  jugera  les  services  que  j'ay  fait  et  fais  journellement  a 

icelle  moindres  que  ceulx  du  dit  Marquis  de  Richebourg,  et  que  pour  son  seul  respect  elle 
ne  m'estimera  si  peu,  de  me  frauder,  de  ce  que  le  Comte  de  Mansfeld  m' avail  auparavant 
fait  entendre  de  la  part  de  V.  E.,"  etc. 

Lalain  to  Parma,  Rec.  Prov.  Wall.,  iv.  278,  MS.  Parma  to  Lalain,  Rec.  Prov.  Wall. 
»•  75-77-  2  Rec-  Prov-  Wal1  •'  "•  202-204,  MS. 

3  Ibid.,  iii.  127,  Marquis  de  Richebourg  to  Parma,  MS. 

4  Correspondance  Alex.  Farnese,  41,  46,  55. 


280  The  Rise  of  the 

The  states-general  and  the  whole  national  party  re- 
garded, with  prophetic  dismay,  the  approaching  dismem- 
berment of  their  common  country.  They  sent  deputation 
on  deputation  to  the  Walloon  states,  to  warn  them  of  their 
danger,  and  to  avert,  if  possible,  the  fatal  measure. 
Meantime,  as  by  the  already  accomplished  movement, 
the  "  generality  "  was  fast  disappearing,  and  was  indeed 
but  the  shadow  of  its  former  self,  it  seemed  necessary  to 
make  a  vigorous  effort  to  restore  something  like  unity 
to  the  struggling  country.  The  Ghent  Pacification  had 
been  their  outer  wall,  ample  enough  and  strong  enough 
to  enclose  and  to  protect  all  the  provinces.  Treachery 
and  religious  fanaticism  had  undermined  the  bulwark 
almost  as  soon  as  reared.  The  whole  beleaguered  country 
was  in  danger  of  becoming  utterly  exposed  to  a  foe  who 
grew  daily  more  threatening.  As  in  besieged  cities,  a 
sudden  breastwork  is  thrown  up  internally,  when  the 
outward  defences  are  crumbling — so  the  energy  of  Orange 
had  been  silently  preparing  the  Union  of  Utrecht,  as  a 
temporary  defence  until  the  foe  should  be  beaten  back, 
and  there  should  be  time  to  decide  on  their  future  course 
of  action.1 

During  the  whole  month  of  December,  an  active  corre- 
spondence had  been  carried  on  between  the  Prince  and 
his  brother  John,  with  various  agents  in  Gelderland, 
Friesland,  and  Groningen,  as  well  as  with  influential  per- 
sonages in  the  more  central  provinces  and  cities.2  Gelder- 
land, the  natural  bulwark  to  Holland  and  Zeland,  com- 
manding the  four  great  rivers  of  the  country,  had  been 
fortunately  placed  under  the  government  of  the  trusty 
John  of  Nassau,  that  province  being  warmly  in  favour  of 
a  closer  union  with  its  sister  provinces,  and  particularly 
with  those  more  nearly  allied  to  itself  in  religion  and  in 
language. 

Already,  in  December  (1578),  Count  John,  in  behalf  of 
his  brother,  had  laid  before  the  estates  of  Holland  and 
Zeland,  assembled  at  Gorcum,  the  project  of  a  new  union 
with  "  Gelderland,  Ghent,  Friesland,  Utrecht,  Overyssel, 
and  Groningen."3  The  proposition  had  been  favourably 
entertained,  and  commissioners  had  been  appointed  to 
confer  with  other  commissioners  at  Utrecht,  whenever 
they  should  be  summoned  by  Count  John.  The  Prince 

1  Groen  v.  Prinsterer,  vi.  537.  2  Ibid.,  vi.  479,  sqq.,  536,  sqq. 

»  Ibid.,  vu  479,  sqq. 


Dutch  Republic  281 

chose  not  to  be  the  ostensible  mover  in  the  plan  himself. 
He  did  not  wish  to  startle  unnecessarily  the  Archduke 
Matthias,  nor  to  be  cried  out  upon  as  infringing-  the  Ghent 
Pacification,  although  the  whole  world  knew  that  treaty 
to  be  hopelessly  annulled.  For  these  and  many  other 
weighty  motives,  he  proposed  that  the  new  union  should 
be  the  apparent  work  of  other  hands,  and  only  offered 
to  him  and  to  the  country  when  nearly  completed. 

After  various  preliminary  meetings  in  December  and 
January,  the  deputies  of  Gelderland  and  Zutphen,  with 
Count  John,  stadholder  of  these  provinces,  at  their  head, 
met  with  the  deputies  of  Holland,  Zeland,  and  the  pro- 
vinces between  the  Ems  and  the  Lauwers,  early  in  Janu- 
ary, 1579,  and  on  the  23rd  of  that  month,  without  wait- 
ing longer  for  the  deputies  of  the  other  provinces,  they 
agreed  provisionally  upon  a  treaty  of  union  which  was 
published  afterwards  on  the  2Qth,  from  the  town-house  of 
Utrecht.1 

This  memorable  document — which  is  ever  regarded  as 
the  foundation  of  the  Netherland  Republic — contained 
twenty-six  articles.2 

The  preamble  stated  the  object  of  the  union.  It  was  to 
strengthen,  not  to  forsake  the  Ghent  Pacification,  already 
nearly  annihilated  by  the  force  of  foreign  soldiery.  For 
this  purpose,  and  in  order  more  conveniently  to  defend 
themselves  against  their  foes,  the  deputies  of  Gelder- 
land, Zutphen,  Holland,  Zeland,  Utrecht,  and  the 
Frisian  provinces,  thought  it  desirable  to  form  a  still 
closer  union.  The  contracting  provinces  agreed  to  remain 
eternally  united,  as  if  they  were  but  one  province.  At 
the  same  time,  it  was  understood  that  each  was  to  retain 
its  particular  privileges,  liberties,  laudable  and  tradition- 
ary customs,  and  other  laws.  The  cities,  corporations, 
and  inhabitants  of  every  province  were  to  be  guaranteed 
as  to  their  ancient  constitutions.  Disputes  concerning 
these  various  statutes  and  customs  were  to  be  decided  by 
the  usual  tribunals,  by  "  good  men,"  or  by  amicable 
compromise.  The  provinces,  by  virtue  of  the  union,  were 
to  defend  each  other  "with  life,  goods,  and  blood," 
against  all  force  brought  against  them  in  the  King's 
name  or  behalf.  They  were  also  to  defend  each  other 
against  all  foreign  or  domestic  potentates,  provinces,  or 

1  Kluit,  Hist,  der  Holl.  Staatsreg.,  5.  170,  sqq.     Bor,  xiii.  21,  sqq, 

2  The  whole  document  is  given  by  Bor,  xiii.  26-30,  and,  somewhat  abridged,  by  Wage- 
naer,  vii.  251-262  ;  Meteren,  ix.  151,  152 ;  Tassis,  v.  339,  sqq.  ;  Hoofd,  xiv.  609-615. 


282  The  Rise  of  the 

cities,  provided  such  defence  were  controlled  by  the 
"  generality  "  of  the  union.1  For  the  expense  occasioned 
by  the  protection  of  the  provinces,  certain  imposts  and 
excises  were  to  be  equally  assessed  and  collected.  No 
truce  or  peace  was  to  be  concluded,  no  war  commenced, 
no  impost  established  affecting-  the  "generality,"  but 
by  unanimous  advice  and  consent  of  the  provinces. 
Upon  other  matters  the  majority  was  to  decide;  the  votes 
being  taken  in  the  manner  then  customary  in  the  assembly 
of  states-general.  In  case  of  difficulty  in  coming  to  a 
unanimous  vote  when  required,  the  matter  was  to  be 
referred  to  the  stadholders  then  in  office.  In  case  of  their 
inability  to  agree,  they  were  to  appoint  arbitrators,  by 
whose  decision  the  parties  were  to  be  governed.  None 
of  the  united  provinces,  or  of  their  cities  or  corporations, 
were  to  make  treaties  with  other  potentates  or  states, 
without  consent  of  their  confederates.  If  neighbouring 
princes,  provinces,  or  cities,  wished  to  enter  into  this  con- 
federacy, they  were  to  be  received  by  the  unanimous 
consent  of  the  united  provinces.  A  common  currency  was 
to  be  established  for  the  confederacy.  In  the  matter  of 
divine  worship,  Holland  and  Zeland  were  to  conduct 
themselves  as  they  should  think  proper.  The  other  pro- 
vinces of  the  union,  however,  were  either  to  conform  to 
the  religious  peace  already  laid  down  by  Archduke 
Matthias  and  his  council,  or  to  make  such  other  arrange- 
ments as  each  province  should  for  itself  consider  appro- 
priate for  the  maintenance  of  its  internal  tranquillity — 
provided  always  that  every  individual  should  remain  free 
in  his  religion,  and  that  no  man  should  be  molested  or 
questioned  on  the  subject  of  divine  worship,  as  had  been 
already  established  by  the  Ghent  Pacification.2  As  a 
certain  dispute  arose  concerning  the  meaning  of  this  im- 
portant clause,  an  additional  paragraph  was  inserted  a 
few  days  afterwards.  In  this  it  was  stated  that  there  was 
no  intention  of  excluding  from  the  confederacy  any  pro- 
vince or  city  which  was  wholly  Catholic,  or  in  which  the 
number  of  the  reformed  was  not  sufficiently  large  to  entitle 
them,  by  the  religious  peace,  to  public  worship.  On 
the  contrary,  the  intention  was  to  admit  them,  provided 
they  obeyed  the  articles  of  union,  and  conducted  them- 
selves as  good  patriots ;  it  being  intended  that  no  pro- 
vince or  city  should  interfere  with  another  in  the  matter 

1  Articles,  i,  2,  3.  2  Articles  5,  9,  10,  u,  12,  13. 


Dutch  Republic  283 

of  divine  service.  Disputes  between  two  provinces  were 
to  be  decided  by  the  others,  or — in  case  the  generality  were 
concerned — by  the  provisions  of  the  ninth  article. 

The  confederates  were  to  assemble  at  Utrecht  whenever 
summoned  by  those  commissioned  for  that  purpose.  A 
majority  of  votes  was  to  decide  on  matters  then  brought 
before  them,  even  in  case  of  the  absence  of  some  members 
of  the  confederacy,  who  might,  however,  send  written 
proxies.  Additions  or  amendments  to  these  articles  could 
only  be  made  by  unanimous  consent.  The  articles  were 
to  be  signed  by  the  stadholders,  magistrates,  and  princi- 
pal officers  of  each  province  and  city,  and  by  all  the  train- 
bands, fraternities  and  sodalities  which  might  exist  in  the 
cities  or  villages  of  the  union.1 

Such  were  the  simple  provisions  of  that  instrument 
which  became  the  foundation  of  the  powerful  Common- 
wealth of  the  United  Netherlands.  On  the  day  when  it 
was  concluded,  there  were  present  deputies  from  five 
provinces  only.2  Count  John  of  Nassau  signed  first,  as 
stadholder  of  Gelderland  and  Zutphen.  His  signature 
was  followed  by  those  of  four  deputies  from  that  double 
province;  and  the  envoys  of  Holland,  Zeland,  Utrecht, 
and  the  Frisian  provinces,  then  signed  the  document.3 

The  Prince  himself,  although  in  reality  the  principal 
director  of  the  movement,  delayed  appending  his  signature 
until  May  the  3rd,  I579-4  Herein  he  was  actuated  by 
the  reasons  already  stated,  and  by  the  hope  which  he 
still  entertained  that  a  wider  union  might  be  established, 
with  Matthias  for  its  nominal  chief.  His  enemies,  as 
usual,  attributed  this  patriotic  delay  to  baser  motives. 
They  accused  him  of  a  desire  to  assume  the  governor- 
generalship  himself,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  Archduke — 
an  insinuation  which  the  states  of  Holland  took  occasion 
formally  to  denounce  as  a  calumny.5  For  those  who  have 
studied  the  character  and  history  of  the  man,  a  defence 
against  such  slander  is  superfluous.  Matthias  was  but 
the  shadow,  Orange  the  substance.  The  Archduke  had 

1  Articles  16,  19,  22. 

2  Bor,  3,  xiii.   26.     Kluit,   Holl.   Staatsreg.,  i.    173,  sqq.     Wagenaer,  Vad.  Hist.,  vii. 
263,  sqq. 

3  Bor,  Klnit,  Wagenaer,  ubi  sup. — Count  Renneberg,  as  stadholder  of  Friesland,  Over- 
yssel,  Groningen,  Drente,  etc.,  did  not  give  his  final  adhesion  until  June  n,  1579.     His 
subsequent  treason  kept  the  city  of  Groningen  out  of  the  union,  and  it  was  not  admitted 
till  the  year  1594. — (Wag.  vii.  266.)     On  the  other  hand,  several  cities  which  were  not 
destined  eventually  to  form  parts  of  the  confederacy  became  members  soon  after  its  form- 
ation— as  Ghent,  on  Feb.  4,  1579  >  Antwerp,  July  28,  1579  !  Bruges,  Feb.  i,  1580,  etc. — 
Bor,  xiii.  31,  et  sqq.  4  Bor,  2,  xiii.  30. 

5  Resol.  Holl.,  8  Mei.,  f.  93.     Kluit,  Holl.  Staatsreg.,  i.  180. 


284  The  Rise  of  the 

been  accepted  only  to  obviate  the  evil  effects  of  a  political 
intrigue,  and  with  the  express  condition  that  the  Prince 
should  be  his  lieutenant-general  in  name,  his  master  in 
fact.  Directly  after  his  departure  in  the  following  year, 
the  Prince's  authority,  which  nominally  departed  also, 
was  re-established  in  his  own  person,  and  by  express  act 
of  the  states-general.1 

The  Union  of  Utrecht  was  the  foundation-stone  of  the 
Netherland  Republic;  but  the  framers  of  the  confederacy 
did  not  intend  the  establishment  of  a  republic,  or  of  an 
independent  commonwealth  of  any  kind.  They  had  not 
forsworn  the  Spanish  monarch.  It  was  not  yet  their 
intention  to  forswear  him.  Certainly  the  act  of  union 
contained  no  allusion  to  such  an  important  step.  On  the 
contrary,  in  the  brief  preamble  they  expressly  stated  their 
intention  to  strengthen  the  Ghent  Pacification,  and  the 
Ghent  Pacification  acknowledged  obedience  to  the  King. 
They  intended  no  political  innovation  of  any  kind.  They 
expressly  accepted  matters  as  they  were.  All  statutes, 
charters,  and  privileges  of  provinces,  cities,  or  corpora- 
tions were  to  remain  untouched.  They  intended  to  form 
neither  an  independent  state  nor  an  independent  federal 
system.2  No  doubt  the  formal  renunciation  of  allegiance, 
which  was  to  follow  within  two  years,  was  contemplated 
by  many  as  a  future  probability;  but  it  could  not  be  fore- 
seen with  certainty. 

The  simple  act  of  union  was  not  regarded  as  the  consti- 
tution of  a  commonwealth.  Its  object  was  a  single  one — 
defence  against  a  foreign  oppressor.  The  contracting 
parties  bound  themselves  together  to  spend  all  their 
treasure  and  all  their  blood  in  expelling  the  foreign 
soldiery  from  their  soil.  To  accomplish  this  purpose,  they 
carefully  abstained  from  intermeddling  with  internal 
politics  and  with  religion.  Every  man  was  to  worship 
God  according  to  the  dictates  of  his  conscience.  Every 
combination  of  citizens,  from  the  provincial  states  down 
to  the  humblest  rhetoric  club,  was  to  retain  its  ancient 
constitution.  The  establishment  of  a  republic,  which 
lasted  two  centuries,  which  threw  a  girdle  of  rich  depen- 
dencies entirely  round  the  globe,  and  which  attained  so 
remarkable  a  height  of  commercial  prosperity  and  politi- 
cal influence,  was  the  result  of  the  Utrecht  Union ;  but 

1  Kluit,  i.  180,  181,  note  15. 

2  Kluit,  Holl.  Staatsreg.,  i,  182,  sqq. — Compare  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives  de  la  Maison 
d'Orange,  vi.  536-564. 


Dutch  Republic  285 

it  was  not  a  premeditated  result.  A  state,  single  towards 
the  rest  of  the  world,  a  unit  in  its  external  relations,  while 
permitting-  internally  a  variety  of  sovereignties  and  in- 
stitutions— in  many  respects  the  prototype  of  our  own 
much  more  extensive  and  powerful  union — was  destined 
to  spring  from  the  act  thus  signed  by  the  envoys  of  five 
provinces.  Those  envoys  were  acting,  however,  under 
the  pressure  of  extreme  necessity,  and  for  what  was 
believed  an  evanescent  purpose.  The  future  confederacy 
was  not  to  resemble  the  system  of  the  German  Empire, 
for  it  was  to  acknowledge  no  single  head.  It  was  to 
differ  from  the  Achaian  League,  in  the  far  inferior  amount 
of  power  which  it  permitted  to  its  general  assembly,  and 
in  the  consequently  greater  proportion  of  sovereign  attri- 
butes which  were  retained  by  the  individual  states.  It 
was,  on  the  other  hand,  to  furnish  a  closer  and  more 
intimate  bond  than  that  of  the  Swiss  confederacy,  which 
was  only  a  union  for  defence  and  external  purposes,  of 
cantons  otherwise  independent.1  It  was,  finally,  to  differ 
from  the  American  federal  commonwealth  in  the  great 
feature  that  it  was  to  be  merely  a  confederacy  of  sove- 
reignties, not  a  representative  republic.  Its  foundation 
was  a  compact,  not  a  constitution.  The  contracting 
parties  were  states  and  corporations,  who  considered  them- 
selves as  representing  small  nationalities  de  jure  et  de 
facto,  and  as  succeeding  to  the  supreme  power  at  the 
very  instant  in  which  allegiance  to  the  Spanish  monarch 
was  renounced.  The  general  assembly  was  a  collection  of 
diplomatic  envoys,  bound  by  instructions  from  independ- 
ent states.  The  voting  was  not  by  heads,  but  by  states. 
The  deputies  were  not  representatives  of  the  people,  but 
of  the  states ;  for  the  people  of  the  United  States  of  the 
Netherlands  never  assembled — as  did  the  people  of  the 
United  States  of  America  two  centuries  later — to  lay  down 
a  constitution,  by  which  they  granted  a  generous  amount 
of  power  to  the  union,  while  they  reserved  enough  of 
sovereign  attributes  to  secure  that  local  self-government 
which  is  the  life-blood  of  liberty. 

Could  the  jealousy  of  great  nobles,  the  rancour  of  reli- 
gious differences,  the  Catholic  bigotry  of  the  Walloon 
population  on  the  one  side,  contending  with  the  demo- 
cratic insanity  of  the  Ghent  populace  on  the  other,  have 
been  restrained  within  bounds  by  the  moderate  counsels 

1  Compare  Kluit,  i.  193,  194. 


286  The  Rise  of  the 

of  William  of  Orange,  it  would  have  been  possible  to 
unite  seventeen  provinces  instead  of  seven,  and  to  save 
many  long-  and  blighting  years  of  civil  war. 

The  Utrecht  Union  was,  however,  of  inestimable  value. 
It  was  time  for  some  step  to  be  taken,  if  anarchy  were 
not  to  reign  until  the  inquisition  and  absolutism  were 
restored.  Already,  out  of  chaos  and  night,  the  coming 
republic  was  assuming  substance  and  form.  The  union, 
if  it  created  nothing  else,  at  least  constructed  a  league 
against  a  foreign  foe  whose  armed  masses  were  pouring 
faster  and  faster  into  the  territory  of  the  provinces. 
Further  than  this  it  did  not  propose  to  go.  It  maintained 
what  it  found.  It  guaranteed  religious  liberty,  and 
accepted  the  civil  and  political  constitutions  already  in 
existence.  Meantime,  the  defects  of  those  constitutions, 
although  visible  and  sensible,  had  not  grown  to  the  large 
proportions  which  they  were  destined  to  attain. 

Thus  by  the  Union  of  Utrecht  on  the  one  hand,  and 
the  fast  approaching  reconciliation  of  the  Walloon  pro- 
vinces on  the  other,  the  work  of  decomposition  and  of 
construction  went  hand  in  hand. 


CHAPTER    II 

Parma's  feint  upon  Antwerp— He  invests  Maestricht— Deputation  and  letters  from  the 
states-general,  from  Brussels,  and  from  Parma,  to  the  Walloon  provinces — Active 
negotiations  by  Orange  and  by  Farnese — Walloon  envoys  in  Parma's  camp  before 
Maestricht — Festivities — The  Treaty  of  Reconciliation — Rejoicings  of  the  royalist 
party — Comedy  enacted  at  the  Paris  theatres — Religious  tumults  in  Antwerp, 
Utrecht,  and  other  cities — Religious  peace  enforced  by  Orange — Philip  Egmont's 
unsuccessful  attempt  upon  Brussels — Siege  of  Maestricht — Failure  at  the  Tongres 
gate — Mining  and  countermining — Partial  destruction  of  the  Tongres  ravelin — 
Simultaneous  attack  upon  the  Tongres  and  Bois  le  Due  gates — The  Spaniards  re- 
pulsed with  great  loss — Gradual  encroachments  of  the  besiegers — Bloody  contests — 
The  town  taken — Horrible  massacre — Triumphal  entrance  and  solemn  thanksgiving — 
Calumnious  attacks  upon  Orange— Renewed  troubles  in  Ghent — Imbize  and  Dathenus 
— The  presence  of  the  Prince  solicited — Coup  d'etat  of  Imbize — Order  restored,  and 
Imbize  expelled  by  Orange. 

THE  political  movements  in  both  directions  were  to  be 
hastened  by  the  military  operations  of  the  opening 
season.  On  the  night  of  the  2nd  of  March,  1579,  the 
Prince  of  Parma  made  a  demonstration  against  Antwerp. 
A  body  of  three  thousand  Scotch  and  English,  lying  at 
Borgerhout,  was  rapidly  driven  in,  and  a  warm  skirmish 
ensued,  directly  under  the  walls  of  the  city.  The  Prince 
of  Orange,  with  the  Archduke  Matthias,  being  in  Ant- 
werp at  the  time,  remained  on  the  fortifications,  superin- 


Dutch  Republic  287 

tending-  the  action,  and  Parma  was  obliged  to  retire  after 
an  hour  or  two  of  sharp  fighting-,  with  a  loss  of  four 
hundred  men.1  This  demonstration  was,  however,  only 
a  feint.  His  real  design  was  upon  Maestricht,  before 
which  important  city  he  appeared  in  great  force,  ten  days 
afterwards,  when  he  was  least  expected.2 

Well  fortified,  surrounded  by  a  broad  and  deep  moat, 
built  upon  both  sides  of  the  Meuse,  upon  the  right  bank 
of  which  river,  however,  the  portion  of  the  town  was  so 
inconsiderable  that  it  was  merely  called  the  village  of 
Wyk,  this  key  to  the  German  gate  of  the  Netherlands 
was,  unfortunately,  in  brave  but  feeble  hands.  The 
garrison  was  hardly  one  thousand  strong ;  the  trained 
bands  of  burghers  amounted  to  twelve  hundred  more ; 
while  between  three  and  four  thousand  peasants,  who  had 
taken  refuge  within  the  city  walls,  did  excellent  service 
as  sappers  and  miners.  Parma,  on  the  other  hand,  had 
appeared  before  the  walls  with  twenty  thousand  men,  to 
which  number  he  received  constant  reinforcements.  The 
Bishop  of  Liege,  too,  had  sent  him  four  thousand  pioneers 
— a  most  important  service ;  for  mining  and  countermining 
was  to  decide  the  fate  of  Maestricht.3 

Early  in  January  the  royalists  had  surprised  the  strong 
chateau  of  Carpen,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  city,  upon 
which  occasion  the  garrison  were  all  hanged  by  moonlight 
on  the  trees  in  the  orchard.  The  commandant  shared  their 
fate;  and  it  is  a  curious  fact  that  he  had,  precisely  a  year 
previously,  hanged  the  royalist  captain,  Blomaert,  on  the 
same  spot,  who,  with  a  rope  around  his  neck,  had  fore- 
told a  like  doom  to  his  destroyer.4 

The  Prince  of  Orange,  feeling  the  danger  of  Maestricht, 
lost  no  time  in  warning  the  states  to  the  necessary 
measures,  imploring  them  "  not  to  fall  asleep  in  the  shade 
of  a  peace  negotiation,"5  while  meantime  Parma  threw 
two  bridges  over  the  Meuse,  above  and  below  the  city, 
and  then  invested  the  place  so  closely  that  all  communica- 
tion was  absolutely  suspended.  Letters  could  pass  to  and 
fro  only  at  extreme  peril  to  the  messengers,  and  all  possi- 
bility of  reinforcing  the  city  at  the  moment  was  cut  off.6 

1  Bor,  xiii.  35,  36.     Hoofd,  xv.  620. 

2  Bor,  xiii.  36.     Hoofd,  ubi  sup.     Strada,  2,  ii.  58.  _ 

3  Bentivoglio,  2,  lib.  i.  235.     Bor,  xiii.  36.     According  to  Strada  (2,  ii.  81),  3,000. 

4  Letter  of  G.  de  Merode,  Ordinaris  Depechen  Boek  der  Staten-gen.,  An.  1579,  f.  42. 
MS.  Hague  Archives. 

5  Letter  of  Orange  to  states-general,  Ord.  Dep.  Boek,  1579,  f.  4ivo.,  MS. 

6  Bor,  xiii.  17-36  sqq.     Hoofd,  xv.  662-668.     Strada,  2,  i.  37,  57-61.     Meteren,  ix.  134. 


288  The  Rise  of  the 

While  this  eventful  siege  was  proceeding-,  the  negotia- 
tions with  the  Walloons  were  ripening.  The  siege  and 
the  conferences  went  hand  in  hand.  Besides  the  secret 
arrangements  already  described  for  the  separation  of  the 
Walloon  provinces,  there  had  been  much  earnest  and 
eloquent  remonstrance  on  the  part  of  the  states-general 
and  of  Orange — many  solemn  embassies  and  public 
appeals.  There  is  no  doubt  as  to  the  real  opinion  enter- 
tained concerning  the  Ghent  Pacification  by  the  royal 
party.  "  Through  the  peace  of  Ghent,"  said  Saint 
Vaast,  "  all  our  woes  have  been  brought  upon  us."  La 
Motte  informed  Parma  that  it  was  necessary  to  pretend 
a  respect  for  the  treaty,  however,  on  account  of  its  popu- 
larity, but  that  it  was  well  understood  by  the  leaders  of 
the  Walloon  movement,  that  the  intention  was  to  restore 
the  system  of  Charles  the  Fifth.  Parma  signified  his  con- 
sent to  make  use  of  that  treaty  as  a  basis,  "provided 
always  it  were  interpreted  healthily  and  not  dislocated  by 
cavillations  and  sinister  interpolations,  as  had  been  done 
by  the  Prince  of  Orange."  The  Malcontent  generals 
of  the  Walloon  troops  were  inexpressibly  anxious  lest 
the  cause  of  religion  should  be  endangered ;  but  the  argu- 
ments by  which  Parma  convinced  those  military  casuists 
as  to  the  compatibility  of  the  Ghent  Peace  with  sound 
doctrine  have  already  been  exhibited.  The  influence  of 
the  reconciled  nobles  was  brought  to  bear  with  fatal  effect 
upon  the  states  of  Artois,  Hainault,  and  of  a  portion  of 
French  Flanders.  The  Gallic  element  in  their  blood,  and 
an  intense  attachment  to  the  Roman  ceremonial,  which 
distinguished  the  Walloon  population  from  their  Batavian 
brethren,  were  used  successfully  by  the  wily  Parma  to 
destroy  the  unity  of  the  revolted  Netherlands.1  More- 
over, the  King  offered  good  terms.  The  monarch,  feel- 
ing safe  on  the  religious  point,  was  willing  to  make  liberal 
promises  upon  the  political  questions.  In  truth,  the  great 
grievance  of  which  the  Walloons  complained  was  the 
insolence  and  intolerable  outrages  of  the  foreign  soldiers. 
This,  they  said,  had  alone  made  them  malcontent.2  It 
was,  therefore,  obviously  the  cue  of  Parma  to  promise  the 
immediate  departure  of  the  troops.  This  could  be  done 
the  more  easily,  as  he  had  no  intention  of  keeping  the 
promise. 

1  Bor,  Hoofd,  Strada,  ubi  sup.     Archives,  etc.,  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vi.  610-613. 

2  Strada,  2,  i.  50,  51. 


Dutch  Republic  289 

Meantime  the  efforts  of  Orange,  and  of  the  states- 
general,  where  his  influence  was  still  paramount,  were 
unceasing  to  counteract  the  policy  of  Parma.  A  deputation 
was  appointed  by  the  generality  to  visit  the  estates  of  the 
Walloon  provinces.1  Another  was  sent  by  the  authorities 
of  Brussels.  The  Marquis  of  Havre,  with  several  col- 
leagues on  behalf  of  the  states-general,  waited  upon  the 
Viscount  of  Ghent,  by  whom  they  were  received  with  ex- 
treme insolence.  He  glared  upon  them,  without  moving, 
as  they  were  admitted  to  his  presence;  "looking  like  a 
dead  man,  from  whom  the  soul  had  entirely  departed." 
Recovering  afterwards  from  this  stony  trance  of  indigna- 
tion, he  demanded  a  sight  of  their  instructions.  This  they 
courteously  refused,  as  they  were  accredited  not  to  him, 
but  to  the  states  of  Artois.  At  this  he  fell  into  a  violent 
passion,  and  threatened  them  with  signal  chastisement 
for  daring  to  come  thither  with  so  treasonable  a  purpose. 
In  short,  according  to  their  own  expression,  he  treated 
them  "  as  if  they  had  been  rogues  and  vagabonds."  2  The 
Marquis  of  Havre,  high-born  though  he  was,  had  been 
sufficiently  used  to  such  conduct.  The  man  who  had  suc- 
cessively served  and  betrayed  every  party,  who  had  been 
the  obsequious  friend  and  the  avowed  enemy  of  Don  John 
within  the  same  fortnight,  and  who  had  been  able  to 
swallow  and  inwardly  digest  many  an  insult  from  that 
fiery  warrior,  was  even  fain  to  brook  the  insolence  of 
Robert  Melun. 

The  papers  which  the  deputation  had  brought  were 
finally  laid  before  the  states  of  Artois,  and  received  replies 
as  prompt  and  bitter  as  the  addresses  were  earnest  and 
eloquent.  The  Walloons,  when  summoned  to  hold  to  that 
aegis  of  national  unity,  the  Ghent  Peace,  replied  that  it 
was  not  they,  but  the  heretic  portion  of  the  states-general, 
who  were  for  dashing  it  to  the  ground.  The  Ghent  Treaty 
was  never  intended  to  impair  the  supremacy  of  the  Catholic 
religion,  said  those  provinces,  which  were  already  on  the 
point  of  separating  for  ever  from  the  rest.  The  Ghent 
Treaty  was  intended  expressly  to  destroy  the  inquisition 
and  the  placards,  answered  the  national  party.  Moreover, 
the  "  very  marrow  of  that  treaty  "  3  was  the  departure  of 
the  foreign  soldiers,  who  were  even  then  overrunning  the 

1  Bor,  xiii.  37,  38.     Hoofd,  xv.  6-22  sqg.     Meteren,  ix.  150,  151. 

2  Report  of  the  Commissioners,  Bor.  xiii.  45. 

3  "  De  substantie  en  principael  merg  van  selve  pacificatie." — Bor,  xiii   39. 
VOL.  III.  L 


290  The  Rise  of  the 

land.  The  Walloons  answered  that  Alexander  had  ex- 
pressly conceded  the  withdrawal  of  the  troops.  "  Believe 
not  the  fluting  and  the  piping  of  the  crafty  foe,"  urged  the 
patriots.1  "  Promises  are  made  profusely  enough — but 
only  to  lure  you  to  perdition.  Your  enemies  allow  you  to 
slake  your  hunger  and  thirst  with  this  idle  hope  of  the 
troops'  departure,  but  you  are  still  in  fetters,  although 
the  chain  be  of  Spanish  pinchbeck,  which  you  mistake  for 
gold."  "  'Tis  not  we,"  cried  the  Walloons,  "  who  wish  to 
separate  from  the  generality ;  'tis  the  generality  which 
separates  from  us.  We  had  rather  die  the  death  than  not 
maintain  the  union."  2  In  the  very  same  breath,  however, 
they  boasted  of  the  excellent  terms  which  the  monarch 
was  offering,  and  of  their  strong  inclination  to  accept  them. 
"  Kings,  struggling  to  recover  a  lost  authority,  always 
promise  golden  mountains  and  every  sort  of  miracles," 
replied  the  patriots  ;3  but  the  warning  was  uttered  in  vain. 

Meantime  the  deputation  from  the  city  of  Brussels  ar- 
rived on  the  28th  March  at  Mons,  in  Hainault,  where  they 
were  received  with  great  courtesy  by  Count  de  Lalain, 
governor  of  the  province.  The  enthusiasm  with  which  he 
had  espoused  the  cause  of  Queen  Margaret  and  her  brother 
Anjou  had  cooled,  but  the  Count  received  the  Brussels 
envoys  with  a  kindness  in  marked  contrast  with  the  brutal- 
ity of  Melun.  He  made  many  fine  speeches — protesting  his 
attachment  to  the  union,  for  which  he  was  ready  to  shed 
the  last  drop  of  his  blood — entertained  the  deputies  at 
dinner,  proposed  toasts  to  the  prosperity  of  the  united  pro- 
vinces, and  dismissed  his  guests  at  last  with  many  flowery 
professions.  After  dancing  attendance  for  a  few  days, 
however,  upon  the  estates  of  the  Walloon  provinces,  both 
sets  of  deputies  were  warned  to  take  their  instant  de- 
parture as  mischief-makers  and  rebels.  They  returned, 
accordingly,  to  Brussels,  bringing  the  written  answers 
which  the  estates  had  vouchsafed  to  send.4 

The  states-general,  too,  inspired  by  William  of  Orange, 
addressed  a  solemn  appeal  to  their  sister  provinces,  thus 
about  to  abjure  the  bonds  of  relationship  for  ever.5  It 

^  "  De  vijand  hem  sal  behelpen  met  het  woord  van  de  Religie  aes  met  een  bedriegelijk 
pijpken  of  fluijken  om  ons  met  de  Tarre  te  vangen." — Address  of  the  states-general, 
March  3,  1579,  Bor,  xiii.  41.  "  T  gefluit  en  gepijp  van  de  gene  die  komen  van  onser 
vijanden  wegen — om  namaels  te  gecken  en  te  spotteu  met  onse  bederfenisse." — Bor,  xiii. 
39-  2  Bor,  xiii.  38. 

3  "Gewoont  sijn  te  beloven  goude  berge  en  wonderlijke   saken."— Address   of  the 
states-general,  Bor,  xiii.  44. 

4  Bor,  xiii.  44,  45.     Hoofd,  xv.  622,  sqq.     Meteren,  ix.  139,  150. 
B  Bor  (xiii.  39-42)  gives  the  text  in  fall. 


Dutch  Republic  291 

seemed  right,  once  for  all,  to  grapple  with  the  Ghent 
Pacification  for  the  last  time,  and  to  strike  a  final  blow 
in  defence  of  that  large,  statesmanlike  interpretation, 
which  alone  could  make  the  treaty  live.  This  was  done 
eloquently  and  logically.  The  Walloons  were  reminded 
that  at  the  epoch  of  the  Ghent  Peace  the  number  of  Re- 
formers outside  of  Holland  and  Zeland  was  supposed 
small.  Now  the  new  religion  had  spread  its  roots  through 
the  whole  land,  and  innumerable  multitudes  desired  its 
exercise.  If  Holland  and  Zeland  chose  to  re-establish  the 
Catholic  worship  within  their  borders,  they  could  mani- 
festly do  so  without  violating  the  Treaty  of  Ghent.  Why 
then  was  it  not  competent  to  other  provinces,  with  equal 
allegiance  to  the  treaty,  to  sanction  the  reformed  religion 
within  their  limits?1 

Parma,  on  his  part,  publicly  invited  the  states-general, 
by  letter,  to  sustain  the  Ghent  Treaty  by  accepting  the 
terms  offered  to  the  Walloons,  and  by  restoring  the  system 
of  the  Emperor  Charles,  of  very  lofty  memory.  To  this 
superfluous  invitation  the  states-general  replied,  on  the 
igth  of  March,  that  it  had  been  the  system  of  the  Emperor 
Charles,  of  lofty  memory,  to  maintain  the  supremacy  of 
Catholicism  and  of  Majesty  in  the  Netherlands  by  burning 
Netherlanders — a  custom  which  the  states,  with  common 
accord,  had  thought  it  desirable  to  do  away  with.2 

In  various  fervently-written  appeals  by  Orange,  by  the 
states-general,  and  by  other  bodies,  the  wavering  pro- 
vinces were  warned  against  seduction.  They  were  re- 
minded that  the  Prince  of  Parma  was  using  this  minor 
negotiation  "  as  a  second  string  to  his  bow;"  that  nothing 
could  be  more  puerile  than  to  suppose  the  Spaniards 
capable,  after  securing  Maestricht,  of  sending  away  their 
troops — thus  "  deserting  the  bride  in  the  midst  of  the 
honeymoon."  They  expressed  astonishment  at  being 
invited  to  abandon  the  great  and  general  treaty  which  had 
been  made  upon  the  theatre  of  the  whole  world  by  the 
intervention  of  the  principal  princes  of  Christendom,  in 
order  to  partake  in  underhand  negotiation  with  the  com- 
missioners of  Parma — men,  "  who  it  would  not  be  denied, 
were  felons  and  traitors."  They  warned  their  brethren 
not  to  embark  on  the  enemy's  ships  in  the  dark,  for  that, 
while  chaffering  as  to  the  price  of  the  voyage,  they  would 

1  Address  of  the  states,  apud  Bor,  3,  xiii.  40,  sqq. 

2  Letter  of  the  states-general. — Ibid,    xiil  48. 


292  The  Rise  of  the 

find  that  the  false  pilots  had  hoisted  sail  and  borne  them 
away  in  the  night.  In  vain  would  they  then  seek  to  reach 
the  shore  again.  The  example  of  La  Motte  and  others, 
"birdlimed  with  Spanish  gold,"  should  be  salutary  for 
all — men  who  were  now  driven  forward  with  a  whip, 
laughed  to  scorn  by  their  new  masters,  and  forced  to  drink 
the  bitter  draught  of  humiliation  along  with  the  sweet 
poison  of  bribery.  They  were  warned  to  study  well  the 
intercepted  letters  of  Curiel,  in  order  fully  to  fathom  the 
deep  lesigns  and  secret  contempt  of  the  enemy.1 

Such  having  been  the  result  of  the  negotiations  between 
the  states-general  and  the  Walloon  provinces,  a  strong 
deputation  now  went  forth  from  those  provinces,  towards 
the  end  of  April,  to  hold  a  final  colloquy  with  Parma,  then 
already  busied  with  the  investment  of  Maestricht.  They 
were  met  upon  the  road  with  great  ceremony,  and  escorted 
into  the  presence  of  Farnese  with  drum,  trumpet,  and 
flaunting  banners.2  He  received  them  with  stately  affa- 
bility, in  a  magnificently-decorated  pavilion,  carelessly  in- 
viting them  to  a  repast,  which  he  called  an  afternoon's 
lunch,  but  which  proved  a  most  sumptuous  and  splendidly 
appointed  entertainment.3  This  "  trifling  foolish  banquet  " 
finished,  the  deputies  were  escorted,  with  great  military 
parade,  to  the  lodgings  which  had  been  provided  for  them 
in  a  neighbouring  village.  During  the  period  of  their  visit, 
all  the  chief  officers  of  the  army  and  the  household  were 
directed  to  entertain  the  Walloons  with  showy  festivals, 
dinners,  suppers,  dances,  and  carousals  of  all  kinds.  At 
one  of  the  most  brilliant  of  these  revels — a  magnificent 
ball,  to  which  all  the  matrons  and  maids  of  the  whole 
country  round  had  been  bidden — the  Prince  of  Parma  him- 
self unexpectedly  made  his  appearance.  He  gently  rebuked 
the  entertainers  for  indulging  in  such  splendid  hospitality 
without,  at  least,  permitting  him  to  partake  of  it.  Charm- 
ingly affable  to  the  ladies  assembled  in  the  ball-room, 
courteous,  but  slightly  reserved,  towards  the  Walloon 
envoys,  he  excited  the  admiration  of  all  by  the  splendid 
decorum  of  his  manners.  As  he  moved  through  the  halls, 
modulating  his  steps  in  grave  cadence  to  the  music,  the 
dignity  and  grace  of  his  deportment  seemed  truly  majestic ; 

1  Reponse  de  Etats-g^neYaux  sur  les  lettres  des  Etats  d'Artois,  Haynault.  Lille 
Douay  et  Orchies ;  Ord.  Depech.  Boek  der  St.-gen.,  1579,  f.  35-51.  MS.  Hague 
Archives.  %  Strada,  2,  i.  49,  sqq. 

3  "Regiis  epulis  quas  extenuate-  ad  superbiam  vocabulo,  pomeridianam  gustationem 
appellabant,  except!  sunt."— Ibid.,  2,  i.  52. 


Dutch  Republic  293 

but  when  he  actually  danced  a  measure  himself  the  enthu- 
siasm was  at  its  height.1  They  should,  indeed,  be  rustics, 
cried  the  Walloon  envoys  in  a  breath,  not  to  give  the  hand 
of  fellowship  at  once  to  a  prince  so  condescending  and 
amiable.2  The  exclamation  seemed  to  embody  the  general 
wish,  and  to  foreshadow  a  speedy  conclusion. 

Very  soon  afterwards  a  preliminary  accord  was  signed 
between  the  King's  government  and  the  Walloon  pro- 
vinces. The  provisions  on  his  Majesty's  part  were  suffici- 
ently liberal.  The  religious  question  furnishing  no  obstacle, 
it  was  comparatively  easy  for  Philip  to  appear  benignant. 
It  was  stipulated  that  the  provincial  privileges  should  be 
respected^;  that  a  member  of  the  King's  own  family,  legiti- 
mately born,  should  always  be  Governor-General,  and  that 
the  foreign  troops  should  be  immediately  withdrawn.3  The 
official  exchange  and  ratification  of  this  treaty  were  delayed 
till  the  4th  of  the  following  September,4  but  the  news  that 
the  reconciliation  had  been  definitely  settled  soon  spread 
through  the  country.  The  Catholics  were  elated,  the 
patriots  dismayed.  Orange — the  "  Prince  of  Darkness,"  5 
as  the  Walloons  of  the  day  were  fond  of  calling  him — 
still  unwilling  to  despair,  reluctant  to  accept  this  dismem- 
berment, which  he  foresaw  was  to  be  a  perpetual  one,  of 
his  beloved  country,  addressed  the  most  passionate  and 
solemn  adjurations  to  the  Walloon  provinces,  and  to  their 
military  chieftains.  He  offered  all  his  children  as  hostages 
for  his  good  faith  in  keeping  sacredly  any  covenant  which 
his  Catholic  countrymen  might  be  willing  to  close  with 
him.  It  was  in  vain.  The  step  was  irretrievably  taken; 

1  Strada,  2,  i.  53,  who  describes  the  scene  with  ^laughable  gravity. 

2  Ibid.—"  Agrestes  se  plus  nimio  visum  iri,  nisi  adeo  benigni  amabilisque  ingenii  viro 
man  us  darent." 

3  The  preliminary  accord  was  signed  May  17,  1579.     A  copy  was  sent  by  the  Prince  of 
Orange  to  the  United  States,  on  August  i,  1579. — Bor,  xiii.  95-98.     Tratado  de  Recon- 
ciliacion  de  las  Provincias  d'Artois,  Haynau,  Lille,  Douay,  y  Orchies  ;  Rec.  Prov.  Wall., 
iii.  f.  289-296,  MS.     The  terms  of  the  treaty  were  not  bad.     The  Ghent  Pacification  was 
to  be  maintained  and  the  foreign  troops  were  to  be  removed.     Unfortunately  the  secret 
correspondence  of  the  parties  shows  that  the  faithful  observance  of  that  pacification  was 
very  far  from    their   thoughts,   while  the  subsequent  history  of  the  country  was    to 
prove  the  removal  of  the  troops  to  have  been  a  comedy,  in  which  the  principal  actor  soon 
renounced  the  part  which  he  had  reluctantly  consented  to  sustain. 

4  Rec.  Prov.  Wall.,  iii.  f.   179,   180,  MS. — There  is  something  almost  comic  in  the 
preamble  to  the  ratification.     "  Certain  good  personages  in  our  provinces  of  Artois," 
etc.,  says  Philip,  "zealous  in  the  service  of  God  and  desirous  to  escape  danger  to  their 
property,  and  seeing  the  attempt  to  establish  over  the  ecclesiastics,  nobles,  and  good 
burgesses,  a  popular  tyranny,  which,  by  exorbitant  contributions,  is  gnawing  the  nation 
to  the  bone,  having  at  length  opened  their  own  eyes,  have  done  their  best  to  awaken 
their  neighbors,"  etc. 

5  "  Le  Prince  d  Orenges,  qu'ils  nommerent  en  ce  temps  Prince  des  Tenebres,"  etc. — 
Renom  de  France,  iv.  c,  xii.  MS.     At  least,  in  poor  Tom's  phrase,  "the  prince  of  dark- 
ness was  a  gentleman." 


294  The  Rise  of  the 

religious  bigotry,  patrician  jealousy,  and  wholesale  bribery, 
had  severed  the  Netherlands  in  twain  for  ever.  The  friends 
of  Romanism,  the  enemies  of  civil  and  religious  liberty, 
exulted  from  one  end  of  Christendom  to  the  other,  and  it 
was  recognized  that  Parma  had,  indeed,  achieved  a  victory 
which,  although  bloodless,  was  as  important  to  the  cause 
of  absolutism  as  any  which  even  his  sword  was  likely  to 
achieve. 

The  joy  of  the  Catholic  party  in  Paris  manifested  itself 
in  a  variety  of  ways.  At  the  principal  theatre  l  an  uncouth 
pantomime  was  exhibited,  in  which  his  Catholic  Majesty 
was  introduced  upon  the  stage,  leading  by  a  halter  a  sleek 
cow,  typifying  the  Netherlands.  The  animal  by  a  sudden 
effort  broke  the  cord,  and  capered  wildly  about.  Alexander 
of  Parma  hastened  to  fasten  the  fragments  together,  while 
sundry  personages,  representing  the  states-general,  seized 
her  by  the  horns,  some  leaping  upon  her  back,  others  call- 
ing upon  the  bystanders  to  assist  in  holding  the  restive 
beast.  The  Emperor,  the  King  of  France,  and  the  Queen 
of  England — which  last  personage  was  observed  now  to 
smile  upon  one  party,  now  to  affect  deep  sympathy  with 
the  other — remained  stationary;  but  the  Duke  of  Alen£on 
rushed  upon  the  stage,  and  caught  the  cow  by  the  tail.  The 
Prince  of  Orange  and  Hans  Casimir  then  appeared  with 
a  bucket,  and  set  themselves  busily  to  milk  her,  when 
Alexander  again  seized  the  halter.  The  cow  gave  a  plunge, 
upset  the  pail,  prostrated  Casimir  with  one  kick  and 
Orange  with  another,  and  then  followed  Parma  with  docility 
as  he  led  her  back  to  Philip.2  This  seems  not  very  "  ad- 
mirable fooling,"  but  it  was  highly  relished  by  the  polite 
Parisians  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  has  been  thought 
worthy  of  record  by  classical  historians. 

The  Walloon  accord  was  an  auspicious  prelude,  in  the 
eyes  of  the  friends  of  absolutism,  to  the  negotiations  which 
were  opened  in  the  month  of  May,  at  Cologne.  Before 
sketching,  as  rapidly  as  possible,  those  celebrated  but 
barren  conferences,  it  is  necessary,  for  the  sake  of  unity 
in  the  narrative,  to  cast  a  glance  at  certain  synchronical 
events  in  different  parts  of  the  Netherlands. 

The  success  attained  by  the  Catholic  party  in  the  Walloon 
negotiations  had  caused  a  corresponding  bitterness  in  the 
hearts  of  the  Reformers  throughout  the  country.  As  usual, 
bitterness  had  begot  bitterness ;  intolerance  engendered  in- 

1  Strada,  2,  i.  55.  2  Ibid.,  2,  i.  55,  56. 


Dutch  Republic  295 

tolerance.  On  the  28th  of  May,  1579,  as  the  Catholics  of 
Antwerp  were  celebrating-  the  Ommegang — the  same  festival 
which  had  been  the  exciting  cause  of  the  memorable  tumults 
of  the  year  sixty-five — the  irritation  of  the  populace  could 
not  be  repressed.1  The  mob  rose  in  its  wrath  to  put  down 
these  demonstrations — which,  taken  in  connexion  with 
recent  events,  seemed  ill-timed  and  insolent — of  a  religion 
whose  votaries  then  formed  but  a  small  minority  of  the 
Antwerp  citizens.  There  was  a  great  tumult.  Two  persons 
were  killed.  The  Archduke  Matthias,  who  was  himself  in 
the  Cathedral  of  N6tre  Dame  assisting  at  the  ceremony, 
was  in  danger  of  his  life.  The  well-known  cry  of 
"  paapen  -hit  "  (out  with  the  Papists)  resounded  through 
the  streets,  and  the  priests  and  monks  were  all  hustled  out 
of  the  town  amid  a  tempest  of  execrations.2  Orange  did 
his  utmost  to  quell  the  mutiny,  nor  were  his  efforts  fruit- 
less— for  the  uproar,  although  seditious  and  disgraceful, 
was  hardly  sanguinary.  Next  day  the  Prince  summoned 
the  magistracy,  the  Monday  council,  the  guild  officers, 
with  all  the  chief  municipal  functionaries,  and  expressed 
his  indignation  in  decided  terms.  He  protested  that  if  such 
tumults,  originating  in  that  very  spirit  of  intolerance  which 
he  most  deplored,  could  not  be  repressed  for  the  future, 
he  was  determined  to  resign  his  offices,  and  no  longer  to 
affect  authority  in  a  city  where  his  counsels  were  derided. 
The  magistrates,  alarmed  at  his  threats,  and  sympathizing 
with  his  anger,  implored  him  not  to  desert  them,  protest- 
ing that  if  he  should  resign  his  offices,  they  would  in- 
stantly lay  down  their  own.  An  ordinance  was  then  drawn 
up  and  immediately  proclaimed  at  the  town-house,  per- 
mitting the  Catholics  to  re-enter  the  city,  and  to  enjoy 
the  privileges  of  religious  worship.  At  the  same  time,  it 
was  announced  that  a  new  draft  of  a  religious  peace  would 
be  forthwith  issued  for  the  adoption  of  every  city.3 

A  similar  tumult,  arising  from  the  same  cause,  at 
Utrecht,  was  attended  with  the  like  result.4  On  the  other 
hand,  the  city  of  Brussels  was  astonished  by  a  feeble  and 
unsuccessful  attempt  5  at  treason,  made  by  a  youth  who 
bore  an  illustrious  name.  Philip,  Count  of  Egmont,  eldest 
son  of  the  unfortunate  Lamoral,  had  command  of  a  regi- 
ment in  the  service  of  the  states.  He  had,  besides,  a  small 

1  Bor,  xiii.  67.  !  Ibid.     Meteren,  ix.  1533. 

8  Bor,  xiii.  68.  4  Ibid.,  70-73. 

6  Ibid.,  xiii.  66,  sqq.     Meteren,  ix.  153.     Hoofd,  xv.  637,  sqq. 


296  The  Rise  of  the 

body  of  cavalry  in  immediate  attendance  upon  his  person. 
He  had  for  some  time  felt  inclined — like  the  Lalains, 
Meluns,  La  Mottes,  and  others — to  reconcile  himself  with 
the  Crown,  and  he  wisely  thought  that  the  terms  accorded 
to  him  would  be  more  liberal  if  he  could  bring-  the  capital 
of  Brabant  with  him  as  a  peace-offering-  to  his  Majesty. 
His  residence  was  in  Brussels.  His  reg-iment  was  stationed 
outside  the  gates,  but  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of 
the  city.  On  the  morning  of  the  4th  of  June  he  despatched 
his  troopers — as  had  been  frequently  his  custom — on  vari- 
ous errands  into  the  country.  On  their  return,  after: 
having  summoned  the  regiment,  they  easily  mastered  and 
butchered  the  guard  at  the  gate  through  which  they  had 
re-entered,  supplying  their  place  with  men  from  their  own 
ranks.  The  Egmont  regiment  then  came  marching  through 
the  gate  in  good  order — Count  Philip  at  their  head — and 
proceeded  to  station  themselves  upon  the  Grande  Place 
in  the  centre  of  the  city.  All  this  was  at  dawn  of  day. 
The  burghers,  who  looked  forth  from  their  houses,  were 
astounded  and  perplexed  by  this  movement  at  so  unwonted 
an  hour,  and  hastened  to  seize  their  weapons.  Egmont 
sent  a  detachment  to  take  possession  of  the  palace.  He 
was  too  late.  Colonel  Van  der  Tympel,  commandant  of 
the  city,  had  been  beforehand  with  him,  had  got  his 
troops  under  arms,  and  now  secured  the  rebellious  detach- 
ment. Meantime,  the  alarm  had  spread.  Armed  burghers 
came  from  every  house,  and  barricades  were  hastily  thrown 
up  across  every  one  of  the  narrow  streets  leading  to  the 
square.  Every  issue  was  closed.  Not  a  man  of  Egmont's 
adherents — if  he  indeed  had  adherents  among  the  towns- 
men— dared  to  show  his  face.  The  young  traitor  and  his 
whole  regiment,  drawn  up  on  the  Grande  Place,  were  com- 
pletely entrapped.  He  had  not  taken  Brussels,  but  as- 
suredly Brussels  had  taken  him.  All  the  day  long  he  was 
kept  in  his  self-elected  prison  and  pillory,  bursting  with 
rage  and  shame.  His  soldiers,  who  were  without  meat  or 
drink,  became  insolent  and  uproarious,  and  he  was  doomed 
also  to  hear  the  bitter  and  well-merited  taunts  of  the 
townspeople.  A  thousand  stinging  gibes,  suggested  by  his 
name  and  the  locality,  were  mercilessly  launched  upon 
him.  He  was  asked  if  he  came  thither  to  seek  his  father's 
head.  He  was  reminded  that  the  morrow  was  the  anni- 
versary of  that  father's  murder — upon  that  very  spot — by 
those  with  whom  the  son  would  now  make  his  treasonable 


Dutch  Republic  297 

peace.  He  was  bidden  to  tear  up  but  a  few  stones  from 
the  pavement  beneath  his  feet  that  the  hero's  blood  might 
cry  out  against  him  from  the  very  ground."1  Tears  of 
shame  and  fury  sprang  from  the  young  man's  eyes  2  as  he 
listened  to  these  biting  sarcasms,  but  the  night  closed  upon 
that  memorable  square,  and  still  the  Count  was  a  prisoner. 
Eleven  years  before,  the  summer  stars  had  looked  down 
upon  a  more  dense  array  of  armed  men  within  that  place. 
The  preparations  for  the  pompous  and  dramatic  execution, 
which  on  the  morrow  was  to  startle  all  Europe,  had  been 
carried  out  in  the  midst  of  a  hushed  and  overawed  popula- 
tion ;  and  now,  on  the  very  anniversary  of  the  midnight 
in  which  that  scaffold  had  risen,  should  not  the  grand 
spectre  of  the  victim  have  started  from  the  grave  to  chide 
his  traitorous  son? 

Thus  for  a  whole  day  and  night  was  the  baffled  con- 
spirator compelled  to  remain  in  the  ignominious  position 
which  he  had  selected  for  himself.  On  the  morning  of  the 
5th  of  June  he  was  permitted  to  depart,  by  a  somewhat 
inexplicable  indulgence,  together  with  all  his  followers. 
He  rode  out  of  the  gate  at  early  dawn,  contemptible  and 
crest-fallen,  at  the  head  of  his  regiment  of  traitors,  and 
shortly  afterwards — pillaging  and  levying  blackmail  as  he 
went — made  his  way  to  Montigny's  quarters.3 

It  might  have  seemed  natural,  after  such  an  exhibition, 
that  Philip  Egmont  should  accept  his  character  of  rene- 
gade, and  confess  his  intention  of  reconciling  himself  with 
the  murderers  of  his  father.  On  the  contrary  he  addressed 
a  letter  to  the  magistracy  of  Brussels,  denying  with  vehe- 
mence "  any  intention  of  joining  the  party  of  the  pernicious 
Spaniards,"  warmly  protesting  his  zeal  and  affection  for 
the  states,  and  denouncing  the  "  perverse  inventors  of 
these  calumnies  against  him  as  the  worst  enemies  of  the 
poor  afflicted  country."  The  magistrates  replied  by  ex- 
pressing their  inability  to  comprehend  how  the  Count,  who 
had  suffered  villanous  wrongs  from  the  Spaniards,  such 
as  he  could  never  sufficiently  deplore  or  avenge,  should 
ever  be  willing  to  enslave  himself  to  those  tyrants.  Never- 
theless, exactly  at  the  moment  of  this  correspondence, 
Egmont  was  in  close  negotiation  with  Spain,  having 
fifteen  days  before  the  date  of  his  letter  to  the  Brussels 

1  Bor,  xiii.  66.     Hoofd,  xv.  638. 

2  Meteren,  ix.  153. — "Sulcxdat  de  tranen  hem  van  passie  ontopronghen,"  etc. — Bor, 
Hoofd,  ubi  sup.     "  3  Bor,  Hoofd,  Meteren,  ubi  sup. 

L  2 


298 


The  Rise  of  the 


senate,  conveyed  to  Parma  his  resolution  to  "  embrace  the 
cause  of  his  Majesty  and  the  ancient  religion  " — an  inten- 
tion which  he  vaunted  himself  to  have  proved  '  *  by  cutting 
the  throats  of  three  companies  of  states'  soldiers  at  Nivelle, 
Grandmont,  and  Ninove. "  Parma  had  already  written  to 
communicate  the  intelligence  to  the  King,  and  to  beg  en- 
couragement for  the  Count.  In  September,  the  monarch 
wrote  a  letter  to  Egmont,  full  of  gratitude  and  promises, 
to  which  the  Count  replied  by  expressing  lively  gratifica- 
tion that  his  Majesty  was  pleased  with  his  little  services, 
by  avowing  profound  attachment  to  Church  and  King,  and 
by  asking  eagerly  for  money,  together  with  the  govern- 
ment of  Alost.  He  soon  became  singularly  importunate 
for  rewards  and  promotion,  demanding,  among  other 
posts,  the  command  of  the  "  band  of  ordnance,"  which 
had  been  his  father's.  Parma,  in  reply,  was  prodigal  of 
promises,  reminding  the  young  noble  "  that  he  was  serving 
a  sovereign  who  well  knew  how  to  reward  the  distin- 
guished exploits  of  his  subjects."  Such  was  the  language 
of  Philip  the  Second  and  his  Governor  to  the  son  of  the 
headless  hero  of  Saint  Quentin;  such  was  the  fawning 
obsequiousness  with  which  Egmont  could  kiss  that  royal 
hand  reeking  with  his  father's  blood.1 

Meanwhile  the  siege  of  Maestricht  had  been  advancing 
with  steady  precision.  To  military  minds  of  that  epoch — 
perhaps  of  later  ages — this  achievement  of  Parma  seemed 
a  masterpiece  of  art.  The  city  commanded  the  Upper 
Meuse,  and  was  the  gate  into  Germany.  It  contained 
thirty-four  thousand  inhabitants.  An  army,  numbering 
almost  as  many  souls,  was  brought  against  it;  and  the 
number  of  deaths  by  which  its  capture  was  at  last  effected, 
was  probably  equal  to  that  of  a  moiety  of  the  population.2 
To  the  technical  mind,  the  siege  no  doubt  seemed  a  beau- 
tiful creation  of  human  intelligence.  To  the  honest  student 
of  history,  to  the  lover  of  human  progress,  such  a  mani- 
festation of  intellect  seems  a  sufficiently  sad  exhibition. 
Given,  a  city  strong  with  walls  and  towers,  a  slender  garri- 
son and  a  devoted  population  on  one  side ;  a  consummate 
chieftain  on  the  other,  with  an  army  of  veterans  at  his 

1  Ordin.  DepSchen  Boek  der  Staten-gen.,  An.   1579,  f.   287.     Hague  Archives,  MS. 
Reconciliation  des  Provinces  Wallones,  iv.  f.  no,  116.     Brussels  Royal  Archives,   MS. 
— Compare  Correspondance  d'Alexandre  Farnese  avec  Phil.  II.,  Gachard,  1853.     Kervyn 
und  Diegerich,  Documents  In£dits,  i.  428. 

2  Strada,   2,  iii.   59,   130.     At  the  termination  of  the  siege,  the  army  of  Parma  was 
estimated  at  twenty  thousand  men,  and  four  thousand  had  fallen  in  the  two  assaults  of 
April  alone. — Bor,  ubi  sup. 


Dutch  Republic  299 


back,  no  interruption  to  fear,  and  a  long-  season  to  work 
in ;  it  would  not  seem  to  an  unsophisticated  mind  a  very 
lofty  exploit  for  the  soldier  to  carry  the  city  at  the  end  of 
four  months'  hard  labour. 

The  investment  of  Maestricht  was  commenced  upon  the 
1 2th  of  March,  1579.  In  the  city,  besides  the  population, 
there  were  two  thousand  peasants,  both  men  and  women, 
a  garrison  of  one  thousand  soldiers,  and  a  trained  burgher 
guard,  numbering-  about  twelve  hundred.1  The  name  of 
the  military  commandant  was  Melchior.  Sebastian  Tappin, 
a  Lorraine  officer  of  much  experience  and  bravery,  was 
next  in  command,  and  was,  in  truth,  the  principal  director 
of  the  operations.  He  had  been  despatched  thither  by  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  to  serve  under  La  Noue,  who  was  to 
have  commanded  in  Maestricht,  but  had  been  unable  to 
enter  the  city.2  Feeling-  that  the  siege  was  to  be  a  close 
one,  and  knowing  how  much  depended  upon  the  issue, 
Sebastian  lost  no  time  in  making  every  needful  prepara- 
tion for  coming  events.  The  walls  were  strengthened 
everywhere ;  shafts  were  sunk,  preparatory  to  the  counter- 
mining operations  which  were  soon  to  become  necessary; 
the  moat  was  deepened  and  cleared,  and  the  forts  near  the 
gates  were  put  in  thorough  repair.  On  the  other  hand, 
Alexander  had  encircled  the  city,  and  had  thrown  two 
bridges,  well  fortified,  across  the  river.  There  were  six 
gates  to  the  town,  each  provided  with  ravelins,  and  there 
was  a  doubt  in  what  direction  the  first  attack  should  be 
made.  Opinions  wavered  between  the  gate  of  Bois  le  Due, 
next  the  river,  and  that  of  Tongres  on  the  south-western 
side,  but  it  was  finally  decided  to  attempt  the  gate  of 
Tongres. 

Over  against  that  point  the  platforms  were  accordingly 
constructed,  and  after  a  heavy  cannonade  from  forty-six 
great  guns  continued  for  several  days,  it  was  thought,  by 
the  25th  of  March,  that  an  impression  had  been  made 
upon  the  city.  A  portion  of  the  brick  curtain  had  crumbled, 
but  through  the  breach  was  seen  a  massive  terreplein, 
well  moated,  which,  after  six  thousand  shots  already 
delivered  on  the  outer  wall,  still  remained  uninjured.3  It 
was  recognized  that  the  gate  of  Tongres  was  not  the  most 
assailable,  but  rather  the  strongest  portion  of  the  defences, 

1  Bor,  xiii.  36.     Hoofd,  xv.  628.     Meteren,  ix.   154. — Compare  Strada,  2,  ii.  59,  who 
reckons  the  civic  guards  at  six  thousand,  and  the  boors  at  as  many  more. 

2  Strada,  2,  ii.  59.     Hoofd,  xv.  628.  8  Strada,  ii.  65.  66. 


30O  The  Rise  of  the 

and  Alexander  therefore  determined  to  shift  his  batteries 
to  the  gate  of  Bois  le  Due.  At  the  same  time,  the  attempt 
upon  that  of  Tongres  was  to  be  varied,  but  not  abandoned. 
Four  thousand  miners,  who  had  passed  half  their  lives  in 
burrowing  for  coal  in  that  anthracite  region,  had  been 
furnished  by  the  Bishop  of  Liege,  and  this  force  was  now 
set  to  their  subterranean  work.1  A  mine  having  been 
opened  at  a  distance,  the  besiegers  slowly  worked  their 
way  towards  the  Tongres  gate,  while  at  the  same  time  the 
more  ostensible  operations  were  in  the  opposite  direction. 
The  besieged  had  their  miners  also,  for  the  peasants  in  the 
city  had  been  used  to  work  with  mattock  and  pickaxe. 
The  women,  too,  enrolled  themselves  into  companies,  chose 
their  officers — or  "  mine-mistresses,"  as  they  were  called  2 
— and  did  good  service  daily  in  the  caverns  of  the  earth. 
Thus  a  whole  army  of  gnomes  were  noiselessly  at  work  to 
destroy  and  defend  the  beleaguered  city.  The  mine  ad- 
vanced towards  the  gate ;  the  besieged  delved  deeper,  and 
intersected  it  with  a  transverse  excavation,  and  the  con- 
tending forces  met  daily,  in  deadly  encounter,  within  these 
sepulchral  gangways.  Many  stratagems  were  mutually 
employed.  The  citizens  secretly  constructed  a  dam  across 
the  Spanish  mine,  and  then  deluged  their  foe  with  hogs- 
heads of  boiling  water.  Hundreds  were  thus  scalded  to 
death.  They  heaped  branches  and  light  fagots  in  the 
hostile  mine,  set  fire  to  the  pile,  and  blew  thick  volumes  of 
smoke  along  the  passage  with  organ  bellows,  brought 
from  the  churches  for  the  purpose.  Many  were  thus  suffo- 
cated. The  discomfited  besiegers  abandoned  the  mine 
where  they  had  met  with  such  able  countermining,  and 
sank  another  shaft,  at  midnight,  in  secret,  at  a  long 
distance  from  the  Tongres  gate.  Still  towards  that  point, 
however,  they  burrowed  in  the  darkness ;  guiding  them- 
selves to  their  destination  with  magnet,  plumb-line,  and 
level,  as  the  mariner  crosses  the  trackless  ocean  with 
compass  and  chart.  They  worked  their  way,  unobstructed, 
till  they  arrived  at  their  subterranean  port,  directly  beneath 
the  doomed  ravelin.  Here  they  constructed  a  spacious 
chamber,  supporting  it  with  columns,  and  making  all  their 
architectural  arrangements  with  as  much  precision  and 
elegance  as  if  their  object  had  been  purely  aesthetic. 
Coffers  full  of  powder,  to  an  enormous  amount,  were 

1  Bor,  xiii.  36.     Hoofd,  xv.  628.     Strada. 

2  "  Magistras  cunicularias  appellabant." — Strada,  70. 


Dutch  Republic  301 

then  placed  in  every  direction  across  the  floor,  the  train 
was  laid,  and  Parma  informed  that  all  was  ready.  Alex- 
ander, having  already  arrayed  the  troops  destined  for  the 
assault,  then  proceeded  in  person  to  the  mouth  of  the  shaft, 
and  gave  orders  to  spring  the  mine.  The  explosion  was 
prodigious ;  a  part  of  the  tower  fell  with  the  concussion, 
and  the  moat  was  choked  with  heaps  of  rubbish.  The 
assailants  sprang  across  the  passage  thus  afforded,  and 
mastered  the  ruined  portion  of  the  fort.  They  were  met  in 
the  breach,  however,  by  the  unflinching  defenders  of  the 
city,  and,  after  a  fierce  combat  of  some  hours,  were  obliged 
to  retire ;  remaining  masters,  however,  of  the  moat,  and  of 
the  ruined  portion  of  the  ravelin.  This  was  upon  the  3rd 
of  April,  i 

Five  days  afterwards,  a  general  assault  was  ordered. 
A  new  mine  having  been  already  constructed  towards  the 
Tongres  ravelin,  and  a  faithful  cannonade  having  been 
kept  up  for  a  fortnight  against  the  Bois  le  Due  gate,  it 
was  thought  advisable  to  attack  at  both  points  at  once. 
On  the  8th  of  April,  accordingly,  after  uniting  in  prayer, 
and  listening  to  a  speech  from  Alexander  Farnese,  the 
great  mass  of  the  Spanish  army  advanced  to  the  breach. 
The  moat  had  been  rendered  practicable  in  many  places 
by  the  heaps  of  rubbish  with  which  it  had  been  encum- 
bered, and  by  the  fagots  and  earth  with  which  it  had  been 
filled  by  the  besiegers.  The  action  at  the  Bois  le  Due  gate 
was  exceedingly  warm.  The  tried  veterans  of  Spain, 
Italy,  and  Burgundy,  were  met  face  to  face  by  the  bur- 
ghers of  Maestricht,  together  with  their  wives  and  chil- 
dren. All  were  armed  to  the  teeth,  and  fought  with  what 
seemed  superhuman  valour.  The  women,  fierce  as  tigresses 
defending  their  young,  swarmed  to  the  walls,  and  fought 
in  the  foremost  rank.  They  threw  pails  of  boiling  water 
on  the  besiegers,  they  hurled  firebrands  in  their  faces,  they 
quoited  blazing  pitch-hoops  with  unerring  dexterity  about 
their  necks.  The  rustics,  too,  armed  with  their  ponderous 
flails,  worked  as  cheerfully  at  this  bloody  harvesting  as  if 
threshing  their  corn  at  home.  Heartily  did  they  winnow 
the  ranks  of  the  royalists  who  came  to  butcher  them,  and 
thick  and  fast  fell  the  invaders,  fighting  bravely,  but 
baffled  by  these  novel  weapons  used  by  peasant  and 
woman,  coming  to  the  aid  of  the  sword,  spear,  and  mus- 
ket of  trained  soldiery.  More  than  a  thousand  had  fallen 

1  Strada,  2,  iL  666-671. 


302  The  Rise  of  the 

at  the  Bois  le  Due  gate,  and  still  fresh  besiegers  mounted 
the  breach,  only  to  be  beaten  back,  or  to  add  to  the 
mangled  heap  of  the  slain.1  At  the  Tongres  gate,  mean- 
while, the  assault  had  fared  no  better.  A  herald  had  been 
despatched  thither  in  hot  haste,  to  shout  at  the  top  of  his 
lungs,  "  Santiago  !  Santiago  !  the  Lombards  have  the  gate 
of  Bois  le  Due  !"  while  the  same  stratagem  was  employed 
to  persuade  the  invaders  on  the  other  side  of  the  town 
that  their  comrades  had  forced  the  gate  of  Tongres.2  The 
soldiers,  animated  by  this  fiction,  and  advancing  with  fury 
against  the  famous  ravelin,  which  had  been  but  -partly 
destroyed,  were  received  with  a  broadside  from  the  great 
guns  of  the  unshattered  portion,  and  by  a  rattling  discharge 
of  musketry  from  the  walls.  They  wavered  a  little.  At 
the  same  instant  the  new  mine — which  was  to  have  been 
sprung  between  the  ravelin  and  the  gate,  but  which  had 
been  secretly  countermined  by  the  townspeople,  exploded 
with  a  horrible  concussion,  at  a  moment  least  expected  by 
the  besiegers.  Five  hundred  royalists  were  blown  into  the 
air.  Ortiz,  a  Spanish  captain  of  engineers,  who  had  been 
inspecting  the  excavations,  was  thrown  up  bodily  from 
the  subterranean  depth.  He  fell  back  again  instantly  into 
the  same  cavern,  and  was  buried  by  the  returning  shower 
of  earth  which  had  spouted  from  the  mine.  Forty-five 
years  afterwards,  in  digging  for  the  foundations  of  a  new 
wall,  his  skeleton  was  found.  Clad  in  complete  armour, 
the  helmet  and  cuirass  still  sound,  with  his  gold  chain 
around  his  neck,  and  his  mattock  and  pickaxe  at  his  feet, 
the  soldier  lay,3  unmutilated,  seeming  almost  capable  of 
resuming  his  part  in  the  same  war  which,  even  after  his 
half-century's  sleep,  was  still  ravaging  the  land. 

Five  hundred  of  the  Spaniards  perished  by  the  explo- 
sion,4 but  none  of  the  defenders  were  injured,  for  they  had 
been  prepared.  Recovering  from  the  momentary  panic, 
the  besiegers  again  rushed  to  the  attack.  The  battle 
raged.  Six  hundred  and  seventy  officers,  commissioned  or 
non-commissioned,  had  already  fallen,  more  than  half 
mortally  wounded.  Four  thousand  royalists,  horribly  muti- 
lated, lay  on  the  ground.5  It  was  time  that  the  day's  work 

1  Strada,  2,  ii.  68-71.  2  Hoofd,  xv.  629.     Meteren,  ix.  154.     Strada,  2,  ii.  75. 

s  Strada,  2,  ii.  76. 

4  Five  to  six  hundred,  according  to  a  letter  written  between  the  i2th  and  i6th  of  April, 
1579,  by  a  citizen  of  Maastricht,  and  quoted  by  Bor,  xiii.  51,  52. 

5  Letter  from  Maestricht  above  cited. — Compare  Strada,  2,   ii.   79.     Hoofd,  xv.  629, 
who  puts  the  number  of  Spaniards  slain  in  this  assault  at  two  thousand.     Meteren,  ix. 
154.     Haraeus  Tumult.  Belg.),  t.  iii.  299. 


Dutch  Republic  303 

should  be  finished,  for  Maestricht  was  not  to  be  carried 
upon  that  occasion.  The  best  and  bravest  of  the  surviving 
officers  besought  Parma  to  put  an  end  to  the  carnage  by 
recalling  the  troops;  but  the  gladiator-heart  of  the  com- 
mander was  heated,  not  softened,  by  the  savage  spectacle. 
"  Go  back  to  the  breach,"  he  cried,  "  and  tell  the  soldiers 
that  Alexander  is  coming  to  lead  them  into  the  city  in 
triumph,  or  to  perish  with  his  comrades."1  He  rushed 
forward  with  the  fury  which  had  marked  him  when  he 
boarded  Mustapha's  galley  at  Lepanto ;  but  all  the  generals 
who  were  near  him  threw  themselves  upon  his  path,  and 
implored  him  to  desist  from  such  insensate  rashness.  Their 
expostulations  would  have  probably  been  in  vain,  had  not 
his  confidential  friend,  Serbelloni,  interposed  with  some- 
thing like  paternal  authority,  reminding  him  of  the  strict 
commands  contained  in  his  Majesty's  recent  letters,  that 
the  Governor-General,  to  whom  so  much  was  entrusted, 
should  refrain,  on  pain  of  the  royal  displeasure,  from  ex- 
posing his  life  like  a  common  fighter.2 

Alexander  reluctantly  gave  the  signal  of  recall  at  last, 
and  accepted  the  defeat.  For  the  future  he  determined  to 
rely  more  upon  the  sapper  and  miner,3  and  less  upon  the 
superiority  of '  veterans  to  townsmen  and  rustics  in 
open  fight.  Sure  to  carry  the  city  at  last,  according  to 
line  and  rule,  determined  to  pass  the  whole  summer  be- 
neath the  walls,  rather  than  abandon  his  purpose,  he  calmly 
proceeded  to  complete  his  circumvallations.  A  chain  of 
eleven  forts  upon  the  left,  and  five  upon  the  right  side 
of  the  Meuse,  the  whole  connected  by  a  continuous 
wall,4  afforded  him  perfect  security  against  interrup- 
tions, and  allowed  him  to  continue  the  siege  at  leisure. 
His  numerous  army  was  well  housed  and  amply  supplied, 
and  he  had  built  a  strong  and  populous  city  in  order  to 
destroy  another.  Relief  was  impossible.  But  a  few  thou- 
sand men  were  now  required  to  defend  Farnese's  impro- 
vised town,  while  the  bulk  of  his  army  could  be  marched 
at  any  moment  against  an  advancing  foe.  A  force  of 
seven  thousand,  painfully  collected  by  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  moved  towards  the  place,  under  command  of 
Hohenlo  and  John  of  Nassau,  but  struck  with  wonder  at 
what  they  saw,  the  leaders  recognized  the  hopelessness 
of  attempting  relief.  Maestricht  was  surrounded  by  a 
second  Maestricht. 

1  Strada,  2,  ii.  77.  2  ibid.     The  letter  of  Philip  is  partly  given  by  the  historian. 

8  Strada,  2,  ii.  80.     Bor,  xiii.  52.  4  Strada,  2,  ii.  83. 


304  The  Rise  of  the 

The   efforts   of   Orange  were   now   necessarily   directed 

towards  obtaining,   if  possible,   a  truce  of  a  few  weeks 

from  the  negotiators  at  Cologne.     Parma  was  too  crafty, 

however,    to   allow   Terranova 1    to    consent,    and    as    the 

Duke  disclaimed  any  power  over  the  direct  question  of 

peace  and  war,  the  siege  proceeded.     The  gates  of  Bois 

le   Due  and  Tongres  having  thus  far  resisted   the  force 

brought  against  them,  the  scene  was  changed  to  the  gate 

of  Brussels.     This  adjoined  that  of  Tongres,  was  farthest 

from  the  river,   and  faced  westwardly  towards  the  open 

country.     Here  the  besieged  had  constructed  an  additional 

ravelin,  which  they  had  christened,  in  derision,  "  Parma," 

and    against    which    the    batteries    of    Parma    were    now 

brought  to  bear.     Alexander  erected  a  platform  of  great 

extent  and  strength  directly  opposite  the  new  work,  and 

after  a  severe  and  constant  cannonade  from  this  elevation, 

followed    by   a    bloody    action,    the    "  Parma  "    fort    was 

carried.     One  thousand,    at   least,   of   the  defenders   fell, 

as,   forced  gradually  from  one  defence  to  another,   they 

saw  the  triple  walls  of  their  ravelin  crumble  successively 

before  their  eyes.     The  tower  was  absolutely  annihilated 

before  they  abandoned  its  ruins,  and  retired  within  their 

last  defences.     Alexander,  being  now  master  of  the  fosse 

and  the  defences  of  the  Brussels  gate,  drew  up  a  large 

force  on  both  sides  of  that  portal,  along  the  margin  of  the 

moat,   and  began   mining  beneath  the  inner  wall  of  the 

city.  2 

Meantime,  the  garrison  had  been  reduced  to  four 
hundred  soldiers,  nearly  all  of  whom  were  wounded. 
Wearied  and  driven  to  despair,  these  soldiers  were  willing 
to  treat.  The  townspeople,  however,  answered  the  pro- 
position with  a  shout  of  fury,  and  protested  that  they 
would  destroy  the  garrison  with  their  own  hands  if  such 
an  insinuation  were  repeated.  Sebastian  Tappin,  too, 
encouraged  them  with  the  hope  of  speedy  relief,  and  held 
out  to  them  the  wretched  consequences  of  trusting  to  the 
mercy  of  their  foes.  The  garrison  took  heart  again, 
while  that  of  the  burghers  and  their  wives  had  never 
faltered.  Their  main  hope  now  was  in  a  fortification 
which  they  had  been  constructing  inside  the  Brussels  gate 
— a  demilune  of  considerable  strength.  Behind  it  was 
a  breastwork  of  turf  and  masonry,  to  serve  as  a  last 
bulwark  when  every  other  defence  should  be  forced.  The 

1  See  a  remarkable  letter  from  Parma  to  the  Duke  of  Terranova,  dated  Camp  before 
Maastricht,  May  21,  1579,  in  Bor,  xiii.  57,  58.          2  Bor,  xiii.  64.     Strada,  Hi.  113-117. 


Dutch  Republic  305 

whole  had  been  surrounded  by  a  fosse  thirty  feet  in  depth, 
and  the  besiegers,  as  they  mounted  upon  the  breaches 
which  they  had  at  last  effected  in  the  outer  curtain,  near 
the  Brussels  gate,  saw  for  the  first  time  this  new  forti- 
fication.1 

The  general  condition  of  the  defences,  and  the  disposi- 
tion of  the  inhabitants,  had  been  revealed  to  Alexander 
by  a  deserter  from  the  town.  Against  this  last  fortress 
the  last  efforts  of  the  foe  were  now  directed.  Alexander 
ordered  a  bridge  to  be  thrown  across  the  city  moat.  As 
it  was  sixty  feet  wide  and  as  many  deep,  and  lay  directly 
beneath  the  guns  of  the  new  demilune,  the  enterprise  was 
sufficiently  hazardous.  Alexander  led  the  way  in  person, 
with  a  mallet  in  one  hand  and  a  mattock  in  the  other. 
Two  men  fell  dead  instantly,  one  on  his  right  hand  and 
one  upon  his  left,  while  he  calmly  commenced,  in  his 
own  person,  the  driving  of  the  first  piles  for  the  bridge. 
His  soldiers  fell  fast  around  him.  Count  Berlaymont2 
was  shot  dead,  many  officers  of  distinction  were  killed 
or  wounded,  but  no  soldier  dared  recoil  while  their  chief- 
tain wrought  amid  the  bullets  like  a  common  pioneer. 
Alexander,  unharmed,  as  by  a  miracle,  never  left  the  spot 
till  the  bridge  had  been  constructed,  and  till  ten  great 
guns  had  been  carried  across  it,  and  pointed  against  the 
demilune.3  The  battery  was  opened,  the  mines  previously 
excavated  were  sprung,  a  part  of  the  demilune  was  blown 
into  the  air,  and  the  assailants  sprang  into  the  breach. 
Again  a  furious  hand-to-hand  conflict  succeeded ;  again, 
after  an  obstinate  resistance,  the  townspeople  were  forced 
to  yield.  Slowly  abandoning  the  shattered  fort,  they  retired 
behind  the  breastwork  in  its  rear — their  innermost  and 
last  defence.  To  this  barrier  they  clung  as  to  a  spar  in 
shipwreck,  and  here  at  last  they  stood  at  bay,  prepared 
dearly  to  sell  their  lives. 

The  breastwork,  being  still  strong,  was  not  attempted 
upon  that  day.  The  assailants  were  recalled,  and  in  the 
meantime  a  herald  was  sent  by  Parma,  highly  applauding 
the  courage  of  the  defenders,  and  begging  them  to  sur- 
render at  discretion.  They  answered  the  messenger  with 
words  of  haughty  defiance,  and,  rushing  in  a  mass  to  the 

1  Strada,  2,  iii.  117,  118. 

2  Better  known  as  Baron  Hierges,  eldest  son  of  the  celebrated  royalist,  afterwards 
Count  Berlaymont.     Hierges  had  not  long  before  succeeded  to  the  title  on  the  death  of 
his  father. — Strada,  2,  iii.   119. — Compare  Bor,  xiii.  64  ;   Hoofd,  xv.  630  ;   Meteren,  ix. 
1546  ;  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vi.  622  ;  Tassis,  v.  338.          8  Strada,  2,  iii.  118. 


306  The  Rise  of  the 

breastwork,  began  with  spade,  pickaxe,  and  trowel,  to 
add  to  its  strength.  Here  all  the  able-bodied  men  of  the 
town  took  up  their  permanent  position,  and  here  they  ate, 
drank,  and  slept  upon  their  posts,  while  their  food  was 
brought  to  them  by  the  women  and  children.1 

A  little  letter,  ""written  in  a  fine  neat  handwriting," 
now  mysteriously  arrived  in  the  city,  encouraging  them 
in  the  name  of  the  Archduke  and  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
and  assuring  them  of  relief  within  fourteen  days.2  A  brief 
animation  was  thus  produced,  attended  by  a  correspond- 
ing languor  upon  the  part  of  the  besiegers,  for  Alexander 
had  been  lying  ill  with  a  fever  since  the  day  when  the 
demilune  had  been  carried.  From  his  sick  bed  he  rebuked 
his  officers  severely  that  a  temporary. breastwork,  huddled 
together  by  boors  and  burghers  in  the  midst  of  a  siege, 
should  prove  an  insurmountable  obstacle  to  men  who  had 
carried  everything  before  them.  The  morrow  was  the 
festival3  of  Saint  Peter  and  Saint  Paul,  and  it  was  meet 
that  so  sacred  a  day  should  be  hallowed  by  a  Christian 
and  Apostolic  victory.  Saint  Peter  would  be  there  with  his 
keys  to  open  the  gate ;  Saint  Paul  would  lead  them  to  battle 
with  his  invincible  sword.  Orders  were  given  accordingly, 
and  the  assault  was  assigned  for  the  following  morning. 

Meantime,  the  guards  were  strengthened  and  com- 
manded to  be  more  than  usually  watchful.  The  injunction 
had  a  remarkable  effect.  At  the  dead  of  night,  a  soldier 
of  the  watch  was  going  his  rounds  on  the  outside  of  the 
breastwork,  listening,  if  perchance  he  might  catch,  as  was 
not  unusual,  a  portion  of  the  conversation  among  the 
beleaguered  burghers  within.  Prying  about  on  every 
side,  he  at  last  discovered  a  chink  in  the  wall,  the  result, 
doubtless,  of  the  last  cannonade,  and  hitherto  overlooked. 
He  enlarged  the  gap  with  his  fingers,  and  finally  made  an 
opening  wide  enough  to  admit  his  person.  He  crept 
boldly  through,  and  looked  round  in  the  clear  starlight.4 
The  sentfnels  were  all  slumbering  at  their  posts.  He 
advanced  stealthily  in  the  dusky  streets.  Not  a  watch- 
man was  going  his  rounds.  Soldiers,  burghers,  children, 
women,  exhausted  by  incessant  fatigue,  were  all  asleep. 
Not  a  footfall  was  heard  ;  not  a  whisper  broke  the  silence ; 
it  seemed  a  city  of  the  dead.  The  soldier  crept  back 

1  Bor,  xiii.  64.     Hoofd,  xv.  630.     Strada,  2,  iii.  120,  121. 

2  This  letter  is  still  preserved  in  the  Archives  of  Holland. — Groen  v.  PrinsL,  Archives 
de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vi.  622,  note.     Bor,  xiii.  65. 

3  29th  of  June,  1579.  4  Strada,  2,  iii.  121. 


Dutch  Republic  307 

through  the  crevice,  and  hastened  to  apprise  his  superiors 
of  his  adventure.1 

Alexander,  forthwith  instructed  as  to  the  condition  of 
the  city,  at  once  ordered  the  assault,  and  the  last  wall  was 
suddenly  stormed  before  the  morning  broke.  The  soldiers 
forced  their  way  through  the  breach  or  sprang  over  the 
breastwork,  and  surprised  at  last — in  its  sleep — the  city 
which  had  so  long  and  vigorously  defended  itself.  The 
burghers,  startled  from  their  slumber,  bewildered,  unpre- 
pared, found  themselves  engaged  in  unequal  conflict  with 
alert  and  savage  foes.  The  battle,  as  usual  when  Nether- 
land  towns  were  surprised  by  Philip's  soldiers,  soon 
changed  to  a  massacre.  The  townspeople  rushed  hither 
and  thither,  but  there  was  neither  escape,  nor  means  of 
resisting  an  enemy  who  now  poured  into  the  town  by 
thousands  upon  thousands.  An  indiscriminate  slaughter 
succeeded.  Women,  old  men,  and  children,  had  all  been 
combatants;  and  all,  therefore,  had  incurred  the  venge- 
ance of  the  conquerors.  A  cry  of  agony  arose  which  was 
distinctly  heard  at  the  distance  of  a  league.  Mothers 
took  their  infants  in  their  arms,  and  threw  themselves 
by  hundreds  into  the  Meuse — and  against  women,  the 
blood-thirst  of  the  assailants  was  especially  directed. 
Females  who  had  fought  daily  in  the  trenches,  who  had 
delved  in  mines  and  mustered  on  the  battlements,  had 
unsexed  themselves  in  the  opinion  of  those  whose  com- 
rades they  had  helped  to  destroy.  It  was  nothing  that 
they  had  laid  aside  the  weakness  of  women  in  order  to 
defend  all  that  was  holy  and  dear  to  them  on  earth.  It 
was  sufficient  that  many  a  Spanish,  Burgundian,  or 
Italian  mercenary  had  died  by  their  hands.  Women  were 
pursued  from  house  to  house,  and  hurled  from  roof  and 
window.  They  were  hunted  into  the  river;  they  were 
torn  limb  from  limb  in  the  streets.  Men  and  children 
fared  no  better;  but  the  heart  sickens  at  the  oft-repeated 
tale.  Horrors,  alas,  were  commonplaces  in  the  Nether- 
lands. Cruelty  too  monstrous  for  description,  too  vast  to 
be  believed  by  a  mind  not  familiar  with  the  outrages 
practised  by  the  soldiers  of  Spain  and  Italy  upon  their 
heretic  fellow-creatures,  were  now  committed  afresh  in 
the  streets  of  Maestricht.2 

1  Strada,  2,  iii.  121.— Compare  Bor,  xiii.  65,  sqq.     Hoofd,  xv.  632,  633.     Meteren,  ix. 

2  Beritiyoglio,  2,  i.  239.     Haraei  Ann.  Brab.,  iii.  299.     Hoofd,  xv.  633.     Bor,  xiii.  66. 
Meteren,  ix.  155.     Strada,  2,  iii.  124. 


308  The  Rise  of  the 

On  the  first  day  four  thousand  men  and  women  were 
slaughtered.1  The  massacre  lasted  two  days  longer;  nor 
would  it  be  an  exaggerated  estimate,  if  we  assume  that 
the  amount  of  victims  upon  the  last  two  days  was  equal 
to  half  the  number  sacrificed  on  the  first.2  It  was  said 
that  not  four  hundred  citizens  were  left  alive  after  the 
termination  of  the  siege.3  These  soon  wandered  away, 
their  places  being  supplied  by  a  rabble  rout  of  Walloon 
sutlers  and  vagabonds.  Maestricht  was  depopulated  as 
well  as  captured.  The  booty  obtained  after  the  massacre 
was  very  large,  for  the  city  had  been  very  thriving,  its 
cloth  manufacture  extensive  and  important.  Sebastian 
Tappin,  the  heroic  defender  of  the  place,  had  been  shot 
through  the  shoulder  at  the  taking  of  the  Parma  ravelin, 
and  had  been  afterwards  severely  injured  at  the  capture 
of  the  demilune.  At  the  fall  of  the  city  he  was  mortally 
wounded,  and  carried  a  prisoner  to  the  hostile  camp,  only 
to  expire.  The  governor,  Swartsenberg,  also  lost  his 
life.4 

Alexander,  on  the  contrary,  was  raised  from  his  sick 
bed  with  the  joyful  tidings  of  victory,  and  as  soon  as  he 
could  be  moved,  made  his  appearance  in  the  city.  Seated 
in  a  splendid  chair  of  state,  borne  aloft  on  the  shoulders 
of  his  veterans,  with  a  golden  canopy  above  his  head  to 
protect  him  from  the  summer's  sun,  attended  by  the 
officers  of  his  staff,  who  were  decked  by  his  special  com- 
mand in  their  gayest  trappings,  escorted  by  his  body- 
guard, followed  by  his  "plumed  troops,"  to  the  number 
of  twenty  thousand,  surrounded  by  all  the  vanities  of  war, 
the  hero  made  his  stately  entrance  into  the  town.5  His 
way  led  through  deserted  streets  of  shattered  houses. 
The  pavement  ran  red  with  blood.  Headless  corpses, 
mangled  limbs,  an  obscene  mass  of  wretchedness  and 
corruption,  were  spread  on  every  side,  and  tainted  the 
summer  air.  Through  the  thriving  city  which,  in  the 
course  of  four  months,  Alexander  had  converted  into  a 

1  This  is  the  estimate  of  the  Jesuit  Strada.^ 

2  Strada  puts  the  total  number  of  inhabitants  of  Maestricht  slain   during  the  four 
months'  siege  at  eight  thousand,  of  whom  seventeen  hundred  were  women.  —  P.  127. 

3  Not  more  than  three  or  four  hundred,  says  Bor,  xiii.  65.     Not  more  than  four  hundred, 
says  Hoofd,  xv.  633.     Not  three  hundred,  says  Meteren,  ix.     This  must  of  course  be  an 
exaggeration,  for  the  population  had  numbered  thirty-four  thousand  at  the  commence- 
ment  of  the  siege.     At  any  rate,  the  survivors  were  but  a  remnant,  and  they  all  wandered 
away.     The  place,  which  had  been  so  recently  a  very  thriving  and  industrious  town,  re- 
mained a  desert.     During  the  ensuing  winter  most  of  the  remaining  buildings  were  torn 
down,  that  the  timber  and  woodwork  rnight  be  used  as  firewood  by  the  soldiers  and  vaga- 


bonds who  from  time  to  time  housed  there.  —  Meteren,  Hoofd,  Bor,  ubi  sup. 
4  Strada,  2,  iii.  126.  6  Ibid.,  2,  iii.  130.  —  Compare  Tassis,  v. 


339. 


Dutch  Republic  309 

slaughter-house  and  a  solitude,  the  pompous  procession 
took  its  course  to  the  church  of  Saint  Servais.1  Here 
humble  thanks  were  offered  to  the  God  of  Love,  and  to 
Jesus  of  Nazareth,  for  this  new  victory.  Especially  was 
gratitude  expressed  to  the  Apostles  Paul  and  Peter,  upon 
whose  festival,  and  by  whose  sword  and  key,  the  crown- 
ing mercy  had  been  accomplished,2  and  by  whose  special 
agency  eight  thousand  heretics  now  lay  unburied  in  the 
streets.  These  acts  of  piety  performed,  the  triumphal 
procession  returned  to  the  camp,  where,  soon  afterwards, 
the  joyful  news  of  Alexander  Farnese's  entire  convalescence 
was  proclaimed. 

The  Prince  of  Orange,  as  usual,  was  blamed  for  the 
tragical  termination  to  this  long  drama.  All  that  one 
man  could  do,  he  had  done  to  awaken  his  countrymen 
to  the  importance  of  the  siege.  He  had  repeatedly  brought 
the  subject  solemnly  before  the  assembly,  and  implored 
for  Maestricht,  almost  upon  his  knees.  Lukewarm  and 
parsimonious,  the  states  had  responded  to  his  eloquent 
appeals  with  wrangling  addresses  and  insufficient  votes. 
With  a  special  subsidy  obtained  in  April  and  May,  he 
had  organized  the  slight  attempt  at  relief,  which  was  all 
which  he  had  been  empowered  to  make,  but  which  proved 
entirely  unsuccessful.  Now  that  the  massacre  to  be 
averted  was  accomplished,  men  were  loud  in  reproof,  who 
had  been  silent  and  passive  while  there  was  yet  time  to 
speak  and  to  work.  It  was  the  Prince,  they  said,  who 
had  delivered  so  many  thousands  of  his  fellow-countrymen 
to  butchery.  To  save  himself  they  insinuated  he  was  now 
plotting  to  deliver  the  land  into  the  power  of  the  treacher- 
ous Frenchman,  and  he  alone,  they  asserted,  was  the 
insuperable  obstacle  to  an  honourable  peace  with  Spain.3 

A  letter  brought  by  an  unknown  messenger,  was  laid 
before  the  states'  assembly,  in  full  session,  and  sent  to 
the  clerk's  table,  to  be  read  aloud.  After  the  first  few 
sentences,  that  functionary  faltered  in  his  recital.  Several 
members  also  peremptorily  ordered  him  to  stop ;  for  the 
letter  proved  to  be  a  violent  and  calumnious  libel  upon 
Orange,  together  with  a  strong  appeal  in  favour  of  the 

1  Strada,  2,  iii.  130.— Compare  Tassis,  v.  339. 

2  According  to  Father  Strada,  Alexander  considered  this  ceremony  as  a  payment  of 
wages  due  to  his   divine  comrades,  Peter  and   Paul :    "  Petro  et  Paulo  gratias  quasi 
stipendium  persolvii  commilitonib  us  Dims. " — P.  1 30. 

3  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  etc.,  vi.  621,  622;  vii.   41,   42.     Bor,  xiii.     Hoofd,  xvi., 
passim. 


3io  The  Rise  of  the 

peace  propositions  then  under  debate  at  Cologne.  The 
Prince  alone,  of  all  the  assembly,  preserving-  his  tran- 
quillity, ordered  the  document  to  be  brought  to  him,  and 
forthwith  read  it  aloud  himself,  from  beginning  to  end. 
Afterwards,  he  took  occasion  to  express  his  mind  con- 
cerning the  ceaseless  calumnies  of  which  he  was  the  mark. 
He  especially  alluded  to  the  oft-repeated  accusation  that 
he  was  the  only  obstacle  to  peace,  and  repeated  that  he 
was  ready  at  that  moment  to  leave  the  land,  and  to  close 
his  lips  for  ever,  if  by  so  doing  he  could  benefit  his 
country,  and  restore  her  to  honourable  repose.  The  out- 
cry, with  the  protestations  of  attachment  and  confidence 
which  at  once  broke  from  the  assembly,  convinced  him, 
however,  that  he  was  deeply  rooted  in  the  hearts  of  all 
patriotic  Netherlanders,  and  that  it  was  beyond  the  power 
of  slanderers  to  loosen  his  hold  upon  their  affection.1 

Meantime,  his  efforts  had  again  and  again  been  de- 
manded to  restore  order  in  that  abode  of  anarchy,  the 
city  of  Ghent.  After  his  visit  during  the  previous  winter, 
and  the  consequent  departure  of  John  Casimir  to  the 
palatinate,  the  pacific  arrangements  made  by  the  Prince 
had  for  a  short  time  held  good.  Early  in  March,  how- 
ever, that  master  of  misrule,  John  van  Imbize,  had  once 
more  excited  the  populace  to  sedition.  Again  the  pro- 
perty of  Catholics,  clerical  and  lay,  was  plundered ;  again 
the  persons  of  Catholics,  of  every  degree,  were  mal- 
treated. The  magistrates,  with  first  senator  Imbize  at 
their  head,  rather  encouraged  than  rebuked  the  disorder; 
but  Orange,  as  soon  as  he  received  official  intelligence  of 
the  event,  hastened  to  address  them  in  the  words  of 
earnest  warning  and  wisdom.2  He  allowed  that  the  in- 
habitants of  the  province  had  reason  to  be  discontented 
with  the  presence  and  the  misconduct  of  the  Walloon 
soldiery.  He  granted  that  violence  and  the  menaces  of 
a  foreign  tyranny  made  it  difficult  for  honest  burghers  to 
gain  a  livelihood.  At  the  same  time  he  expressed  aston- 
ishment that  reasonable  men  should  seek  a  remedy  for 
such  evils  in  /tumults  which  would  necessarily  bring  utter 
destruction  upon  the  land.  "  It  was,"  he  observed,  "as 
if  a  patient  should,  from  impatience,  tear  the  bandages 
from  his  wounds,  and,  like  a  maniac,  instead  of  allow- 
ing himself  to  be  cured,  plunge  a  dagger  into  his  own 
heart.  "3 

1  Archives,  etc.,  vii.  42,  43.  2  Ibid.,  vi.  586,  sqq.  8  Ibid.,  vi.  589. 


Dutch  Republic  311 


These  exhortations  exerted  a  wholesome  effect  for  a 
moment,  but  matters  soon  went  from  bad  to  worse. 
Imbize,  fearing  the  influence  of  the  Prince,  indulged  in 
open-mouthed  abuse  of  a  man  whose  character  he  was 
unable  even  to  comprehend.  He  accused  him  of  intrigu- 
ing with  France  for  his  own  benefit,  of  being  a  Papist  in 
disguise,  of  desiring  to  establish  what  he  called  a  "  religi- 
ous peace,"  merely  to  restore  Roman  idolatry.  In  all 
these  insane  ravings,  the  demagogue  was  most  ably 
seconded  by  the  ex-monk.  Incessant  and  unlicensed  were 
the  invectives  hurled  by  Peter  Dathenus  from  his  pulpit 
upon  William  the  Silent 's  head.  He  denounced  him — 
as  he  had  often  done  before — as  an  atheist  in  heart;  as  a 
man  who  changed  his  religion  as  easily  as  his  garments; 
as  a  man  who  knew  no  God  but  state  expediency,  which 
was  the  idol  of  his  worship;  a  mere  politician  who  would 
tear  his  shirt  from  his  back  and  throw  it  in  the  fire,  if 
he  thought  it  were  tainted  with  religion.1 

Such  witless  but  vehement  denunciation  from  a  preacher 
who  was  both  popular  and  comparatively  sincere,  could 
not  but  affect  the  imagination  of  the  weaker  portion  of 
his  hearers.  The  faction  of  Imbize  became  triumphant. 
Ryhove — the  ruffian  whose  hands  were  stained  with  the 
recent  blood  of  Visch  and  Hessels — rather  did  damage 
than  service  to  the  cause  of  order.  He  opposed  himself 
to  the  demagogue  who  was  prating  daily  of  Greece, 
Rome,  and  Geneva,  while  his  clerical  associate  was  de- 
nouncing William  of  Orange,  but  he  opposed  himself  in 
vain.  An  attempt  to  secure  the  person  of  Imbize  failed, 
but  by  the  influence  of  Ryhove,  however,  a  messenger 
was  despatched  to  Antwerp  in  the  name  of  a  considerable 
portion  of  the  community  of  Ghent.  The  counsel  and  the 
presence  of  the  man  to  whom  all  hearts  in  every  part  of 
the  Netherlands  instinctively  turned  in  the  hour  of  need, 
were  once  more  invoked.2 

The  Prince  again  addressed  them  in  language  which 
none  but  he  could  employ  with  such  effect.  He  told 
them  that  his  life,  passed  in  service  and  sacrifice,  ought 
to  witness  sufficiently  for  his  fidelity.  Nevertheless,  he 
thought  it  necessary — in  view  of  the  calumnies  which 
were  circulated — to  repeat  once  more  his  sentiment  that 
no  treaty  of  peace,  war,  or  alliance,  ought  to  be  negoti- 

1  Gh.  Gesch.,  ii.  199,  cited  in  Gr.  v.  Prinst,  Archives,  etc.,  yii.  81,  note. 

2  Archives,  etc.,  vi.  586,  sqq.  and  vii.  18.     Van  der  Vynckt,  iii.  29,  sqq. 


312  The  Rise  of  the 

ated,  save  with  the  consent  of  the  people.1  His  course 
in  Holland  and  Zeland  had  proved,  he  said,  his  willing- 
ness always  to  consult  the  wishes  of  his  countrymen. 
As  for  the  matter  of  religion  it  was  almost  incredible  that 
there  should  be  any  who  doubted  the  zeal  which  he  bore 
the  religion  for  which  he  had  suffered  so  much.  "  I 
desire,"  he  continued,  fervently,  "that  men  should  com- 
pare that  which  has  been  done  by  my  accusers  during  the 
ten  years  past  with  that  which  I  have  done.  In  that 
which  touches  the  true  advancement  of  religion,  I  will 
yield  to  no  man.  They  who  so  boldly  accuse  me  have  no 
liberty  of  speech,  save  that  which  has  been  acquired  for 
them  by  the  blood  of  my  kindred,  by  my  labours,  and 
my  excessive  expenditures.  To  me  they  owe  it  that  they 
dare  speak  at  all."  This  letter  (which  was  dated  on 
the  24th  of  July,  1579)  contained  an  assurance  that  the 
writer  was  about  to  visit  Ghent.2 

On  the  following  day,  Imbize  executed  a  coup  d'etat. 
Having  a  body  of  near  two  thousand  soldiers  at  his 
disposal,  he  suddenly  secured  the  persons  of  all  the  magis- 
trates and  other  notable  individuals  not  friendly  to  his 
policy,  and  then,  in  violation  of  all  law,  set  up  a  new  board 
of  eighteen  irresponsible  functionaries,  according  to  a 
list  prepared  by  himself  alone.  This  was  his  way  of  en- 
forcing the  democratic  liberty  of  Greece,  Rome,  and 
Geneva,  which  was  so  near  to  his  heart.  A  proclamation, 
in  fourteen  articles,  was  forthwith  issued,  justifying  this 
arbitrary  proceeding.  It  was  declared  that  the  object  of 
the  somewhat  irregular  measure  "  was  to  prevent  the 
establishment  of  the  religious  peace,  which  was  merely 
a  method  of  replanting  uprooted  papistry  and  the  ex- 
tirpated tyranny  of  Spain."  Although  the  arrangements 
had  not  been  made  in  strict  accordance  with  formal  usage 
and  ceremony,  yet  they  were  defended  upon  the  ground 
that  it  had  been  impossible,  by  other  means,  to  maintain 
their  ancient  liberties  and  their  religious  freedom.  At  the 
same  time  a  pamphlet,  already  prepared  for  the  occasion 
by  Dathenus,  was  extensively  circulated.  In  this  pro- 
duction the  arbitrary  revolution  effected  by  a  demagogue 
was  defended  with  effrontery,  while  the  character  of 

"Dieu  merci,  je  ne  suis  pas  si  peu  cognoissant  que  je  ne  sache  bien  qu'il  faut 
ne'cessairement  traicter,  soit  de  paix,  soit  de  guerre,  soil  d'alliance,  avec  legre'  dupeuple," 
etc. — Letter  of  Orange,  Archives,  etc.,  vii.  20,  sqq. 

2  Ibid. — The  whole  of  this  noble  document  should  be  read  again  and  again  by  all  who 
feel  interested  in  the  character  of  William  of  Orange. 


Dutch  Republic  313 

Orange  was  loaded  with  customary  abuse.  To  prevent 
the  traitor  from  coming  to  Ghent,  and  establishing  what 
he  called  his  religious  peace,  these  irregular  measures, 
it  was  urged,  had  been  wisely  taken.1 

Such  were  the  efforts  of  John  Imbize — such  the  calum- 
nies of  Peter  Dathenus — in  order  to  counteract  the 
patriotic  endeavours  of  the  Prince ;  but  neither  the  ruffian- 
ism of  John  nor  the  libels  of  Peter  were  destined  upon 
this  occasion  to  be  successful.  William  the  Silent  treated 
the  slanders  of  the  scolding  monk  with  dignified  contempt. 
"  Having  been  informed,"  said  he  to  the  magistrates  of 
Ghent,  "  that  Master  Peter  Dathenus  has  been  denounc- 
ing me  as  a  man  without  religion  or  fidelity,  and  full  of 
ambition,  with  other  propositions  hardly  becoming  his 
cloth,  I  do  not  think  it  worth  while  to  answer  more  at 
this  time  than  that  I  willingly  refer  myself  to  the  judgment 
of  all  who  know  me."2 

The  Prince  came  to  Ghent,  great  as  had  been  the  efforts 
of  Imbize  and  his  partizans  to  prevent  his  coming.  His 
presence  was  like  magic.  The  demagogue  and  his  whole 
flock  vanished  like  unclean  birds  at  the  first  rays  of  the 
sun.  Imbize  dared  not  look  the  Father  of  his  country  in 
the  face.  Orange  rebuked  the  populace  in  the  strong  and 
indignant  language  that  public  and  private  virtue,  energy, 
and  a  high  purpose  enabled  such  a  leader  of  the  people  to 
use.  He  at  once  set  aside  the  board  of  eighteen — the 
Grecian-Roman-Genevese  establishment  of  Imbize — and  re- 
mained in  the  city  until  the  regular  election,  in  conformity 
with  the  privileges,  had  taken  place.  Imbize,  who  had 
shrunk  at  his  approach,  was  meantime  discovered  by  his 
own  companions.  He  had  stolen  forth  secretly  on  the 
night  before  the  Prince's  arrival,  and  was  found  cowering 
in  the  cabin  of  a  vessel,  half  dead  with  fear,  by  an  ale- 
house keeper  who  had  been  his  warm  partizan.  "  No 
skulking,"  cried  the  honest  friend,  seizing  the  tribune  of 
the  people  by  the  shoulder;  "no  sailing  away  in  the 
night-time.  You  have  got  us  all  into  this  bog,  and  must 
come  back,  and  abide  the  issue  with  your  supporters." 

In  this  collapsed  state  was  the  windy  demagogue,  who 
had  filled  half  Flanders  with  his  sound  and  fury,  conveyed 
before  the  patriot  Prince.  He  met  with  grave  and  bitter 


l  Archives  et  Correspondance,  vii.  31.     Van  der  Vynckt,  111.  38,  sqq.     Meteren,  ix.  161, 
q.     Bor,  xiii.  84,  85.  2  Archives  et  Corresp.,  vn.  33,  34. 

3  Bor,  xiii.  85,  sqq.     Meteren,  ix.  161,  sqq.    Van  der  Vynckt,  m.  38,  sqq. 


314  The  Rise  of  the 

rebukes,  but  felt  sufficiently  relieved  when  allowed  to  de- 
part unharmed.1  Judging  of  his  probable  doom  by  the 
usual  practice  of  himself  and  his  fellows  in  similar  cases, 
he  had  anticipated  nothing-  short  of  the  gibbet.  That 
punishment,  however,  was  to  be  inflicted  at  a  later  period, 
by  other  hands,  and  not  until  he  had  added  treason  to 
his  country  and  a  shameless  recantation  of  all  his  violent 
professions  in  favour  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  to  the 
list  of  his  crimes.  On  the  present  occasion  he  was  per- 
mitted to  go  free.  In  company  with  his  clerical  com- 
panion, Peter  Dathenus,  he  fled  to  the  abode  of  his  ex- 
cellent friend,  John  Casimir,  who  received  both  with 
open  arms,  and  allowed  them  each  a  pension.2 

Order  being  thus  again  restored  in  Ghent  by  the  ex- 
ertions of  the  Prince,  when  no  other  human  hand  could 
have  dispelled  the  anarchy  which  seemed  to  reign  supreme, 
William  the  Silent,  having  accepted  the  government  of 
Flanders,  which  had  again  and  again  been  urged  upon 
him,  now  returned  to  Antwerp.3 


CHAPTER    III 

The  Cologne  conferences — Intentions  of  the  parties — Preliminary  attempt  by  government 
to  purchase  the  Prince  of  Orange — Offer  and  rejection  of  various  articles  among  the 
plenipotentiaries — Departure  of  the  imperial  commissioners — Ultimatum  of  the  states 
compared  with  that  of  the  royal  government — Barren  negotiations  terminated — 
Treason  of  De  Bours,  Governor  of  Mechlin — Liberal  theories  concerning  the  nature 
of  government — Abjuration  of  Philip  imminent — Self-denial  of  Orange — Attitude  of 
Germany — of  England — Marriage  negotiations  between  Elizabeth  and  Anjou — Orange 
favours  the  election  of  the  Duke  as  sovereign — Address  and  speeches  of  the  Prince-- 
Parsimony and  inter-provincial  jealousy  rebuked — Secret  correspondence  of  Count 
Renneberg  with  the  royal  government — His  treason  at  Groningen. 

SINCE  the  beginning  of  May,  the  Cologne  negotiations 
had  been  dragging  their  slow  length  along.  Few  persons 
believed  that  any  good  was  likely  to  result  from  these 
stately  and  ponderous  conferences ;  yet  men  were  so  weary 
of  war,  so  desirous  that  a  determination  might  be  put  to 
the  atrophy  under  which  the  country  was  languishing, 
that  many  an  eager  glance  was  turned  towards  the  place 
where  the  august  assembly  was  holding  its  protracted 

1  Bor,  Meteren,  Van  der  Vynckt,  ubi  sup. 

8  Van  der  Vynckt,  iii.  38-42. — Compare  Hoofd,  xv.  145-150. 

3  Archives,  vii.  60,  and  Meteren,  ix.  i6sb,  but  the  Prince  says,  in  his  Apologie,  pub- 
lished eighteen  months  later  (Dec.  1580),  that  he  had  hitherto,  although  often  urged  to 
accept^  refused  the  government  of  Flanders. — Apologie,  etc.,  108,  109.  It  is  probable 
that  his  acceptance  was  only  conditional,  as,  indeed,  Meteren  observes. 


Dutch  Republic  315 

session.  Certainly,  if  wisdom  were  to  be  found  in  mitred 
heads — if  the  power  to  heal  angry  passions  and  to  settle 
the  conflicting  claims  of  prerogative  and  conscience  were 
to  be  looked  for  among  men  of  lofty  station,  then  the 
Cologne  conferences  ought  to  have  made  the  rough  places 
smooth  and  the  crooked  paths  straight  throughout  all 
Christendom.  There  was  the  Archbishop  of  Rossano, 
afterwards  Pope  Urban  VII.,  as  plenipotentiary  from 
Rome ;  there  was  Charles  of  Aragon,  Duke  of  Terranova, 
supported  by  five  councillors,  as  ambassador  from  his 
Catholic  Majesty;  there  were  the  Duke  of  Aerschot,  the 
Abbot  of  Saint  Gertrude,  the  Abbot  of  Marolles,  Doctor 
Bucho  Aytta,  Caspar  Schetz,  Lord  of  Grobbendonck,  that 
learned  Frisian,  Aggeus  van  Albada,  with  seven  other 
wise  men,  as  envoys  from  the  states-general.  There 
were  their  Serene  Highnesses  the  Elector  and  Archbishops 
of  Cologne  and  Treves,  with  the  Bishop  of  Wurtzburg. 
There  was  also  a  numerous  embassy  from  his  Imperial 
Majesty,  with  Count  Otto  de  Schwartzenburg  at  its 
head.1 

At  the  same  time,  neither  party  had  more  disposition 
to  concede  than  stomach  to  fight.  Certainly  the  royal 
party  had  no  inclination  to  yield.  The  King  had  granted 
easy  terms  to  the  Walloons,  because  upon  the  one  great 
point  of  religion  there  was  no  dispute,  and  upon  the  others 
there  was  no  intention  of  keeping  faith.2  With  regard  to 
the  present  negotiation,  it  was  desirable  to  gain  a  little 
time.  It  was  thought  probable  that  the  religious  differ- 
ence, judiciously  managed  at  this  juncture,  might  be  used 
to  effect  a  permanent  severance  of  the  provinces  so  lately 
banded  together  in  a  common  union.  "  To  divide  them," 
wrote  Tassis,  in  a  very  confidential  letter,  "  no  better 
method  can  be  found  than  to  amuse  them  with  this  peace 
negotiation.  Some  are  ready  for  a  pacification  from 
their  desire  of  repose,  some  from  their  fear  of  war,  some 
for  the  differences  which  exist  among  themselves,  and 
which  it  is  especially  important  to  keep  alive."3  Above 
all  things,  it  was  desirable  to  maintain  the  religious  dis- 

1  Bor,  xiii.  52.     Meteren,  ix.  155. 

2  This  is  most  evident  from  the  correspondence  of  Parma,  both  before  and  after  the 
treaty  of  Arras.— Rec.   Prov.  Wallones,   MS.,   Brussels  Archives,  particularly  vols.  iv. 
and  v. 

3  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vii.  30.     So  also  Du  Plessis  Momay,  in  writing  to  a 
friend  three  years  afterwards,  observed:  "T,e  traitd  de  Coloigne  a  suffisament  monstre' 
quelle  a  est£  1'intention  de  1'ennemi  en  proposant  ce  beau  nom  de  paix,  a  sgavoir  de  diviser 
et  rompre  les  provinces  et  suborner  les  villes." — Mem.  de  Momay,  i.  p.  75. 


316  The  Rise  of  the 

traction  till  Maestricht  had  been  taken.  That  siege  was 
the  key  to  the  whole  situation.  If  the  separate  Walloon 
accord  could  be  quietly  made  in  a  corner,  while  Parma  was 
battering  that  stronghold  on  the  Meuse,  and  while  de- 
corous negotiation  was  smoothly  holding  its  course  on 
the  Rhine,  much  disorganization,  it  was  hoped,  would 
be  handsomely  accomplished  before  the  end  of  the  year. 

"As  for  a  suspension  of  arms,"  wrote  Alexander  to 
Terranova,  on  the  2ist  of  May,  "  the  longer  'tis  deferred 
the  better.  With  regard  to  Maestricht,  everything  de- 
pends upon  it  that  we  possess,  or  desire  to  possess. 
Truly,  if  the  Prince  of  Orange  can  relieve  the  city  he  will 
do  it.  If  he  does  so,  neither  will  this  expedition  of  ours, 
nor  any  other  expedition,  be  brought  to  a  good  end.  As 
soon  as  men  are  aware  that  our  affairs  are  looking  badly, 
they  will  come  again  to  a  true  union,  and  all  will  join 
together,  in  hope  to  accomplish  their  boasts."1  There- 
fore, it  was  natural  that  the  peace-wrights  of  Cologne 
should  industriously  ply  their  task. 

It  is  not  desirable  to  disturb  much  of  that  learned  dust, 
after  its  three  centuries'  repose.  A  rapid  sketch  of  the 
course  of  the  proceedings,  with  an  indication  of  the  spirit 
which  animated  the  contending  parties,  will  be  all  that  is 
necessary.  They  came  and  they  separated  with  precisely 
opposite  views.  ' '  The  desires  of  Terranova  and  of  the 
estates,"  says  the  royalist,  Tassis,  "  were  diametrically 
contrary  to  each  other.  The  King  wished  that  the  exer- 
cise of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  should  be  exclusively 
established,  and  the  absolute  prerogative  preserved  in  its 
integrity."2  On  the  other  hand,  the  provinces  desired 
their  charters  and  a  religious  peace.  Neither  party  was 
yet  vanquished.  The  freshly-united  provinces  were  no 
readier  now  than  before  to  admit  that  the  Holy  Office 
formed  part  of  their  national  institutions.  The  despotic 
faction  was  not  prepared  to  renounce  that  establishment. 

The  first  step  in  the  proceedings  had  been  a  secret  one. 
If  by  any  means  the  Prince  of  Orange  could  be  detached 
from  his  party — if  by  bribery,  however  enormous,  he 
could  be  induced  to  abandon  a  tottering  cause,  and  depart 
for  the  land  of  his  birth — he  was  distinctly  but  indirectly 
given  to  understand  that  he  had  but  to  name  his  terms. 
We  have  seen  the  issue  of  similar  propositions  made  by 

1  Letter  of  Parma,  May  21, 1579,  fr°m  his  camp  before  Maestricht,  apud  Bor,  2,  xiii.  57. 

2  Com.  de  Turn.  Belg.,  v.  367. 


Dutch  Republic  317 

Don  John  of  Austria.  Probably  there  was  no  man  living 
who  would  care  to  make  distinct  application  of  this  dis- 
honourable nature  to  the  Father  of  his  country.  The 
Aerschots,  the  Meluns,  the  Lalains,  and  a  swarm  of  other 
nobles,  had  their  price,  and  were  easily  transferable  from 
one  to  another,  but  it  was  not  easy  to  make  a  direct  offer 
to  William  of  Orange.  They  knew — as  he  said  shortly 
afterwards  in  his  famous  Apology — that  ' '  neither  for 
property  nor  for  life,  neither  for  wife  nor  for  children, 
would  he  mix  in  his  cup  a  single  drop  of  treason."1 
Nevertheless,  he  was  distinctly  given  to  understand  that 
"  there  was  nothing  he  could  demand  for  himself  person- 
ally that  would  not  be  granted."  All  his  confiscated 
property,  restoration  of  his  imprisoned  son,  liberty  of 
worship  for  himself,  payment  of  all  his  debts,  reimburse- 
ment of  all  his  past  expenses,  and  anything  else  which 
he  could  desire,  were  all  placed  within  his  reach.  If  he 
chose  to  retire  into  another  land,  his  son  might  be  placed 
in  possession  of  all  his  cities,  estates,  and  dignities,  and 
himself  indemnified  in  Germany ;  with  a  million  of  money 
over  and  above  as  a  gratuity.  The  imperial  envoy,  Count 
Schwartzenburg,  pledged  his  personal  honour  and  reputa- 
tion that  every  promise  which  might  be  made  to  the  Prince 
should  be  most  sacredly  fulfilled.2 

It  was  all  in  vain.  The  indirect  applications  of  the 
imperial  commissioners  made  to  his  servants  and  his 
nearest  relations  were  entirely  unsuccessful.  The  Prince 
was  not  to  be  drawn  into  a  negotiation  in  his  own  name 
or  for  his  own  benefit.  If  the  estates  were  satisfied,  he 
was  satisfied.  He  wanted  no  conditions  but  theirs ;  "nor 
would  he,  directly  or  indirectly,"  he  said,  "separate 
himself  from  the  cause  on  which  hung  all  his  evil  or 
felicity."  He  knew  that  it  was  the  object  of  the  enemy 
to  deprive  the  country  of  its  head,  and  no  inducements 
were  sufficient  to  make  him  a  party  to  the  plot.3  At  the 
same  time,  he  was  unwilling  to  be  an  obstacle,  in  his 
own  person,  to  the  conclusion  of  an  honourable  peace. 
He  would  resign  his  offices,  which  he  held  at  the  solicita- 

1  "  Si  je  ne  veuille  ni  pour  les  biens,  ni  pour  la  vie,  ni  pour  femme,  ni  pour  enfans, 
mesler  en  mon  breuvage  une  seule  goutte  de  venin  de  trahison."— Apologie,  p.  127. 

2  « Que  je  n'eusse  rien  s?eu  demander  pour  mon   particuher,  qu  on  ne  m'eust 

accorde",  et  me  donner  comptant  un  million."— Apologie,  p.  127.— Compare  Strada,  who 

wrote  with  all  the  secret  papers  of  the  Farnese  family  before  him,     si  hsec  omnia 

abituro  homini  adhuc  non  sufficiant,  neque  hanc  neque  quamcumque  persimilem  con- 
ditionem  repudiandam,"  etc.— 2,  ii.  86.— Compare,  particularly,  Ev.  Reidani  Ann.,  ii    29. 
Compare  Gachard,  Correspondance  de  Guillaume  le  Tacit.,  vol.  iv.,  preface 

3  Apologie,  pp.  127,  128.     Ev.  Reidani,  ii.  29. 


The  Rise  of  the 

tion  of  the  whole  country,  if  thus  a  negotiation  were  likely 
to  be  more  successful.  "The  Prince  of  Parma  and  the 
disunited  provinces,"  said  he  to  the  states-general,  "  affect 
to  consider  this  war  as  one  waged  against  me  and  in  my 
name — as  if  the  question  alone  concerned  the  name  and 
person  of  the  general.  If  it  be  so,  I  beg  you  to  consider 
whether  it  is  not  because  I  have  been  ever  faithful  to  the 
land.  Nevertheless,  if  I  am  an  obstacle,  I  am  ready  to 
remove  it.  If  you,  therefore,  in  order  to  deprive  the 
enemy  of  every  right  to  inculpate  us,  think  proper  to 
choose  another  head  and  conductor  of  your  affairs,  / 
promise  you  to  serve  and  to  be  obedient  to  him  with  all 
my  heart.  Thus  shall  we  leave  the  enemy  no  standing- 
place  to  work  dissensions  among  us."1  Such  was  his 
language  to  friend  and  foe. 

On  the  1 8th  of  May,  the  states'  envoys  at  Cologne  pre- 
sented fourteen  articles,  demanding  freedom  of  religion 
and  the  ancient  political  charters.  Religion,  they  said,  was 
to  be  referred,  not  to  man,  but  to  God.  To  him  the  King 
was  subject  as  well  as  the  people.  Both  King  and  people 
— "  and  by  people  was  meant  every  individual  in  the 
land  " — were  bound  to  serve  God  according  to  their 


conscience. 


The  imperial  envoys  found  such  language  extremely 
reprehensible,  and  promptly  refused,  as  umpires,  to  enter- 
tain the  fourteen  articles.  Others  drawn  up  by  Terranova 
and  colleagues,  embodying  the  claims  of  the  royal  and 
Roman  party,  were  then  solemnly  presented,  and  as 
promptly  rejected.  Then  the  imperial  umpires  came  for- 
ward with  two  bundles  of  propositions — approved  before- 
hand by  the  Spanish  plenipotentiaries.  In  the  political 
bundle,  obedience  due  to  the  King  was  insisted  upon,  "  as 
in  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Charles."  The  religious  cate- 
gory declared  that  "  the  Roman  religion — all  others  ex- 
cluded— should  thenceforth  be  exercised  in  all  the  pro- 
vinces." Both  these  categories  were  considered  more 
objectionable  by  the  states'  envoys  than  the  terms  of 
Terranova,  and  astonishment  was  expressed  that  "  mention 
should  again  be  made  of  the  edicts — as  if  blood  enough 
had  not  been  shed  already  in  the  cause  of  religion."  3 

The  Netherland  envoys  likewise  gave  the  imperial  com- 

1  See  the  letter  in  Bpr,  xiii.  95-98. 

2  See  the  document  in  Bor,  xiii.  54,  sqq. — Compare  Meteren,  ix.  156,  sqq. 

3  Bor,  xiii.  58,  59. 


Dutch  Republic  319 

missioners  distinctly  to  understand  that — in  case  peace 
were  not  soon  made — "  the  states  would  forthwith  declare 
the  King-  fallen  from  his  sovereignty;"  would  for  ever 
dispense  the  people  from  their  oaths  of  allegiance  to  him, 
and  would  probably  accept  the  Duke  of  Anjou  in  his  place. 
The  states-general,  to  which  body  the  imperial  proposi- 
tions had  been  sent,  also  rejected  the  articles  in  a  logical 
and  historical  argument  of  unmerciful  length.1 

An  appeal  secretly  made  by  the  imperial  and  Spanish 
commissioners,  from  the  states'  envoys  to  the  states  them- 
selves, and  even  to  the  people  of  the  various  provinces,  had 
excited  the  anger  of  the  plenipotentiaries.  They  com- 
plained loudly  of  this  violation  of  all  diplomatic  etiquette, 
and  the  answer  of  the  states-general,  fully  confirming  the 
views  of  their  ambassadors,  did  not  diminish  their  wrath. 

On  the  1 3th  of  November,  1579,  the  states'  envoys  were 
invited  into  the  council  chamber  of  the  imperial  commis- 
sioners, to  hear  the  last  solemn  commonplaces  of  those 
departing  functionaries.  Seven  months  long  they  had  been 
waiting  in  vain,  they  said,  for  the  states'  envoys  to  accede 
to  moderate  demands.  Patience  was  now  exhausted. 
Moreover,  their  mediatory  views  had  been  the  subject  of 
bitter  lampooning  throughout  the  country,  while  the  au- 
thorities of  many  cities  had  publicly  declared  that  all  the 
inhabitants  would  rather  die  the  death  than  accept  such 
terms.  The  peace-makers,  accordingly,  with  endless  pro- 
testations as  to  their  own  purity,  wisdom,  and  benevolence, 
left  the  whole  "  in  the  hands  of  God  and  the  parties 
concerned."  2 

The  reply  to  this  elaborate  farewell  was  curt  and  some- 
what crusty.  "  Had  they  known,"  said  the  states'  envoys, 
"  that  their  transparencies  and  worthinesses  had  no  better 
intention,  and  the  Duke  of  Terranova  no  ampler  commis- 
sion, the  whole  matter  might  have  been  despatched,  not 
in  six  months,  but  in  six  days."  3 

Thus  ended  the  conferences,  and  the  imperial  commis- 
sioners departed.  Nevertheless,  Schwartzenburg  remained 
yet  a  little  time  at  Cologne,  while  five  of  the  states'  envoys 
also  protracted  their  stay,  in  order  to  make  their  private 
peace  with  the  King.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  observe 
that  the  chief  of  these  penitents  was  the  Duke  of  Aer- 
schot.4  The  ultimatum  of  the  states  was  deposited  by  the 

1  Bor,  3,  xiii.  s8a,  115-118.  2  Ibid.,  xiii.  101,  sqq.     Meteren,  ix.  157,  sqq. 

8  Ibid.— Compare  Strada,  2,  ii.  no,  in.  4  Bor,  xiii.  108. 


320  The  Rise  of  the 

departing  envoys  with  Schwartzenburg,1  and  a  comparison 
of  its  terms  with  those  offered  by  the  imperial  mediators, 
as  the  best  which  could  be  obtained  from  Spain,  shows  the 
hopelessness  of  the  pretended  negotiation.  Departure  of 
the  foreign  troops,  restitution  of  all  confiscated  property, 
unequivocal  recognition  of  the  Ghent  Treaty  and  the  Per- 
petual Edict,  appointment  to  office  of  none  but  natives, 
oaths  of  allegiance  to  the  King  and  the  states-general, 
exercise  of  the  reformed  religion  and  of  the  Confession  of 
Augsburg  in  all  places  where  it  was  then  publicly  prac- 
tised :  such  were  the  main  demands  of  the  patriot  party. 

In  the  secret  instructions 2  furnished  by  the  states  to 
their  envoys,  they  were  told  to  urge  upon  his  Majesty  the 
absolute  necessity,  if  he  wished  to  retain  the  provinces,  of 
winking-  at  the  exercise  of  the  reformed  and  the  Augsburg 
creeds.  "The  new  religion  had  taken  too  deep  root,"  it 
was  urged,  "  ever  to  be  torn  forth,  save  with  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  whole  country." 

Thus  after  seven  dreary  months  of  negotiation,  after 
protocols  and  memoranda  in  ten  thousand  folia,  the  august 
diplomatists  had  travelled  round  to  the  points  from  which 
they  had  severally  started.  On  the  one  side,  unlimited 
prerogative  and  exclusive  Catholicism ;  on  the  other,  con- 
stitutional liberty,  with  freedom  of  conscience  for  Catholic 
and  Protestant  alike  :  these  were  the  claims  which  each 
party  announced  at  the  commencement,  and  to  which  they 
held  with  equal  firmness  at  the  close  of  the  conferences.3 

The  congress  had  been  expensive.  Though  not  much 
had  been  accomplished  for  the  political  3  or  religious  ad- 
vancement of  mankind,  there  had  been  much  excellent 
eating  and  drinking  at  Cologne  during  the  seven  months. 
Those  drouthy  deliberations  had  needed  moistening.  The 
Bishop  of  Wurtzburg  had  consumed  "  eighty  hogsheads 
of  Rhenish  wine  and  twenty  great  casks  of  beer."  4  The 
expenses  of  the  states'  envoys  were  twenty-four  thousand 
guldens.  The  Archbishop  of  Cologne  had  expended  forty 
thousand  thalers.5  The  deliberations  were,  on  the  whole, 
excessively  detrimental  to  the  cause  of  the  provinces,  "  and 

1  Apud  Bor,  2,  xiii.  108-110.  2  Apud  Bor,  xiii.  110-113. 

3  All  the  most  important  documents  of  this  elaborate  but  sterile  negotiation  are  given 
in  full  by  Bor,  iii.  13,  sqq.     The  whole  mass  of  the  protocols  and  arguments  is  also  to  be 


316  ;  Hoofd,  xv.  631,  632,  and  xvi.  658-672,  et  mult.  al. 
4  Bor,  xiii.  114.  5  ibid. 


Dutch  Republic  321 

a  great  personage  "  wrote  to  the  states-general,  that  the 
King  had  been  influenced  by  no  motive  save  to  cause  dis- 
sension.1 This  was  an  exaggeration,  for  his  Majesty 
would  have  been  well  pleased  to  receive  the  whole  of  the 
country  on  the  same  terms  which  had  been  accepted  by 
the  Walloons.  Meantime,  those  southern  provinces  had 
made  their  separate  treaty,  and  the  Netherlands  were 
permanently  dissevered.  Maestricht  had  fallen.  Disunion 
and  dismay  had  taken  possession  of  the  country. 

During  the  course  of  the  year  other  severe  misfortunes 
had  happened  to  the  states.  Treachery,  even  among  the 
men  who  had  done  good  service  to  the  cause  of  freedom f 
was  daily  showing  her  hateful  visage.  Not  only  the  great 
chieftains  who  had  led  the  Malcontent  Walloon  party,  with 
the  fickle  Aerschot  and  the  wavering  Havre"  besides,  had 
made  their  separate  reconciliation  with  Parma,  but  the 
epidemic  treason  had  mastered  such  bold  partizans  as  the 
Seigneur  de  Bours,  the  man  whose  services  in  rescuing  the 
citadel  of  Antwerp  had  been  so  courageous  and  valuable. 
He  was  governor  of  Mechlin ;  Count  Renneberg  was 
governor  of  Friesland.  Both  were  trusted  implicitly  by 
Orange  and  by  the  estates ;  both  were  on  the  eve  of  re- 
paying the  confidence  reposed  in  them  by  the  most  venal 
treason. 

It  was  already  known  that  Parma  had  tampered  with 
De  Bours;  but  Renneberg  was  still  unsuspected.  "  The 
Prince,"  wrote  Count  John,  "  is  deserted  by  all  the  noble- 
men, save  the  stadholder  of  Friesland  and  myself,  and  has 
no  man  else  in  whom  he  can  repose  confidence."2  The 
brothers  were  doomed  to  be  rudely  awakened  from  the 
repose  with  regard  to  Renneberg,  but  previously  the 
treason  of  a  less  important  functionary  was  to  cause  a 
considerable  but  less  lasting  injury  to  the  national  party. 

In  Mechlin  was  a  Carmelite  friar,  of  audacious  character 
and  great  eloquence;  a  man  who  "  with  his  sweet,  poison- 
ous tongue,  could  ever  persuade  the  people  to  do  his  bid- 
ding."3 This  dangerous  monk,  Peter  Lupus,  or  Peter 
Wolf,  by  name,  had  formed  the  design  of  restoring  Mechlin 
to  the  Prince  of  Parma,  and  of  obtaining  the  bishopric  of 
Namur  as  the  reward  of  his  services.  To  this  end  he  had 
obtained  a  complete  mastery  over  the  intellect  of  the  bold 

1  Bor.  xiii.  114. 

2  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  yii.  36,  37  ;  letter  of  July  31,  1579. 

3  "  En  konde  met  sijn  soete  fenijnige  tonge  het  volk  luiden  en  bewegen  daer  hy  toe 
wilde." — Bor,  xiii.  80. 

VOL.  III.  M 


322  The  Rise  of  the 

but  unprincipled  De  Bours.  A  correspondence  was  imme- 
diately opened  between  Parma  and  the  governor,  and 
troops  were  secretly  admitted  into  the  city.  The  Prince 
of  Orange,  in  the  name  of  the  Archduke  and  the  estates, 
in  vain  endeavoured  to  recall  the  infatuated  governor  to 
his  duty.  In  vain  he  conjured  him,  by  letter  after  letter, 
to  be  true  to  his  own  bright  fame  so  nobly  earned.  An 
old  friend  of  De  Bours,  and  like  himself  a  Catholic,  was 
also  employed  to  remonstrate  with  him.  This  gentleman, 
De  Fromont  by  name,  wrote  him  many  letters  j1  but  De 
Bours  expressed  his  surprise  that  Fromont,  whom  he  had 
always  considered  a  good  Catholic  and  a  virtuous  gentle- 
man, should  wish  to  force  him  into  a  connexion  with  the 
Prince  of  Orange  and  his  heretic  supporters.  He  protested 
that  his  mind  was  quite  made  up,  and  that  he  had  been 
guaranteed  by  Parma  not  only  the  post  which  he  now  held, 
but  even  still  further  advancement.2 

De  Fromont  reminded  him,  in  reply,  of  the  frequent 
revolutions  of  fortune's  wheel,  and  warned  him  that  the 
advancement  of  which  he  boasted  would  probably  be  an 
entire  degradation.  He  bitterly  recalled  to  the  remem- 
brance of  the  new  zealot  for  Romanism  his  former  earnest 
efforts  to  establish  Calvinism.  He  reproached  him,  too, 
with  having  melted  up  the  silver  images  of  the  Mechlin 
churches,  including  even  the  renowned  shrine  of  Saint 
Rombout,  which  the  Prince  of  Orange  had  always  re- 
spected. "  I  don't  say  how  much  you  took  of  that  plunder 
for  your  own  share,"  continued  the  indignant  De  Fromont, 
"  for  the  very  children  cry  it  in  your  ears  as  you  walk 
the  .streets.  'Tis  known  that  if  God  himself  had  been 
changed  into  gold  you  would  have  put  Him  in  your 
pocket."  3 

This  was  plain  language,  but  as  just  as  it  was  plain. 
The  famous  shrine  of  Saint  Rombout — valued  at  seventy 
thousand  guldens,  of  silver  gilt,  and  enriched  with  precious 
stones — had  been  held  sacred  alike  by  the  fanatical  icono- 
clasts and  the  greedy  Spaniards,  who  had  successively 
held  the  city.  It  had  now  been  melted  up,  and  appropriated 
by  Peter  Lupus,  the  Carmelite,  and  De  Bours,  the  Catholic 
convert,  whose  mouths  were  full  of  devotion  to  the  ancient 
Church  and  of  horror  for  heresy.4 

1  Bor,  xiii.  80-83. — Hoofd,  xv.  636,  637. 

2  Letter  of  Pontus  de  Npyelles,  Seigneur  de  Bours,  apud  Bor,  xiii.  83. 

3  Letter  of  J.  v.  Bourgoigne,  S.  de  Fromont,  apud  Bor,  2,  xii.  83. 

4  Meteren,  x.  172.     Bor,  ubi  sup.     Hoofd,  xv.  636. 


Dutch  Republic  323 

The  efforts  of  Orange  and  of  the  states  were  unavailing. 
De  Bours  surrendered  the  city,  and  fled  to  Parma,  who 
received  him  with  cordiality,  gave  him  five  thousand  florins 
—the  price  promised  for  his  treason,  besides  a  regiment 
of  infantry — but  expressed  surprise  that  he  should  have 
reached  his  camp  alive.1  His  subsequent  career  was  short, 
and  he  met  his  death  two  years  afterwards,  in  the  trenches 
before  Tournay.2  The  archiepiscopal  city  was  thus  trans- 
ferred to  the  royal  party,  but  the  gallant  Van  der  Tympel, 
governor  of  Brussels,  retook  it  by  surprise  within  six 
months  of  its  acquisition  by  Parma,  and  once  more  re- 
stored it  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  states.  Peter  Lupus, 
the  Carmelite,  armed  to  the  teeth,  and  fighting  fiercely  at 
the  head  of  the  royalists,  was  slain  in  the  street,  and  thus 
forfeited  his  chance  for  the  mitre  of  Namur.3 

During  the  weary  progress  of  the  Cologne  negotiations, 
the  Prince  had  not  been  idle,  and  should  this  august  and 
slow-moving  congress  be  unsuccessful  in  restoring  peace, 
the  provinces  were  pledged  to  an  act  of  abjuration.  They 
would  then  be  entirely  without  a  head.  The  idea  of  a 
nominal  republic  was  broached  by  none.  The  contest  had 
not  been  one  of  theory,  but  of  facts ;  for  the  war  had  not 
been  for  revolution,  but  for  conservation,  so  far  as  political 
rights  were  concerned.  In  religion,  the  provinces  had 
advanced  from  one  step  to  another,  till  they  now  claimed 
the  largest  liberty — freedom  of  conscience — for  all.  Re- 
ligion, they  held,  was  God's  affair,  not  man's,  in  which 
neither  people  nor  king  had  power  over  each  other,  but 
in  which  both  were  subject  to  God  alone.  In  politics  it 
was  different.  Hereditary  sovereignty  was  acknowledged 
as  a  fact,  but  at  the  same  time,  the  spirit  of  freedom  was 
already  learning  its  appropriate  language.  It  already 
claimed  boldly  the  natural  right  of  mankind  to  be  governed 
according  to  the  laws  of  reason  and  of  divine  justice.  If  a 
prince  were  a  shepherd,  it  was  at  least  lawful  to  deprive 
him  of  his  crook  when  he  butchered  the  flock  which  he  had 
been  appointed  to  protect. 

11  What  reason  is  there,"  said  the  states-general,  "  why 

1  Bor  (xiii.  84)  states  that  he  was  treated  with  great  contempt  by  Parma,  and  deprived 
of  his  posts.     In  this  the  faithful  old  chronicler  is  mistaken ;  as  it  appears  from  the 
manuscript  letters  of  the  Prince  that  he  received  the  traitor  with  many  caresses  and  with 
much  greater  respect  than  he  deserved.     Reports  to  the  contrary  were  very  current, 
however,  in  consequence  of  the  Seigneur  de  Rossignol  having  been  appointed  by  Parma 
governor  of  Mechlin  in  place  of  De  Bours. — Letter  ot  Prince  of  Parma  to  Mansfeld, 
Rec.  Prov.  Wall.,  iv.  f.  324-328,  MS.,  Royal  Archives,  Brussels. 

2  Bor,  xv.  288.  3  ibid.,  xiv.  175. 


324  The  Rise  of  the 

the  provinces  should  suffer  themselves  to  be  continually 
oppressed  by  their  sovereign,  with  robbings,  burnings, 
stranglings,  and  murderings  ?  *•  Why,  being  thus  op- 
pressec},  should  they  still  give  their  sovereign — exactly  as 
if  he  were  well  conducting  himself  2 — the  honour  and  title 
of  lord  of  the  land?"  On  the  other  hand,  if  hereditary 
rule  were  an  established  fact,  so  also  were  ancient  charters. 
To  maintain,  not  to  overthrow,  the  political  compact,  was 
the  purpose  of  the  states.  ' '  Je  maintiendrai  ' '  was  the 
motto  of  Orange's  escutcheon.  That  a  compact  existed 
between  prince  and  people,  and  that  the  sovereign  held 
office  only  on  condition  of  doing  his  duty,  were  startling 
truths  which  men  were  beginning,  not  to  whisper  to  each 
other  in  secret,  but  to  proclaim  in  the  market-place. 
"  'Tis  well  known  to  all,"  said  the  famous  Declaration  of 
Independence,  two  years  afterwards,  "  that  if  a  prince  is 
appointed  by  God  over  the  land,  'tis  to  protect  them  from 
harm,  even  as  a  shepherd  to  the  guardianship  of  his  flock. 
The  subjects  are  not  appointed  by  God  for  the  behoof  of 
the  prince,  but  the  prince  for  his  subjects,  without  whom 
he  is  no  prince.  Should  he  violate  the  laws,  he  is  to  be 
forsaken  by  his  meanest  subject,  and  to  be  recognized  no 
longer  as  prince."3 

William  of  Orange  always  recognized  these  truths,  but 
his  scheme  of  government  contemplated  a  permanent  chief, 
and  as  it  was  becoming  obvious  that  the  Spanish  sove- 
reign would  soon  be  abjured,  it  was  necessary  to  fix  upon 
a  substitute.  "As  to  governing  these  provinces  in  the 
form  of  a  republic,"  said  he,  speaking  for  the  states- 
general,  "  those  who  know  the  condition,  privileges,  and 
ordinances  of  the  country,  can  easily  understand  that  'tis 
hardly  possible  to  dispense  with  a  head  or  superintend- 
ent."4 At  the  same  time,  he  plainly  intimated  that  this 
"  head  or  superintendent  "  was  to  be,  not  a  monarch — a 
one-ruler — but  merely  the  hereditary  chief  magistrate  of 
a  free  commonwealth. 

Where  was  this  hereditary  chief  magistrate  to  be  found  ? 
His  own  claims  he  absolutely  withdrew.  The  office  was 
within  his  grasp,  and  he  might  easily  have  constituted 
himself  sovereign  of  all  the  Netherlands.5  Perhaps  it 

1  "  Wat  reden  is  dat  de  Landen  altijd  sollen  van  hunnen  Heere  getraivalleert,  bedor- 
ven  en  met  roven,  branden,  worgen  en  moorden  continuelijk  overvallen  en  verkracht 
worden,"  etc.,  etc. — Address  of  states-general,  July,  1579.  Bor,  xiii.  93^ 

!  "Gelijk  als  ob  hij  wel  dede,"  etc. — Ibid.  3  Bor,  xv.  277.  4  Ibid.,  xiii.  93. 

6  "  U  nog  moet  erkend  worden  dat  er  gelegenheiden  waren  in  welke  zijne  ver  kuzinge 


Dutch  Republic  325 

would  have  been  better  at  that  time  had  he  advanced  his 
claims  and  accepted  the  sovereignty  which  Philip  had  for- 
feited. As  he  did  not  believe  in  the  possibility  of  a  re- 
public, he  might  honestly  have  taken  into  his  own  hands 
the  sceptre  which  he  considered  indispensable.  His  self- 
abnegation  was,  however,  absolute.  Not  only  did  he 
decline  sovereignty,  but  he  repeatedly  avowed  his  readiness 
to  lay  down  all  the  offices  which  he  held,  if  a  more  useful 
substitute  could  be  found.  "  Let  no  man  think,"  said  he, 
in  a  remarkable  speech  to  the  states-general,  "  that  my 
good-will  is  in  any  degree  changed  or  diminished.  I  agree 
to  obey — as  the  least  of  the  lords  or  gentlemen  of  the  land 
could  do — whatever  person  it  may  please  you  to  select. 
You  have  but  to  command  my  services  wheresoever  they 
are  most  wanted ;  to  guard  a  province  or  a  single  city,  or 
in  any  capacity  in  which  I  may  be  found  most  useful.  I 
promise  to  do  my  duty,  with  all  my  strength  and  skill,  as 
God  and  my  conscience  are  witnesses  that  I  have  done  it 
hitherto."1 

The  negotiations  pointed  to  a  speedy  abjuration  of 
Philip ;  the  republic  was  contemplated  by  none ;  the  Prince 
of  Orange  absolutely  refused  to  stretch  forth  his  own 
hand ; — who  then  was  to  receive  the  sceptre  which  was  so 
soon  to  be  bestowed  ?  A  German  prince  had  been  tried — in 
somewhat  abnormal  position — but  had  certainly  manifested 
small  capacity  for  aiding  the  provinces.  Nothing  could 
well  be  more  insignificant  than  the  figure  of  Matthias ; 
and,  moreover,  his  imperial  brother  was  anything  but 
favourably  disposed.  It  was  necessary  to  manage  Rudolph. 
To  treat  the  Archduke  with  indignity,  now  that  he  had 
been  partly  established  in  the  Netherlands  would  be  to 
incur  the  Emperor's  enmity.  His  friendship,  however, 
could  hardly  be  secured  by  any  advancement  bestowed 
upon  his  brother;  for  Rudolph's  services  against  preroga- 
tive and  the  Pope  were  in  no  case  to  be  expected.  Nor 
was  there  much  hope  from  the  Protestant  princes  of 
Germany.  The  day  had  passed  for  generous  sympathy 
with  those  engaged  in  the  great  struggle  which  Martin 
Luther  had  commenced.  The  present  generation  of  Ger- 
man Protestants  were  more  inclined  to  put  down  the  Cal- 

met  eene  groote  meer  de  rheid  doorgegaan  zoude  zijn — en  mischien  zander  tegensprttck, 
indien  hij  deze  eerzucht  gehad  had.     Echter  verneemt  men  niet  dat  noch  hij  noch  zijne 
aanhangelingen  daartoe  immer  her  voorstel  gewaagd  hebben,"  etc.— Van  der  Vynckt, 
iii.  72,  sqq. 
l  Bor,  xiv.  143.     Speech  of  Nov.  26,  1579. 


326 


The  Rise  of  the 


vinistic  schism  at  home  than  to  save  it  from  oppression 
abroad.  Men  were  more  disposed  to  wrangle  over  the 
thrice-gnawed  bones  of  ecclesiastical  casuistry,  than  to 
assist  their  brethren  in  the  field.  "  I  know  not,"  said 
Gaultherus,  "  whether  the  calamity  of  the  Netherlands,  or 
the  more  than  bestial  stupidity  of  the  Germans,  be  most 
deplorable.  To  the  insane  contests  on  theological  abstrac- 
tions we  owe  it  that  many  are  ready  to  breathe  blood  and 
slaughter  against  their  own  brethren.  The  hatred  of  the 
Lutherans  has  reached  that  point  that  they  can  rather 
tolerate  Papists  than  ourselves."1 

In  England,  there  was  much  sympathy  for  the  provinces, 
and  there — although  the  form  of  government  was  still  ar- 
bitrary— the  instincts  for  civil  and  religious  freedom,  which 
have  ever  characterized  the  Anglo-Saxon  race,  were  not  to 
be  repressed.  Upon  many  a  battle-field  for  liberty  in  the 
Netherlands,  "  men  whose  limbs  were  made  in  England  " 
were  found  contending  for  the  right.  The  blood  and 
treasure  of  Englishmen  flowed  freely  in  the  cause  of  their 
relatives  by  religion  and  race,  but  these  were  the  efforts 
of  individuals.  Hitherto  but  little  assistance  had  been 
rendered  by  the  English  Queen,  who  had,  on  the  contrary, 
almost  distracted  the  provinces  by  her  fast-and-loose 
policy,  both  towards  them  and  towards  Anjou.  The 
political  rivalry  between  that  Prince  and  herself  in  the 
Netherlands  had,  however,  now  given  place  to  the  memor- 
able love-passage  from  which  important  results  were  ex- 
pected, and  it  was  thought  certain  that  Elizabeth  would 
view  with  satisfaction  any  dignity  conferred  upon  her 
lover.2 

Orange  had  a  right  to  form  this  opinion.  At  the  same 
time,  it  is  well  known  that  the  chief  councillors  of  Eliza- 
beth— while  they  were  all  in  favour  of  assisting  the  pro- 
vinces— looked  with  anything  but  satisfaction  upon  the 
Anjou  marriage.  "The  Duke,"  wrote  Davison  to  Wal- 
singham  (in  July,  1579),  "  seeks,  forsooth,  under  a  pretext 
of  marriage  with  her  Highness,  the  rather  to  espouse  the 
Low  Countries — the  chief  ground  and  object  of  his  pre- 
tended love,  howsoever  it  be  disguised."  The  envoy  be- 
lieved both  Elizabeth  and  the  provinces  in  danger  of  taking 

1  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  etc.,  vii.  7.     Hubert  Languet,  too,  lamented  the  coldness 
of  Germany  towards  her  brethren  in  blood  and  creed.     "  Germania  suo  more,"  he  writes 
to  Sir  Philip  Sydney  ,^'est  otiosa  spectatrix  tragcediarum,  quae  apud  vicinas  ipsi  gentes 
aguntur  et  ex  alienis  incommodis  sua  commoda  capit." — Ep.  71,  p.  254. 

2  Letter  of  Orange  to  the  "Nearer-united  states,"  apud  Bor,  3,  xiv.  132. 


Dutch  Republic  327 

unto  themselves  a  very  bad  master.  "  Is  there  any 
means,"  he  added,  "  so  apt  to  sound  the  very  bottom  of 
our  estates,  and  to  hinder  and  breake  the  neck  of  all  such' 
good  purpose  as  the  necessity  of  the  tyme  shall  set 
abroch?"i 

The  provinces  of  Holland  and  Zeland,  notwithstanding 
the  love  they  bore  to  William  of  Orange,  could  never  be 
persuaded  by  his  arguments  into  favouring  Anjou.  Indeed, 
it  was  rather  on  account  of  the  love  they  bore  the  Prince 
— whom  they  were  determined  to  have  for  their  sovereign 
— that  they  refused  to  listen  to  any  persuasion  in  favour  of 
his  rival,  although  coming  from  his  own  lips.  The  states- 
general,  in  a  report  to  the  states  of  Holland,  drawn  up 
under  the  superintendence  of  the  Prince,  brought  forward 
all  the  usual  arguments  for  accepting  the  French  Duke,  in 
case  the  abjuration  should  take  place.2  They  urged  the 
contract  with  Anjou  (of  August  i3th,  1578),  the  great 
expenses  he  had  already  incurred  in  their  behalf ;  the  dan- 
ger of  offending  him ;  the  possibility  that  in  such  case  he 
would  ally  himself  with  Spain ;  the  prospect  that,  in  con- 
sequence of  such  a  result,  there  would  be  three  enemies  in 
the  field  against  them — the  Walloons,  the  Spaniards,  and 
the  French,  all  whose  forces  would  eventually  be  turned 
upon  Holland  and  Zeland  alone.  It  was  represented  that 
the  selection  of  Anjou  would,  on  the  other  hand,  secure 
the  friendship  of  France — an  alliance  which  would  inspire 
both  the  Emperor  and  the  Spanish  monarch  with  fear ;  for 
they  could  not  contemplate  without  jealousy  a  possible 
incorporation  of  the  provinces  with  that  kingdom.  More- 
over, the  geographical  situation  of  France  made  its  friend- 
ship inexpressibly  desirable.  The  states  of  Holland  and 
Zeland  were,  therefore,  earnestly  invited  to  send  deputies 
to  an  assembly  of  the  states-general,  in  order  to  conclude 
measures  touching  the  declaration  of  independence  to  be 
made  against  the  King,  and  concerning  the  election  of  the 
Duke  of  Anjou.3 

The  official  communications  by  speech  or  writing  of 
Orang-e  to  the  different  corporations  and  assemblies,  were 
at  this  period  of  enormous  extent.  He  was  moved  to  fre- 
quent anger  by  the  parsimony,  the  inter-provincial  jealousy, 
the  dull  perception  of  the  different  estates,  and  he  often 
expressed  his  wrath  in  unequivocal  language.  He  dealt 

1  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  etc.,  vi.  646,  sqq. 
2  Report  in  Bor,  xiii.  92-95.  8  Bor,  xiii.  953. 


328 


The  Rise  of  the 


roundly  with  all  public  bodies.  His  eloquence  was  dis- 
tinguished by  a  bold,  uncompromising-,  truth-telling  spirit, 
whether  the  words  might  prove  palatable  or  bitter  to  his 
audience.  His  language  rebuked  his  hearers  more  fre- 
quently than  it  caressed  them,  for  he  felt  it  impossible,  at 
all  times,  to  consult  both  the  humours  and  the  high  inter- 
ests of  the  people,  and  he  had  no  hesitation,  as  guardian 
of  popular  liberty,  in  denouncing  the  popular  vices  by 
which  it  was  endangered.1 

By  both  great  parties,  he  complained,  his  shortcomings 
were  all  noted,  the  good  which  he  had  accomplished  passed 
over  in  silence.2  He  solemnly  protested  that  he  desired, 
out  of  his  whole  heart,  the  advancement  of  that  religion 
which  he  publicly  professed,  and  with  God's  blessing, 
hoped  to  profess  to  the  end  of  his  life,3  but  nevertheless, 
he  reminded  the  states  that  he  had  sworn,  upon  taking 
office  as  Lieutenant-General,  to  keep  "  all  the  subjects  of 
the  land  equally  under  his  protection,"  and  that  he  had 
kept  his  oath.  He  rebuked  the  parsimony  which  placed 
the  accepted  chief  of  the  provinces  in  a  sordid  and  con- 
temptible position.  "  The  Archduke  has  been  compelled," 
said  he,  in  August,  to  the  states-general,  "to  break  up 
•housekeeping,  for  want  of  means.  How  shameful  and  dis- 
reputable for  the  country,  if  he  should  be  compelled,  for 
very  poverty,  to  leave  the  land  !"  He  offered  to  lay  down 
all  the  power  with  which  he  had  himself  been  clothed,  but 
insisted,  if  he  were  to  continue  in  office,  upon  being  pro- 
vided with  larger  means  of  being  useful.  '  'Twas  impos- 
sible," he  said,  "  for  him  to  serve  longer  on  the  same 
footing  as  heretofore;  finding  himself  without  power  or 
authority,  without  means,  without  troops,  without  money, 

1  "  Artes  ad  regendam  plebem,"  says  one  who  knew  him  well,  "  in  eo  omnes ;  quam 
licet  praefracti  obstinati  animi,  tandem  ad  obsequium  flexit :  mine  blanda  aspera  nunc  ac 
violenta  oratione  cujus  frequentior  Hit  usus,  quam   lenociniorum.      Libertatis  atque 
autoritatis  sane  adsiduus  custos,  ut  libere"  plebi  sua  objicere  vitia  posset" — Ev.  Reidan., 
Ann.  Belg.,  ii.  59. 

2  Letter  to  the  states-general,  August,  1579,   aPud  Bor-  xlv-  97.  sqq-     This  was  the 
opinion  frequently  expressed  by  Languet :  "  Cherish  the  friendship  of  the  Prince,  I  be- 
seech you,"  he  writes  to  Sir  Philip  Sydney,  "for  there  is  no  man  like  him  in  all  Christen- 
dom.    Nevertheless,  his  is  the  lot  of  all  men  of  prudence — to  be  censured  by  all  parties. 
The  people  complain  that  he  despises  them ;  the  nobility  declare  that  it  is  their  order 
which  he  hates ;  and  this  is  as  sensible  as  if  you  were  to  tell  me  that  you  were  the  son 
of  a  clown  (quasi  v.  dicebat  mini,  ego  sim  patre  rustico  natus)." — Ep.  ad  Sydn.,  ep.  76,  p. 
270.     "Egonon  possum  satis  admirari  Auriaci  prudentiam  et  ajquanimitatem,"  he  con- 
tinues, "in  tanta  negotiorum  mole  sustinenda  et  ferendis  tot  injuriis.     Obsecro  respice 
ejus  virtutem  et  ne  deterreat  a  colenda  cum  eo  amicitia  ejus  fortuna,  quae  tandem  etiam 
forte  magis  laeta  fulgebit." — Ibid. 

3  " hoewel  dat  wy  niet  en  willen  ontkennen  dat  wy  niet  uit  ganscher  herten  en 

souden  begeert  hebben  de  vorderinge  van  der  Religie  van  de  welke  wy  God  lof  openbare 
professie  doen  en  verhopen  't  selve  te  doen  tot  den  einde  onser  leevens,"  etc.— Letter  to 
the  states-general,  ubi  sup. 


Dutch  Republic  329 

without  obedience."1  He  reminded  the  states-general 
that  the  enemy — under  pretext  of  peace  negotiations — 
were  ever  circulating-  calumnious  statements  to  the  effect 
that  he  was  personally  the  only  obstacle  to  peace.  The  real 
object  of  these  hopeless  conferences  was  to  sow  dissension 
through  the  land,  to  set  burgher  against  burgher,  house 
against  house.  As  in  Italy,  Guelphs  and  Ghibellines — as 
in  Florence,  the  Neri  and  Bianchi — as  in  Holland,  the 
Hooks  and  Cabbeljaws  had,  by  their  unfortunate  quarrels, 
armed  fellow  countrymen  and  families  against  each  other — 
so  also,  nothing  was  so  powerful  as  religious  difference 
to  set  friend  against  friend,  father  against  son,  husband 
against  wife.2 

He  warned  the  states  against  the  peace  propositions  of 
the  enemy.  Spain  had  no  intention  to  concede,  but  was 
resolved  to  extirpate.  For  himself,  he  had  certainly  every- 
thing to  lose  by  continued  war.  His  magnificent  estates 
were  withheld,  and — added  he  with  simplicity — there  is 
.  no  man  who  does  not  desire  to  enjoy  his  own.3  The 
liberation  of  his  son,  too,  from  his  foreign  captivity,  was, 
after  the  glory  of  God  and  the  welfare  of  the  fatherland, 
the  dearest  object  of  his  heart.  Moreover,  he  was  himself 
approaching  the  decline  of  life.  Twelve  years  he  had  spent 
in  perpetual  anxiety  and  labour  for  the  cause.  As  he 
approached  old  age,  he  had  sufficient  reason  to  desire 
repose.  Nevertheless,  considering  the  great  multitude  of 
people  who  were  leaning  upon  him,  he  should  account  him- 
self disgraced  if,  for  the  sake  of  his  own  private  advan- 
tage, he  were  to  recommend  a  peace  which  was  not 
perfectly  secure.  As  regarded  his  own  personal  interests, 
he  could  easily  place  himself  beyond  danger — yet  it  would 
be  otherwise  with  the  people.  The  existence  of  the  religion 
which,  through  the  mercy  of  God  he  professed,  would  be 
sacrificed,  and  countless  multitudes  of  innocent  men  would, 
by  his  act,  be  thrown  bodily  into  the  hands  of  the  blood- 
thirsty inquisitors  who,  in  times  past,  had  murdered  so 
many  persons,  and  so  utterly  desolated  the  land.  In  regard 
to  the  ceaseless  insinuations  against  his  character  which 
men  uttered  "over  their  tables  and  in  the  streets,"  he 
observed  philosophically,  that  "mankind  were  naturally 
inclined  to  calumny,  particularly  against  those  who  exer- 

1  Letter  to  the  states-general,  ubi  sup. 

2  Letter  to  the  states-general,  Sept.  18,  1579.     Bor,  a,  xiv.  131,  sqq. 

3  "  Daer  is  niemand  by  soude  wel  begerem  het  sijne  te  gebruiken." — Letter  to  the 
states-general. 

M   2 


330  The  Rise  of  the 

cised  government  over  them.  His  life  was  the  best  answer 
to  those  slanders.  Being-  overwhelmed  with  debt,  he  should 
doubtless  do  better  in  a  personal  point  of  view  to  accept 
the  excellent  and  profitable  offers  which  were  daily  made 
to  him  by  the  enemy."  l  He  might  be  justified  in  such  a 
course,  when  it  was  remembered  how  many  had  deserted 
him  and  forsworn  their  religion.  Nevertheless,  he  had 
ever  refused,  and  should  ever  refuse,  to  listen  to  offers 
by  which  only  his  own  personal  interests  were  secured. 
As  to  the  defence  of  the  country,  he  had  thus  far  done  all 
in  his  power,  with  the  small  resources  placed  at  his  com- 
mand. He  was  urged  by  the  "  nearer-united  states  "  to 
retain  the  post  of  Lieutenant-General.  He  was  ready  to 
consent.  He  was,  however,  not  willing  to  hold  office  a 
moment,  unless  he  had  power  to  compel  cities  to  accept 
garrisons,  to  enforce  the  collection  of  needful  supplies 
throughout  the  provinces,  and  in  general  to  do  everything 
which  he  judged  necessary  for  the  best  interests  of  the 
country.2 

Three  councils  were  now  established  —  one  to  be  in  at- 
tendance upon  the  Archduke  and  the  Prince  of  Orange,  the 
two  others  to  reside  respectively  in  Flanders  and  in 
Utrecht.  They  were  to  be  appointed  by  Matthias  and  the 
Prince,  upon  a  double  nomination  from  the  estates  of  the 
united  provinces.  Their  decisions  were  to  be  made  accord- 
ing to  a  majority  of  votes,  and  there  was  to  be  no  secret 
cabinet  behind  and  above  their  deliberations.3  It  was  long, 
however,  before  these  councils  were  put  into  working 
order.  The  fatal  jealousy  of  the  provincial  authorities,  the 
small  ambition  of  local  magistrates,  interposed  daily 
obstacles  to  the  vigorous  march  of  the  generality.4  Never 
was  jealousy  more  mischievous,  never  circumspection  more 
misapplied.  It  was  not  a  land  nor  a  crisis  in  which  there 
was  peril  of  centralization.  Local  municipal  government 
was  in  truth  the  only  force  left.  There  was  no  possibility 
of  its  being  merged  in  a  central  authority  which  did  not 
exist.  The  country  was  without  a  centre.  There  was  small 
chance  of  apoplexy  where  there  was  no  head.  The  danger 
lay  in  the  mutual  repulsiveness  of  these  atoms  of  sove- 
reignty —  in  the  centrifugal  tendencies  which  were  fast 

1  "  Om  alsulke  goede  vorderlijke  condition  aen  te  nemen  als  de  zelve  zijn  gepresenteert 
en  aengeboden  even  verre  by  daer  na  hadde  willen  luisteren  en  gedurende  desen  vreden- 
handel  tot  eenig  particulier  accord  verstaen."  —  Letter  to  the  states-general. 


2  Letter  to  the  states-general,  Sept.  18,  1579-     Bor,  2j  xiv.  131,  sqq. 
8  Bor,  xiv.  135.     Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vii.  107.        4  Arch 


ives,  etc.,  vii.  94. 


Dutch  Republic  331 

resolving  a  nebulous  commonwealth  into  chaos.  Disunion 
and  dissension  would  soon  bring-  about  a  more  fatal 
centralization — that  of  absorption  in  a  distant  despotism. 

At  the  end  of  November,  1579,  Orange  made  another 
remarkable  speech  in  the  states-general  at  Antwerp.1  He 
handled  the  usual  topics  with  his  customary  vigour,  and 
with  that  grace  and  warmth  of  delivery  which  always  made 
his  eloquence  so  persuasive  and  impressive.2  He  spoke  of 
the  countless  calumnies  against  himself,  the  chaffering  nig- 
gardliness of  the  provinces,  the  slender  result  produced  by 
his  repeated  warnings.  He  told  them  bluntly  the  great 
cause  of  all  their  troubles.  It  was  the  absence  of  a  broad 
patriotism ;  it  was  the  narrow  power  grudged  rather  than 
given  to  the  deputies  who  sat  in  the  general  assembly. 
They  were  mere  envoys,  tied  by  instructions.  They  were 
powerless  to  act,  except  after  tedious  reference  to  the 
will  of  their  masters,  the  provincial  boards.  The  deputies 
of  the  Union  came  thither,  he  said,  as  advocates  of  their 
provinces  or  their  cities,  not  as  councillors  of  a  common- 
wealth— and  sought  to  further  those  narrow  interests,  even 
at  the  risk  of  destruction  to  their  sister  states.  The  con- 
tributions, he  complained,  were  assessed  unequally,  and 
expended  selfishly.  Upon  this  occasion,  as  upon  all  occa- 
sions, he  again  challenged  inquiry  into  the  purity  of  his 
government,  demanded  chastisement,  if  any  act  of  mal- 
administration on  his  part  could  be  found,  and  repeated 
his  anxious  desire  either  to  be  relieved  from  his  functions, 
or  to  be  furnished  with  the  means  of  discharging  them 
with  efficiency. 

On  the  1 2th  of  December,  1579,  he  again  made  a  power- 
ful speech  in  the  states-general.3  Upon  the  gth  of  January, 
1580,  following,  he  made  an  elaborate  address  upon  the 
state  of  the  country,  urging  the  necessity  of  raising  in- 
stantly a  considerable  army  of  good  and  experienced 
soldiers.  He  fixed  the  indispensable  number  of  such  a 
force  at  twelve  thousand  foot,  four  thousand  horse,  and  at 
least  twelve  hundred  pioneers.  ' '  Weigh  well  the  mat- 
ters," said  he,  in  conclusion,  "  which  I  have  thus  urged, 
and  which  are  of  the  most  extreme  necessity.  Men  in  their 
utmost  need  are  daily  coming  to  me  for  refuge,  as  if  I 

1  In  Bor,  xiv.  141-143. 

2  "Avec  un  accent  propre,"  says  one  of  his  most  bitter  enemies,  "et  action  conven- 
able,  en  quoi  la  Prince  d'Oranges  excelloit — donnant  k  1'assemblde  si  grande  impression 
et  persuasion  qu'il  remporta  le  fruict  qu'il  desiroit,"  etc. — Renom  de  France,  MS.,  t.  iv. 
c.  xi.  3  Bor,  xiv.  150,  151. 


332  The  Rise  of  the 

held  power  over  all  things  in  my  hand.'1  At  the  same 
time  he  complained  that  by  reason  of  the  dilatoriness  of 
the  states,  he  was  prevented  from  alleviating  misery  when 
he  knew  the  remedy  to  be  within  reach.  "  I  beg-  you,  how- 
ever, my  masters,"  he  continued,  "  to  believe  that  this 
address  of  mine  is  no  simple  discourse.  'Tis  a  faithful 
presentment  of  matters  which,  if  not  reformed,  will  cause 
the  speedy  and  absolute  ruin  of  the  land.  Whatever  betide, 
however,  I  pray  you  to  hold  yourselves  assured,  that  with 
God's  help,  I  am  determined  to  live  with  you  or  to  die  with 
you."* 

Early  in  the  year  1580,  the  Prince  was  doomed  to  a 
bitter  disappointment,  and  the  provinces  to  a  severe  loss, 
in  the  treason  of  Count  Renneberg,  governor  of  Friesland. 
This  young  nobleman  was  of  the  great  Lalain  family.  He 
was  a  younger  brother  of  Anthony,  Count  of  Hoogstraaten 
— the  unwavering  friend  of  Orange.  He  had  been  brought 
up  in  the  family  of  his  cousin,  the  Count  de  Lalain, 
governor  of  Hainault,  and  had  inherited  the  title  of  Renne- 
berg from  an  uncle,  who  was  a  dignitary  of  the  church.2 
For  more  than  a  year  there  had  been  suspicions  of  his 
fidelity.  He  was  supposed  to  have  been  tampered  with 
by  the  Duke  of  Terranova,  on  the  first  arrival  of  that 
functionary  in  the  Netherlands.3  Nevertheless  the  Prince 
of  Orange  was  unwilling  to  listen  to  the  whispers  against 
him.  Being  himself  the  mark  of  calumny,  and  having  a 
tender  remembrance  of  the  elder  brother,  he  persisted  in 
reposing  confidence  in  a  man  who  was  in  reality  unworthy 
of  his  friendship.  George  Lalain,  therefore,  remained 
stadholder  of  Friesland  and  Drenthe,  and  in  possession  of 
the  capital  city,  Groningen. 

The  rumours  concerning  him  proved  correct.  In  Novem- 
ber, 1579,  he  entered  into  a  formal  treaty  with  Terranova, 
by  which  he  was  to  receive — as  the  price  of  "  the  virtuous 
resolution  which  he  contemplated  " — the  sum  of  ten  thou- 
sand crowns  in  hand,  a  further  sum  of  ten  thousand 
crowns  within  three  months,  and  a  yearly  pension  of  ten 
thousand  florins.  Moreover,  his  barony  of  Ville  was  to 

1  Bor,  xiv.  153-156.  The  estimated  expenses  of  the  states'  army  for  the  year  1580,  to 
be  assessed  upon  all  the  provinces,  was,  per  month,  518,000  florins.  This  .provided  for 
225  infantry  companies,  amounting  to  32,162  men,  at  a  monthly  pay  of  359,240  florins; 
3,750  cavalry  at  80,590  florins  monthly  wages,  besides  1,200  German  reiters  at  40,000 
florins  per  month,  with  other  incidental  expenses.  A  captain  received  go  florins  per 
month,  a  lieutenant  45,  a  sergeant  12,  a  surgeon  12,  etc.,  etc. — Renom  de  France,  MS., 
t.  iv.  c.  37.  2  Bor,  xv.  276. 

3  Ibid.,  xiv.  162,  sqq.     Meteren,  x.  168.     Hoofd,  xvi.  681. 


Dutch  Republic  333 

be  erected  into  a  marquisate,  and  he  was  to  receive  the 
order  of  the  Golden  Fleece  at  the  first  vacancy.  He  was 
likewise  to  be  continued  in  the  same  offices  under  the 
King  which  he  now  held  from  the  estates.1  The  bill  of 
sale,  by  which  he  agreed  with  a  certain  Quislain  le  Bailly 
to  transfer  himself  to  Spain,  fixed  these  terms  with  the 
technical  scrupulousness  of  any  other  mercantile  transac- 
tion. Renneberg  sold  himself  as  one  would  sell  a  yoke 
of  oxen,  and  his  motives  were  no  whit  nobler  than  the 
cynical  contract  would  indicate.  "  See  you  not,"  said  he, 
in  a  private  letter  to  a  friend,  "  that  this  whole  work  is 
brewed  by  the  Nassaus  for  the  sake  of  their  own  great- 
ness, and  that  they  are  everywhere  provided  with  the  very 
best  crumbs?  They  are  to  be  stadholders  of  the  principal 
provinces ;  we  are  to  content  ourselves  with  Overyssel  and 
Drente.  Therefore  I  have  thought  it  best  to  make  my 
peace  with  the  King,  from  whom  more  benefits  are  to  be 

got.  "2 

Jealousy  and  selfishness,  then,  were  the  motives  of  his 
"  virtuous  resolution."  He  had  another,  perhaps  a  nobler 
incentive.  He  was  in  love  with  the  Countess  Meghen, 
widow  of  Lancelot  Berlaymont,  and  it  was  privately  stipu- 
lated that  the  influence  of  his  Majesty's  government  should 
be  employed  to  bring  about  his  marriage  with  the  lady. 
The  treaty,  however,  which  Renneberg  had  made  with 
Quislain  le  Bailly  was  not  immediately  carried  out.  Early 
in  February,  1580,  his  sister  and  evil  genius,  Cornelia 
Lalain,  wife  of  Baron  Monceau,  made  him  a  visit  at  Gron- 
ingen.  She  implored  him  not  to  give  over  his  soul  to 
perdition  by  oppressing  the  Holy  Church.  She  also  ap- 
pealed to  his  family  pride,  which  should  keep  him,  she 
said,  from  the  contamination  of  companionship  with 
"base-born  weavers  and  furriers."  She  was  of  opinion 
that  to  contaminate  his  high-born  fingers  with  base  bribes 

1  Reconciliation  de  Groningen  et  du  Comte  de  Renneberg,  MS.,  i.  f.  59, 69,  75.  Under 
this  euphemism,  by  way  of  title,  the  original  agreements  of  Renneberg,  together  with 
a  large  mass  of  correspondence  relative  to  his  famous  treason,  are  arranged  in  the 
royal  archives  at  Brussels,  in  two  folio  vols.  of  MS.— Compare  Byvoegsel  Auth.  Stukk. 
tot  P.  Bor,  ii.  3,  4.  The  terms  of  the  bargain  thus  coldly  set  forth,  are  worthy  attention, 
as  showing  the  perfectly  mercantile  manner  in  which  these  great  nobles  sold  themselves. 
An  honest  attachment,  such  as  was  manifested  by  cavaliers  like  Berlaymont  and  his  four 
brave  sons,  to  the  royal  and  Catholic  cause,  can  be  respected,  even  while  we  regret  that 
so  much  bravery  should  have  been  expended  in  support  of  so  infamous  a  tyranny.  But 
while  their  fanaticism  can  be  forgiven,  no  language  is  strong  enough  to  stigmatize  the 
men  who  deserted  the  cause  of  liberty  and  conscience  for  hire.  It  must  be  remembered 
that  Renneberg  was  much  more  virtuous  than  a  large  number  of  his  distinguished 
compeers,  many  of  whom  were  transferred  so  often  from  one  side  to  the  other,  that  they 
at  last  lost  all  convertible  value.  2  Kluit,  Holl.  Staatsreg.,  i.  176,  note  5. 


334  The  Rise  of  the 

were  a  lesser  degradation.  The  pension,  the  crowns  in 
hand,  the  marquisate,  the  collar  of  the  Golden  Fleece, 
were  all  held  before  his  eyes  again.  He  was  persuaded, 
moreover,  that  the  fair  hand  of  the  wealthy  widow  would 
be  the  crowning-  prize  of  his  treason,  but  in  this  he  was 
destined  to  disappointment.  The  Countess  was  reserved 
for  a  more  brilliant  and  a  more  bitter  fate.  She  was  to 
espouse  a  man  of  higher  rank,  but  more  worthless  charac- 
ter, also  a  traitor  to  the  cause  of  freedom,  to  which  she 
was  herself  devoted,  and  who  was  even  accused  of  attempt- 
ing- her  life  in  her  old  age,  in  order  to  supply  her  place 
with  a  younger  rival.1 

The  artful  eloquence  of  Cornelia  de  Lalain  did  its  work, 
and  Renneberg  entered  into  correspondence  with  Parma. 
It  is  singular  with  how  much  indulgence  his  conduct  and 
character  were  reg-arded  both  before  and  subsequently  to 
his  treason.  There  was  something  attractive  about  the 
man.  In  an  age  when  many  German  and  Netherland 
nobles  were  given  to  drunkenness  and  debauchery,  and 
were  distinguished  rather  for  coarseness  of  manner  and 
brutality  of  intellect 2  than  for  refinement  or  learning-, 
Count  Renneberg,  on  the  contrary,  was  an  elegant  and 
accomplished  gentleman — the  Sydney  of  his  country  in 
all  but  loyalty  of  character.  He  was  a  classical  scholar, 
a  votary  of  music  and  poetry,  a  graceful  troubadour,  and 
a  valiant  knight.3  He  was  "  sweet  and  lovely  of  con- 
versation,"4 generous  and  bountiful  by  nature.  With 
so  many  good  gifts,  it  was  a  thousand  pities  that  the  gift 
of  truth  had  been  denied  him.  Never  did  treason  look 
more  amiable,  but  it  was  treason  of  the  blackest  dye.  He 
was  treacherous,  in  the  hour  of  her  utmost  need,  to  the 
country  which  had  trusted  him.  He  was  treacherous  to 
the  great  man  who  had  leaned  upon  his  truth,  when  all 
others  had  abandoned  him.5  He  was  treacherous  from 
the  most  sordid  of  motives — jealousy  of  his  friend  and 
love  of  place  and  pelf;  but  his  subsequent  remorse  and 
his  early  death  have  cast  a  veil  over  the  blackness 
of  his  crime. 

1  Meteren,  x.  168.     Bor,  xiv.  161,  and  Hoofd,  xviii.  423. 

2  See  the  letters  of  Count  John  of  Nassau  and  of  the  Landgrave  William,  in  Archives, 
etc.,  vols.  vL  and  yii    passim.  3  Hoofd,  xviii.  773. 

"  Soet  en  lieflijk  van  conversatie." — Bor,  xvi.  zj6a~ 

5  "  Je  me  suis  trouve', '  wrote  the  Prince  in  March,  1580,  to  Lazarus  Schwendi,  "  et 
trouve  encore  a  present  abandonne"  non  seulement  de  secours  et  assistance,  mais  mesme 
de  communication  et  de  conseil,  en  la  plus  grande  difficult^  du  temps  et  dangereuses 
occurrences  qui  me  tombent  sur  les  bras." — Archives,  vii.  231. 


Dutch  Republic  335 

While  Cornelia  de  Lalain  was  in  Groningen,  Orange  was 
in  Holland.  Intercepted  letters  left  no  doubt  of  the  plot, 
and  it  was  agreed  that  the  Prince,  then  on  his  way  to 
Amsterdam,  should  summon  the  Count  to  an  interview. 
Renneberg 's  trouble  at  the  proximity  of  Orange  could  not 
be  suppressed.1  He  felt  that  he  could  never  look  his 
friend  in  the  face  again.  His  plans  were  not  ripe ;  it  was 
desirable  to  dissemble  for  a  season  longer ;  but  how  could 
he  meet  that  tranquil  eye  which  "  looked  quite  through 
the  deeds  of  men?"  It  was  obvious  to  Renneberg  that  his 
deed  was  to  be  done  forthwith,  if  he  would  escape  dis- 
comfiture. The  Prince  would  soon  be  in  Groningen,  and 
his  presence  would  dispel  the  plots  which  had  been 
secretly  constructed. 

On  the  evening  of  the  3rd  March,  1580,  the  Count 
entertained  a  large  number  of  the  most  distinguished 
families  of  the  place  at  a  ball  and  banquet.  At  the  supper- 
table,  Hildebrand,  chief  burgomaster  of  the  city,  bluntly 
interrogated  his  host  concerning  the  calumnious  reports 
which  were  in  circulation,  expressing  the  hope  that  there 
was  no  truth  in  these  inventions  of  his  enemies.  Thus 
summoned,  Renneberg,  seizing  the  hands  of  Hildebrand 
in  both  his  own,  exclaimed,  "  Oh,  my  father  !  you  whom 
I  esteem  as  my  father,  can  you  suspect  me  of  such  guilt? 
I  pray  you,  trust  me,  and  fear  me  not !"  2 

With  this  he  restored  the  burgomaster  and  all  the  other 
guests  to  confidence.  The  feast  and  dance  proceeded, 
while  Renneberg  was  quietly  arranging  his  plot.  During 
the  night  all  the  leading  patriots  were  taken  out  of  their 
beds,  and  carried  to  prison,  notice  being  at  the  same  time 
given  to  the  secret  adherents  of  Renneberg.  Before  dawn, 
a  numerous  mob  of  boatmen  and  vagrants,  well  armed, 
appeared  upon  the  public  square.  They  bore  torches  and 
standards,  and  amazed  the  quiet  little  city  with  their 
shouts.  The  place  was  formally  taken  into  possession, 
cannon  were  planted  in  front  of  the  town-house  to  command 
the  principal  streets,  and  barricades  erected  at  various 
important  points.  Just  at  daylight,  Renneberg  himself, 
in  complete  armour,  rode  into  the  square,  and  it  was 
observed  that  he  looked  ghastly  as  a  corpse.3  He  was 
followed  by  thirty  troopers,  armed,  like  himself,  from  head 

1  Bor,  xiv.  167.  2  Ibid.     Meteren,  x.  169.     Hoofd,  xvi.  682. 

3  "  Van  't  hooft  ten  voete  gewapent."— Bor,  ubi  sup.  "  In  vollen  harnas."— Hoofd,  xvi. 
682.  "Hysag  anders  niet  dan  een  dood  mensch.  — Bor,  xiv.  i68b.  Heel  bestorven 
om  de  kaaken."— Hoofd,  ubi  sup. 


336 


The  Rise  of  the 


to  foot.  "  Stand  by  me  now,"  he  cried  to  the  assembled 
throng ;  ' '  fail  me  not  at  this  moment,  for  now  I  am  for 
the  first  time  your  stadholder. " 

While  he  was  speaking,  a  few  citizens  of  the  highest 
class  forced  their  way  through  the  throng  and  addressed 
the  mob  in  tones  of  authority.  They  were  evidently 
magisterial  persons  endeavouring  to  quell  the  riot.  As 
they  advanced,  one  of  Renneberg's  men-at-arms  dis- 
charged his  carbine  at  the  foremost  gentleman,  who 
was  no  other  than  burgomaster  Hildebrand.  He  fell  dead 
at  the  feet  of  the  stadholder — of  the  man  who  had  clasped 
his  hands  a  few  hours  before,  called  him  father,  and 
implored  him  to  entertain  no  suspicions  of  his  honour. 
The  death  of  this  distinguished  gentleman  created  a  panic, 
during  which  Renneberg  addressed  his  adherents,  and 
stimulated  them  to  atone  by  their  future  zeal  in  the  King's 
service  for  their  former  delinquency.  A  few  days  after- 
wards the  city  was  formally  reunited  to  the  royal  govern- 
ment, but  the  Count's  measures  had  been  precipitated  to 
such  an  extent,  that  he  was  unable  to  carry  the  province 
with  him,  as  he  had  hoped.  On  the  contrary,  although  he 
had  secured  the  city,  he  had  secured  nothing  else.  He 
was  immediately  beleaguered  by  the  states'  force  in  the 
province  under  the  command  of  Barthold  Entes,  Hohenlo, 
and  Philip  Louis  Nassau,  and  it  was  necessary  to  send 
for  immediate  assistance  from  Parma.1 

The  Prince  of  Orange,  being  thus  bitterly  disappointed 
by  the  treachery  of  his  friend,  and  foiled  in  his  attempt  to 
avert  the  immediate  consequences,  continued  his  inter- 
rupted journey  to  Amsterdam.  Here  he  was  received  with 
unbounded  enthusiasm.2 

1  MS.  holographic  letter  of  Renneberg  to  Prince  of  Parma,  March  3,  1580. — Rec. 
Groning,  et  Renneberg,  i.  69.  Bor,  Meteren,  Hoofd. — Compare  Apologie  d'Orange,  p. 
121.  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  vii.  243-248 ;  Strada,  2,  iii.  135,  136.  Ev.  Reidaui,  li. 
30.  a  Bor,  xiv.  170.  Hoofd,  xvi.  684. 


Dutch  Republic  337 


CHAPTER    IV 

Captivity  of  La  Noue — Cruel  propositions  of  Philip — Siege  of  Groningen — Death  of  Bart- 
hold  Entes — His  character — Hohenlo  commands  in  the  north — His  incompetence — 
He  is  defeated  on  Hardenberg  Heath — Petty  operations — Isolation  of  Orange — Dis- 
satisfaction and  departure  of  Count  John — Remonstrance  of  Archduke  Matthias — 
Embassy  to  Anjou — Holland  and  Zeland  offer  the  sovereignty  to  Orange;— Conquest 
of  Portugal — Granvelle  proposes  the  Ban  against  the  Prince — It  is  published — The 
document  analyzed — The  Apology  of  Orange  analyzed  and  characterized — Siege  of 
Steenwyk  by  Renneberg — Forgeries — Siege  relieved — Death  of  Renneberg — Insti- 
tution of  the  "  Land-Council " — Duchess  of  Parma  sent  to  the  Netherlands — Anger  of 
Alexander — Prohibition  of  Catholic  worship  in  Antwerp,  Utrecht,  and  elsewhere — 
Declaration  of  Independence  by  the  United  Provinces — Negotiations  with  Anjou — 
The  sovereignty  of  Holland  and  Zeland  provisionally  accepted  by  Orange — Triparti- 
tion  of  the  Netherlands — Power  of  the  Prince  described — Act  of  Abjuration  analyzed 
— Philosophy  of  Netherland  politics — Views  of  the  government  compact — Acqui- 
escence by  the  people  in  the  action  of  the  estates — Departure  of  Archduke  Matthias. 

THE  war  continued  in  a  languid  and  desultory  manner  in 
different  parts  of  the  country.  At  an  action  near  Ingel- 
munster,  the  brave  and  accomplished  De  la  Noue  was 
made  prisoner.1  This  was  a  severe  loss  to  the  states, 
a  cruel  blow  to  Orange,  for  he  was  not  only  one  of  the 
most  experienced  soldiers,  but  one  of  the  most  accom- 
plished writers  of  his  age.  His  pen  was  as  celebrated  as 
his  sword.2  In  exchange  for  the  illustrious  Frenchman 
the  states  in  vain  offered  Count  Egmont,  who  had  been 
made  prisoner  a  few  weeks  before,  and  De  Selles,  who 
was  captured  shortly  afterwards.  Parma  answered,  con- 
temptuously, that  he  would  not  give  a  lion  for  two  sheep.3 
Even  Champagny  was  offered  in  addition,  but  without 
success.  Parma  had  written  to  Philip,  immediately  upon 
the  capture,  that,  were  it  not  for  Egmont,  Selles,  and 
others,  then  in  the  power  of  Orange,  he  should  order  the 
execution  of  La  Noue.  Under  the  circumstances,  how- 
ever, he  had  begged  to  be  informed  as  to  his  Majesty's 
pleasure,  and  in  the  meantime  had  placed  the  prisoner  in 
the  castle  of  Limburg,  under  charge  of  De  Billy.4  His 
Majesty,  of  course,  never  signified  his  pleasure,  and  the 
illustrious  soldier  remained  for  five  years  in  a  loathsome 
dungeon  more  befitting  a  condemned  malefactor  than  a 
prisoner  of  war.  It  was  in  the  donjon  keep  of  the  castle, 
lighted  only  by  an  aperture  in  the  roof,  and  was  therefore 
exposed  to  the  rain  and  all  inclemencies  of  the  sky,  while 


1  Bor,  xv.  10.4,  195.     Hoofd,  xvi.  690. 

2  "Che  egh  habbia  saputo,"  says  Bentivoglio,  "  cosi  ben  maneggiare  la  penna  come 
la  spada  ;  e  valere  in  pace  non  punto  meno  che  in  guerra. " — Guerra  di  Fiandra,  z,  i.  249. 

3  Ev.  Reidan.,  Ann.  ii.  39. 

4  Strada,  d.  2,  iii.  155,  156.     Parma  is  said  to  have  hinted  to  Philip  that  De  Billy  would 
willingly  undertake  the  private  assassination  of  La  Noue. — Popeliniere,  Hist,  des  Pays 
Bas,  1556-1584. 


338 


The  Rise  of  the 


rats,  toads,  and  other  vermin  housed  in  the  miry  floor.1 
Here  this  distinguished  personage,  Francis  with  the  Iron 
Arm,  whom  all  Frenchmen,  Catholic  or  Huguenot, 
admired  for  his  genius,  bravery,  and  purity  of  character, 
passed  five  years  of  close  confinement.  The  government 
was  most  anxious  to  take  his  life,  but  the  captivity  of 
Egmont  and  others  prevented  the  accomplishment  of  their 
wishes.  During  this  long  period,  the  wife  and  numerous 
friends  of  La  Noue  were  unwearied  in  their  efforts  to  effect 
his  ransom  or  exchange,2  but  none  of  the  prisoners  in  the 
hands  of  the  patriots  were  considered  a  fair  equivalent. 
The  hideous  proposition  was  even  made  by  Philip  the 
Second  to  La  Noue,  that  he  should  receive  his  liberty  if 
he  would  permit  his  eyes  to  be  put  out,  as  a  preliminary 
condition.  The  fact  is  attested  by  several  letters  written 
by  La  Noue  to  his  wife.  The  prisoner,  wearied,  shat- 
tered in  health,  and  sighing  for  air  and  liberty,  was 
disposed  and  even  anxious  to  accept  the  infamous  offer, 
and  discussed  the  matter  philosophically  in  his  letters. 
That  lady,  however,  horror-struck  at  the  suggestion, 
implored  him  to  reject  the  condition,  which  he  accord- 
ingly consented  to  do.  At  last,  in  June,  1^85,  he  was 
exchanged,  on  extremely  rigorous  terms,  for  Egmont. 
During  his  captivity  in  this  vile  dungeon,  he  composed 
not  only  his  famous  political  and  military  discourses,  but 
several  other  works,  among  the  rest,  Annotations  upon 
Plutarch  and  upon  the  Histories  of  Guicciardini.3 

The  siege  of  Groningen  proceeded,  and  Parma  ordered 
some  forces  under  Martin  Schenck  to  advance  to  its  relief. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  meagre  states'  forces  under  Sonoy, 
Hohenlo,  Entes,  and  Count  John  of  Nassau's  young  son, 
William  Louis,  had  not  yet  made  much  impression  upon 
the  city.4  There  was  little  military  skill  to  atone  for  the 
feebleness  of  the  assailing  army,  although  there  was  plenty 
of  rude  valour.  Barthold  Entes,  a  man  of  desperate 
character,  was  impatient  at  the  dilatoriness  of  the  proceed- 
ings. After  having  been  in  disgrace  with  the  states, 
since  the  downfall  of  his  friend  and  patron,  the  Count  de 

1  Moyse  Amirault :  La  Vie  de  Frangois,  Seigneur  de  la  Noue,  dit  Bras  de  Fer  (Leyde, 
1661),  pp.  267-277.  2  Amirault,  267-298. 

3  "Enrol  on  en  vint  jusques  a  ce  degr£  de  barbaric  que  de  luy  faire  sugge>er  sous 
main,  que  pour  dormer  une  suffisante  caution  de  ne  porter  jamais  les  armes  centre  le  Roy 
Cathplicque,  il  falloit  qu'il  se  laissast  crever  les  yeux.  A  peine  l'eusse-je  creu  si  je  ne 
1'avois  s^eu  que  par  la  lecture  des  histoires  et  par  le  rapport  d'un  tiers.  Mais  7  ou  8 
lettres  qu'il  en  a  faites  de  sa  propre  main  a  sa  femme  m'ontrendu  la  chcse  si  indubitable^ 
que  sur  sa  foy  je  la  donne  icy  pour  telle." — Amirault,  pp.  280,  281-298. — Compare  Strada, 
2,  iii.  156.  4  Bor,  xv.  203-205.  Hoofd,  xvi.  691,  sqq.  Meteren,  x.  169,  170. 


Dutch  Republic  339 

la  Marck,  he  had  recently  succeeded  to  a  regiment  in 
place  of  Colonel  Ysselstein,  "  dismissed  for  a  homicide  or 
two."1  On  the  i7th  of  May,  he  had  been  dining  at 
Rolda,  in  company  with  Hohenlo  and  the  young  Count  of 
Nassau.  Returning  to  the  trenches  in  a  state  of  wild 
intoxication,  he  accosted  a  knot  of  superior  officers,  in- 
forming them  that  they  were  but  boys,  and  that  he  would 
show  them  how  to  carry  the  faubourg  of  Groningen  on 
the  instant.  He  was  answered  that  the  faubourg,  being 
walled  and  moated,  could  be  taken  only  by  escalade  or 
battery.  Laughing  loudly,  he  rushed  forward  toward  the 
counterscarp,  waving  his  sword,  and  brandishing  on  his 
left  arm  the  cover  of  a  butter  firkin,  which  he  had  taken 
instead  of  his  buckler.  He  had  advanced,  however,  but 
a  step,  when  a  bullet  from  the  faubourg  pierced  his  brain, 
and  he  fell  dead  without  a  word.2 

So  perished  one  of  the  wild  founders  of  the  Netherland 
commonwealth — one  of  the  little  band  of  reckless  adven- 
turers who  had  captured  the  town  of  Brill  in  1572,  and 
thus  laid  the  foundation  stone  of  the  republic.  He  was 
in  some  sort  a  type.  His  character  was  emblematical  of 
the  worst  side  of  the  liberating  movement.  Desperate, 
lawless,  ferocious — a  robber  on  land,  a  pirate  by  sea — he 
had  rendered  great  service  in  the  cause  of  his  fatherland, 
and  had  done  it  much  disgrace.  By  the  evil  deeds  of 
men  like  himself,  the  fair  face  of  liberty  had  been  pro- 
faned at  its  first  appearance.  Born  of  a  respectable 
family,  he  had  been  noted,  when  a  student  in  this  very 
Groningen  where  he  had  now  found  his  grave,  for  the 
youthful  profligacy  of  his  character.  After  dissipating 
his  patrimony,  he  had  taken  to  the  sea,  the  legalized 
piracy  of  the  mortal  struggle  with  Spain  offering  a  wel- 
come refuge  to  spendthrifts  like  himself.  In  common 
with  many  a  banished  noble  of  ancient  birth  and  broken 
fortunes,  the  riotous  student  became  a  successful  corsair, 
and  it  is  probable  that  his  prizes  were  made  as  well  among 
the  friends  as  the  enemies  of  his  country.  He  amassed 
in  a  short  time  one  hundred  thousand  crowns — no  con- 
temptible fortune  in  those  days.  He  assisted  La  Marck 
in  the  memorable  attack  upon  Brill,  but  behaved  badly 
and  took  to  flight  when  Mondragon  made  his  memorable 
expedition  to  relieve  Tergoes.3  He  had  subsequently  been 

1  Hoofd,  xvi.  691.        2  Hoofd,  ubi  sup.     Meteren,  x.  1700. — Compare  Bor,  3,  xv.  205. 
3  Meteren,  x.  iyoa. 


340  The  Rise  of  the 

imprisoned  with  La  Marck  for  insubordination,  and  during 
his  confinement  had  dissipated  a  large  part  of  his  fortune. 
In  1576,  after  the  violation  of  the  Ghent  Treaty,  he  had 
returned  to  his  piratical  pursuits,  and  having  prospered 
again  as  rapidly  as  he  had  done  during  his  former  cruises, 
had  been  glad  to  exchange  the  ocean  for  more  honourable 
service  on  shore.  The  result  was  the  tragic  yet  almost 
ludicrous  termination  which  we  have  narrated.  He  left  a 
handsome  property,  the  result  of  his  various  piracies,  or, 
according  to  the  usual  euphemism,  prizes.  He  often  ex- 
pressed regret  at  the  number  of  traders  whom  he  had  cast 
into  the  sea,  complaining,  in  particular,  of  one  victim 
whom  he  had  thrown  overboard,  who  would  never  sink, 
but  who  for  years  long  ever  floated  in  his  wake,  and 
stared  him  in  the  face  whenever  he  looked  over  his  vessel's 
side.  A  gambler,  a  profligate,  a  pirate,  he  had  yet 
rendered  service  to  the  cause  of  freedom,  and  his  name — 
sullying  the  purer  and  nobler  ones  of  other  founders  of 
the  commonwealth — "  is  enrolled  in  the  capitol. "  I 

Count  Philip  Hohenlo,  upon  whom  now  devolved  the 
entire  responsibility  of  the  Groningen  siege  and  of  the 
Friesland  operations,  was  only  a  few  degrees  superior  to 
this  northern  corsair.  A  noble  of  high  degree,  nearly  con- 
nected with  the  Nassau  family,  sprung  of  the  best  blood 
in  Germany,  handsome  and  dignified  in  appearance,  he 
was  in  reality  only  a  debauchee  and  a  drunkard.  Personal 
bravery  was  his  main  qualification  for  a  general ;  a  virtue 
which  he  shared  with  many  of  his  meanest  soldiers.  He 
had  never  learned  the  art  of  war,  nor  had  he  the  least 
ambition  to  acquire  it.  Devoted  to  his  pleasures,  he 
depraved  those  under  his  command,  and  injured  the  cause 
for  which  he  was  contending.2  Nothing  but  defeat  and 
disgrace  were  expected  by  the  purer  patriots  from  such 
guidance.  "The  benediction  of  God,"  wrote  Albada, 
"cannot  be  hoped  for  under  this  chieftain,  who,  by  life 
and  manners,  is  fitter  to  drive  swine  than  to  govern 
pious  and  honourable  men."3 

The  event  justified  the  prophecy.  After  a  few  trifling 
operations  before  Groningen,  Hohenlo  was  summoned  to 

1  Meteren,  x.  170.     Bor,  xv.  205.     Hoofd,  xvi.  691.     Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange, 
vii.  370.     The  names  of  the  band  of  adventurers  who  seized  Brill  are  all  carefully  pre- 
served in  the  records  of  the  Republic. 

2  Letter  of  Albada,  Archives  et  Correspondance,  vii.  370.     Ev.  Reidani,  Ann.  Belg., 
ii.  34. 

3  " qui  porcis  regendis  vita  et  moribus  magis  est  idoneus  quam  bonis  piisque 

defendendis." — Archives  et  Correspondance,  vii.  370. 


Dutch  Republic  341 

the  neighbourhood  of  Coewerden,  by  the  reported  arrival 
of  Martin  Schenck,  at  the  head  of  a  considerable  force. 
On  the  1 5th  of  June,  the  Count  marched  all  night  and  a 
part  of  the  following  morning,  in  search  of  the  enemy. 
He  came  up  with  them  upon  Hardenberg  Heath,  in  a 
broiling  summer  forenoon.  His  men  were  jaded  by  the 
forced  march,  overcome  with  the  heat,  tormented  with 
thirst,  and  unable  to  procure  even  a  drop  of  water.  The 
royalists  were  fresh,  so  that  the  result  of  the  contest 
was  easily  to  be  foreseen.  Hohenlo 's  army  was  annihil- 
ated in  an  hour's  time,  the  whole  population  fled  out  of 
Coewerden,  the  siege  of  Groningen  was  raised,  Renneberg 
was  set  free  to  resume  his  operations  on  a  larger  scale, 
and  the  fate  of  all  the  north-eastern  provinces  was  once 
more  swinging  in  the  wind.1  The  boors  of  Drenthe  and 
Friesland  rose  again.  They  had  already  mustered  in  the 
field  at  an  earlier  season  of  the  year  in  considerable  force. 
Calling  themselves  "  the  desperates,"  and  bearing  on 
their  standard  an  egg-shell  with  the  yolk  running  out — 
to  indicate  that  having  lost  the  meat  they  were  yet  ready 
to  fight  for  the  shell — they  had  swept  through  the  open 
country,  pillaging  and  burning.  Hohenlo  had  defeated 
them  in  two  encounters,  slain  a  large  number  of  their 
forces,  and  reduced  them  for  a  time  to  tranquillity.2  His 
late  overthrow  once  more  set  them  loose.  Renneberg, 
always  apt  to  be  over-elated  in  prosperity,  as  he  was 
unduly  dejected  in  adversity,  now  assumed  all  the  airs  of 
a  conqueror.  He  had  hardly  eight  thousand  men  under 
his  orders,3  but  his  strength  lay  in  the  weakness  of  his 
adversaries.  A  small  war  now  succeeded,  with  small 
generals,  small  armies,  small  campaigns,  small  sieges. 
For  the  time,  the  Prince  of  Orange  was  even  obliged  to 
content  himself  with  such  a  general  as  Hohenlo.  As 
usual,  he  was  almost  alone.  "  Donee  eris  felix,"  said  he, 
emphatically — 

"  multos  numerabis  amicos, 
Tempora  cum  erunt  nubila,  nullus  erit,"4 

and  he  was  this  summer  doomed  to  a  still  harder  depri- 
vation by  the  final  departure  of  his  brother  John  from 
the  Netherlands. 

The   Count  had  been  wearied   out   by   petty   miseries.5 

1  Bor,  xy.  207.     Meteren,  x.  170,  171.     Hoofd,  xvi.  693,  694.     Strada,  2,  iv.  169-172. 

2  Bor,  xiv.  177-178.  3  Ibid.,  xv.  2210. 

4  Archives,  vii.  231,  Letter  to  Lazarus  Schwendi. 

5  See  the  letters  of  Count  John  in  Archives,  vol.  vii.,  passim;  particularly  letters  929, 
93°»  93T»  932i  974»  IOI9»  an<l  the  Memoir  on  pages  510-530. 


342  The  Rise  of  the 

His  stadholderate  of  Gelderland  had  overwhelmed  him 
with  annoyance,  for  throughout  the  north-eastern  pro- 
vinces there  was  neither  system  nor  subordination.  The 
magistrates  could  exercise  no  authority  over  an  army 
which  they  did  not  pay,  or  a  people  whom  they  did  not 
protect.  There  were  endless  quarrels  between  the  vari- 
ous boards  of  municipal  and  provincial  government — 
particularly  concerning  contributions  and  expenditures.1 
During  this  wrangling,  the  country  was  exposed  to  the 
forces  of  Parma,  to  the  private  efforts  of  the  Malcontents, 
to  the  unpaid  soldiery  of  the  states,  to  the  armed  and 
rebellious  peasantry.  Little  heed  was  paid  to  the  admoni- 
tions of  Count  John,  who  was  of  a  hotter  temper  than 
v/as  the  tranquil  Prince.  The  stadholder  gave  way  to 
fits  of  passion  at  the  meanness  and  the  insolence  to  which 
he  was  constantly  exposed.  He  readily  recognized  his 
infirmity,  and  confessed  himself  unable  to  accommodate 
his  irascibility  to  the  "  humores  "  of  the  inhabitants. 
There  was  often  sufficient  cause  for  his  petulance.  Never 
had  praetor  of  a  province  a  more  penurious  civil  list. 
"The  baker  has  given  notice,"  wrote  Count  John,  in 
November,  "  that  he  will  supply  no  more  bread  after  to- 
morrow, unless  he  is  paid."  The  states  would  furnish 
no  money  to  pay  the  bill.  It  was  no  better  with  the 
butcher.  '  The  cook  has  often  no  meat  to  roast,"  said 
the  Count,  in  the  same  letter,  "  so  that  we  are  often 
obliged  to  go  supperless  to  bed."  His  lodgings  were  a 
half-roofed,  half-finished,  unfurnished  barrack,  where  the 
stadholder  passed  his  winter  days  and  evenings  in  a 
small,  dark,  freezing-cold  chamber,  often  without  fire- 
wood.2 Such  circumstances  were  certainly  not  calculated 
to  excite  envy.  When  in  addition  to  such  wretched 

1  When  the  extraordinary  generosity  of  the  Count  himself,  and  the  altogether  unex- 
ampled sacrifices  of  the  Prince,  are  taken  into  account,  it  may  well  be  supposed  that  the 
patience  of  the  brothers  would  be  sorely  tried  by  the  parsimony  of  the  states.     It  appears 
by  a  document  laid  before  the  states-general  in  the  winter  of  1^80-1581,  that  the  Count 
had  himself  advanced  to  Orange  570,000  florins  in  the  cause.     The  total  of  money  spent 
by  the  Prince  himself  for  the  sake  of  Netherland  liberty  was  2,200,000.     These  vast 
sums  had  been  raised  in  various  ways  and  from  various  personages.     His  estates  were 
deeply  hypothecated,  and  his  creditors  so  troublesome,  that,  in  his  own  language,  he  was 
unable  to  attend  properly  to  public  affairs,  so  frequent  and  so  threatening  were  the 
applications  made  upon  him  for  payment.     Day  by  day  he  felt  the  necessity  advancing 
more  closely  upon  him  of  placing  himself  personally  in  the  hands  of  his  creditors,  and 
making  over  his  estates  to  their  mercy  until  the  uttermost  farthing  should  be  paid.     In 
his  two  campaigns  against  Alva  (1568  and  1572)  he  had  spent  1,050,000  florins.     He  owed 
the  Elector  Palatine  150,000  florins,  the  Landgrave  60,000,  Count  John  570,000,  and  other 
sums  to  other  individuals. — Staat  ende  kort  begrip  van  het  geen,  M.  E.  Heere  den  P.  van 
Orange  betalt  ma?  hebben  mitsgaders  het  geene  syne  V.  G.  schuldig  is  gebleeven,  etc. 
Ordin.  Depechen  Boek,  An.  1580,  1581,  f.  245vo.  sqq.  MS.  Hague  Archives. 

2  Archives  et  Correspondance,  vii.  109,  113,  328,  329. 


Dutch  Republic  343 

parsimony  it  is  remembered  that  the  Count  was  perpetu- 
ally worried  by  the  quarrels  of  the  provincial  authorities 
with  each  other  and  with  himself,  he  may  be  forgiven  for 
becoming  thoroughly  exhausted  at  last.  He  was  growing 
"  grey  and  grizzled  "  with  perpetual  perplexity.  He  had 
been  fed  with  annoyance,  as  if — to  use  his  own  homely 
expression — "he  had  eaten  it  with  a  spoon."  Having 
already  loaded  himself  with  a  debt  of  six  hundred  thou- 
sand florins,  which  he  had  spent  in  the  states'  service, 
and  having  struggled  manfully  against  the  petty  tortures 
of  his  situation,  he  cannot  be  severely  censured  for  relin- 
quishing his  post.1  The  affairs  of  his  own  Countship 
were  in  great  confusion.  His  children — boys  and  girls — 
were  many,  and  needed  their  father's  guidance,  while  the 
eldest,  William  Louis,  was  already  in  arms  for  the  Nether- 
lands, following  the  instincts  of  his  race.  Distinguished 
for  a  rash  valour,  which  had  already  gained  the  rebuke  of 
his  father,  and  the  applause  of  his  comrades,  he  had  com- 
menced his  long  and  glorious  career  by  receiving  a  severe 
wound  at  Coewerden,  which  caused  him  to  halt  for  life.2 
Leaving  so  worthy  a  representative,  the  Count  was  more 
justified  in  his  departure. 

His  wife,  too,  had  died  in  his  absence,  and  household 
affairs  required  his  attention.  It  must  be  confessed,  how- 
ever, that  if  the  memory  of  his  deceased  spouse  had  its 
claims,  the  selection  of  her  successor  was  still  more 
prominent  among  his  anxieties.  The  worthy  gentleman 
had  been  supernaturally  directed  as  to  his  second  choice, 
ere  that  choice  seemed  necessary,  for  before  the  news  of 
his  wife's  death  had  reached  him,  the  Count  dreamed 
that  he  was  already  united  in  second  nuptials  to  the  fair 
Cunigunda,  daughter  of  the  deceased  Elector  Palatine — 
a  vision  which  was  repeated  many  times.  On  the  morrow 
he  learned,  to  his  amazement,  that  he  was  a  widower, 
and  entertained  no  doubt  that  he  had  been  specially 
directed  towards  the  Princess  seen  in  his  slumbers,  whom 
he  had  never  seen  in  life.3  His  friends  were  in  favour 
of  his  marrying  the  Electress  Dowager,  rather  than  her 
daughter,  whose  years  numbered  less  than  half  his  own. 
The  honest  Count,  however,  "  after  ripe  consideration," 

1  Archives  et  Correspondance,  vii.  334,  487. 

2  Bor,  xv.  216.     Archives,  etc.,  vii.  383-386.     Hoofd,  xvii.  707. 

3  Archives,  etc.,  vii.  323,  sqq.     This  conviction  of  divine  interposition  was  inserted  in 
the  marriage  contract. — Vide  Memorial  von  Gr.   Ernst  zu  Schawenburg  and  Dr.  Jacob 
Schwartz.     Archives  et  Correspondance,  vii.  361,  sqq. 


344  The  Rise  of  the 

decidedly  preferred  the  maid  to  the  widow.  "  I  con- 
fess," he  said,  with  much  gravity,  "  that  the  marriage 
with  the  old  Electress,  in  respect  of  her  God-fearing 
disposition,  her  piety,  her  virtue,  and  the  like,  would  be 
much  more  advisable.  Moreover,  as  she  hath  borne  her 
cross,  and  knows  how  to  deal  with  gentlemen,  so  much 
the  better  would  it  be  for  me.  Nevertheless,  inasmuch  as 
she  has  already  had  two  husbands,  is  of  a  tolerable  age, 
and  is  taller  of  stature  than  myself,  my  inclination  is  less 
towards  her  than  towards  her  daughter."1 

For  these  various  considerations,  Count  John,  notwith- 
standing the  remonstrances  of  his  brother,  definitely  laid 
down  his  government  of  Gelderland,  and  quitted  the  Ne- 
therlands about  midsummer.2  Enough  had  not  been  done, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  Prince,  so  long  as  aught  remained  to 
do,  and  he  could  not  bear  that  his  brother  should  desert 
the  country  in  the  hour  of  its  darkness,  or  doubt  the 
Almighty  when  his  hand  was  veiled  in  clouds.  "  One 
must  do  one's  best,"  said  he,  "  and  believe  that  when 
such  misfortunes  happen,  God  desires  to  prove  us.  If 
He  sees  that  we  do  not  lose  our  courage,  He  will  assuredly 
help  us.  Had  we  thought  otherwise,  we  should  never 
have  pierced  the  dykes  on  a  memorable  occasion,  for  it 
was  an  uncertain  thing  and  a  great  sorrow  for  the  poor 
people ;  yet  did  God  bless  the  undertaking.  He  will  bless 
us  still,  for  his  arm  hath  not  been  shortened."3 

On  the  22nd  of  July,  1580,  the  Archduke  Matthias, 
being  fully  aware  of  the  general  tendency  of  affairs,  sum- 
moned a  meeting  of  the  generality  in  Antwerp.  He  did 
not  make  his  appearance  before  the  assembly,  but  re- 
quested that  a  deputation  might  wait  upon  him  at  his 
lodgings,  and  to  this  committee  he  unfolded  his  griefs. 
He  expressed  his  hope  that  the  states  were  not — in  viola- 
tion of  the  laws  of  God  and  man — about  to  throw  them- 
selves into  the  arms  of  a  foreign  prince.  He  reminded 
them  of  their  duty  to  the  holy  Catholic  religion,  and  to  the 
illustrious  house  of  Austria,  while  he  also  pathetically 
called  their  attention  to  the  necessities  of  his  own  house- 
hold, and  hoped  that  they  would,  at  least,  provide  for  the 
arrears  due  to  his  domestics.4 

1  Archives  et  Correspondance,  vii.  325  and  364,  note. — "Item:"  says  the  marriage 
memorial  already  cited,  "  the  widow  is  a  tolerably  stout  person,  which  would  be  almost 
derogatory  to  his  Grace.  When  they  should  be  in  company  of  other  gentlemen  and 
ladies,  or  should  be  walking  together  in  the  streets,  his  Grace  would  seem  almost  little  at 
her  side." — Memoir  of  Dr.  Schwartz.  2  Archives,  etc.,  vii.  390. 

8  Archives  et  Correspondance,  vii.  316.  4  Bor,  xv.  212,  213. 


Dutch  Republic  345 

The  states-general  replied  with  courtesy  as  to  the  per- 
sonal claims  of  the  Archduke.  For  the  rest,  they  took 
higher  grounds,  and  the  coming  declaration  of  indepen- 
dence already  pierced  through  the  studied  decorum  of 
their  language.  They  defended  their  negotiations  with 
Anjou  on  the  ground  of  necessity,  averring  that  the  King 
of  Spain  had  proved  inexorable  to  all  intercession,  while, 
through  the  intrigues  of  their  bitterest  enemies,  they  had 
been  entirely  forsaken  by  the  Empire.1 

Soon  afterwards,  a  special  legation,  with  Sainte  Alde- 
gonde  at  its  head,  was  despatched  to  France  to  consult 
with  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  and  settled  terms  of  agreement 
with  him  by  the  treaty  of  Plessis  les  Tours  (on  the  2gth 
of  September,  1580),  afterwards  definitely  ratified  by  the 
convention  of  Bordeaux,  signed  on  the  23rd  of  the  follow- 
ing January.2 

The  states  of  Holland  and  Zeland,  however,  kept  en- 
tirely aloof  from  this  transaction,  being  from  the  begin- 
ning opposed  to  the  choice  of  Anjou.  From  the  first  to 
the  last,  they  would  have  no  master  but  Orange,  and  to 
him,  therefore,  this  year  they  formally  offered  the 
sovereignty  of  their  provinces;  but  they  offered  it  in 
vain. 

The  conquest  of  Portugal  had  effected  a  diversion  in 
the  affairs  of  the  Netherlands.  It  was  but  a  transitory 
one.  The  provinces  found  the  hopes  which  they  had  built 
upon  the  necessity  of  Spain  for  large  supplies  in  the 
peninsula — to  their  own  consequent  relief — soon  changed 
into  fears,  for  the  rapid  success  of  Alva  in  Portugal  gave 
his  master  additional  power  to  oppress  the  heretics  of 
the  north.  Henry,  the  Cardinal  King,  had  died  in  1580, 
after  succeeding  to  the  youthful  adventurer,  Don  Sebas- 
tian, slain  during  his  chivalrous  African  campaign  (4th 
of  August,  1578).  The  contest  for  the  succession  which 
opened  upon  the  death  of  the  aged  monarch  was  brief, 
and  in  fifty-eight  days,  the  bastard  Antonio,  Philip's  only 
formidable  competitor,  had  been  utterly  defeated  and 
driven  forth  to  lurk,  like  a  hunted  wild  beast,  among 
rugged  mountain  caverns,  with  a  price  of  a  hundred 
thousand  crowns  upon  his  head.3  In  the  course  of  the 
succeeding  year,  Philip  received  homage  at  Lisbon  as 

1  Bor,  xv.  212,  213.  2  Ibid.,  214. 

3  Cabrera,  xii.  cap.  29;    xiii.  cap.    i,  2,    5,    6,    pp.    1095-1139.      Bor,  xiv.   178,   sqq. 
Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange,  vii.  398,  sqq. 


346 


The  Rise  of  the 


King-  of  Portugal.1  From  the  moment  of  this  conquest, 
he  was  more  disposed,  and  more  at  leisure  than  ever, 
to  vent  his  wrath  against  the  Netherlands,  and  against 
the  man  whom  he  considered  the  incarnation  of  their 
revolt. 

Cardinal  Granvelle  had  ever  whispered  in  the  King's 
ear  the  expediency  of  taking  off  the  Prince  by  assassina- 
tion. It  has  been  seen  how  subtly  distilled,  and  how 
patiently  hoarded,  was  this  priest's  venom  against  in- 
dividuals, until  the  time  arrived  when  he  could  administer 
the  poison  with  effect.  His  hatred  of  Orange  was  intense 
and  of  ancient  date.  He  was  of  opinion,  too,  that  the 
Prince  might  be  scared  from  the  post  of  duty,  even  if  the 
assassin's  hand  were  not  able  to  reach  his  heart.  He  was 
in  favour  of  publicly  setting  a  price  upon  his  head — think- 
ing that  if  the  attention  of  all  the  murderers  in  the  world 
were  thus  directed  towards  the  illustrious  victim,  the 
Prince  would  tremble  at  the  dangers  which  surrounded 
him.  "  A  sum  of  money  would  be  well  employed  in  this 
way,"  said  the  Cardinal,  "  and,  as  the  Prince  of  Orange 
is  a  vile  coward,  fear  alone  will  throw  him  into  confu- 
sion."2 Again,  a  few  months  later,  renewing  the  sub- 
ject, he  observed,  "  'Twould  be  well  to  offer  a  reward 
of  thirty  or  forty  thousand  crowns  to  any  one  who  will 
deliver  the  Prince,  dead  or  alive ;  since  from  very  fear  of 
it — as  he  is  pusillanimous — it  would  not  be  unlikely  that 
he  should  die  of  his  own  accord."3 

The  King,  accepting1  the  priest's  advice,  resolved  to  ful- 
minate a  ban  against  the  Prince,  and  to  set  a  price  upon 
his  head.  "  It  will  be  well,"  wrote  Philip  to  Parma,  "  to 
offer  thirty  thousand  crowns  or  so  to  any  one  who  will 
deliver  him  dead  or  alive.  Thus  the  country  may  be  rid 
of  a  man  so  pernicious;  or  at  any  rate  he  will  be  held 
in  perpetual  fear,  and  therefore  prevented  from  executing 
leisurely  his  designs."4 

1  He  wore  on  the  occasion  of  the  ceremony  "  a  cassock  of  cramoisy  brocade,  with  large 
folds."    With  his  sceptre  grasped  in  his  right  hand,  and  his  crown  upon  his  head,  he 
looked,  says  his  enthusiastic  biographer,  "like  King  David — red,  handsome,  and  vener- 
able."    "  Parecia  al  Rey  David,  rojo,  hermoso  a  la  vista,  i  venerable  en  la  Majestad  que 
representaba." — Cabrera,  xiii.  1126. 

2  Archives,  etc.,  vii.  166. — "Yqualquier  dinero  seria  muy  bien  empleado y  como 

es  vil  y  cobarde,  el  miedo  le  pondria  en  confusion."— Letter  of  the  Cardinal  to  Philip, 
August  8,  1579. 

3  "  Tambien  se  podria  al  Principe  d'Oranges  poner  talla  de  30  o  40  mil  escudos,  k  quien 
le  matasse  o  di£sse  vivo,  como  ha7en  todos  los  potentados  de  Italia,  pues  con  miedo  solo 
desto  como  es  pusillanime,  no  seria  mucho  morie'sse  de  suyo,"  etc. — Ibid. 

4  Archives,  vii.  165-170.     Letter  of  Philip  to  the  Prince  of  Parma,  Nov  30,  1579.     The 
letter,  says  Groen  v.  Prinsterer,  was  doubtless  dictated  by  Granvelle, 


Dutch  Republic  347 

In  accordance  with  these  suggestions  and  these  hopes, 
the  famous  ban  was  accordingly  drawn  up,  and  dated 
on  the  1 5th  of  March,  1580.  It  was,  however,  not 
formally  published  in  the  Netherlands  until  the  month  of 
June  of  the  same  year.1 

This  edict  will  remain  the  most  lasting  monument  to 
the  memory  of  Cardinal  Granvelle.  It  will  be  read  when 
all  his  other  state-papers  and  epistles — able  as  they  in- 
contestably  are — shall  have  passed  into  oblivion.  No 
panegyric  of  friend,  no  palliating  magnanimity  of  foe, 
can  roll  away  this  rock  of  infamy  from  his  tomb.  It  was 
by  Cardinal  Granvelle  and  by  Philip  that  a  price  was 
set  upon  the  head  of  the  foremost  man  of  his  age,  as 
if  he  had  been  a  savage  beast,  and  that  admission  into 
the  ranks  of  Spain's  haughty  nobility  was  made  the 
additional  bribe  to  tempt  the  assassin. 

The  ban 2  consisted  of  a  preliminary  narrative  to 
justify  the  penalty  with  which  it  was  concluded.  It  re- 
ferred to  the  favours  conferred  by  Philip  and  his  father 
upon  the  Prince ;  to  his  signal  ingratitude  and  dissimula- 
tion. It  accused  him  of  originating  the  Request,  the 
image-breaking,  and  the  public  preaching.  It  censured 
his  marriage  with  an  abbess — even  during  the  lifetime  of 
his  wife;  alluded  to  his  campaigns  against  Alva,  to  his 
rebellion  in  Holland,  and  to  the  horrible  massacres  com- 
mitted by  Spaniards  in  that  province — as  the  necessary 
consequences  of  his  treason.  It  accused  him  of  introduc- 
ing liberty  of  conscience,  of  procuring  his  own  appointment 
as  Ruward,  of  violating  the  Ghent  Treaty,  of  foiling  the 
efforts  of  Don  John,  and  of  frustrating  the  counsels  of 
the  Cologne  commissioners  by  his  perpetual  distrust.  It 
charged  him  with  a  newly-organized  conspiracy,  in  the 
erection  of  the  Utrecht  Union;  and  for  these  and  similar 
crimes — set  forth  with  involutions,  slow,  spiral,  and 
cautious  as  the  head  and  front  of  the  indictment  was 
direct  and  deadly — it  denounced  the  chastisement  due 
to  the  "  wretched  hypocrite  "  who  had  committed  such 
offences. 

"  For  these  causes,"  concluded  the  ban,  "  we  declare 
him  traitor  and  miscreant,  enemy  of  ourselves  and  of  the 
country.  As  such  we  banish  him  perpetually  from  all 
our  realms,  forbidding  all  our  subjects,  of  whatever 

1  Wagenaer,  Vad.  Hist.,  vii.  345,  346. 

2  It  is  appended  to  the  "  Apologie,"  in  the  edition  of  Sylvius,  pp.  145-160. 


348 


The  Rise  of  the 


quality,  to  communicate  with  him  openly  or  privately — 
to  administer  to  him  victuals,  drink,  fire,  or  other  neces- 
saries. We  allow  all  to  injure  him  in  property  or  life. 
We  expose  the  said  William  Nassau  as  an  enemy  of  the 
human  race — giving-  his  property  to  all  who  may  seize  it. 
And  if  any  one  of  our  subjects  or  any  stranger  should 
be  found  sufficiently  generous  of  heart  to  rid  us  of  this 
pest,  delivering  him  to  us,  alive  or  dead,  or  taking  his 
life,  we  will  cause  to  be  furnished  to  him  immediately 
after  the  deed  shall  have  been  done,  the  sum  of  twenty- 
five  thousand  crowns  in  gold.  If  he  have  committed  any 
crime,  however  heinous,  we  promise  to  pardon  him;  and 
if  he  be  not  already  noble,  we  will  ennoble  him  for  his 
valour." 

Such  was  the  celebrated  ban  against  the  Prince  of 
Orange.  It  was  answered  before  the  end  of  the  year 
by  the  memorable  "  Apology  of  the  Prince  of  Orange," 
one  of  the  most  startling  documents  in  history.  No 
defiance  was  ever  thundered  forth  in  the  face  of  a  despot 
in  more  terrible  tones.  It  had  become  sufficiently  mani- 
fest to  the  royal  party  that  the  Prince  was  not  to  be  pur- 
chased by  "  millions  of  money,"  or  by  unlimited  family 
advancement — not  to  be  cajoled  by  flattery  or  offers  of 
illustrious  friendship.  It  had  been  decided,  therefore, 
to  terrify  him  into  retreat,  or  to  remove  him  by  murder. 
The  government  had  been  thoroughly  convinced  that  the 
only  way  to  finish  the  revolt,  was  to  "  finish  Orange," 
according  to  the  ancient  advice  of  Antonio  Perez.  The 
mask  was  thrown  off.  It  had  been  decided  to  forbid  the 
Prince  bread,  water,  fire,  and  shelter;  to  give  his  wealth 
to  the  fisc,  his  heart  to  the  assassin,  his  soul,  as  it  was 
hoped,  to  the  Father  of  Evil.  The  rupture  being  thus 
complete,  it  was  right  that  the  "  wretched  hypocrite" 
should  answer  ban  with  ban,  royal  denunciation  with 
sublime  scorn.  He  had  ill  deserved,  however,  the  title  of 
hypocrite,  he  said.  When  the  friend  of  government,  he 
had  warned  them  that  by  their  complicated  and  perpetual 
persecutions  they  were  twisting  the  rope  of  their  own 
ruin.  Was  that  hypocrisy?  Since  becoming  their  enemy, 
there  had  likewise  been  little  hypocrisy  found  in  him — 
unless  it  was  hypocrisy  to  make  open  war  upon  govern- 
ment, to  take  their  cities,  to  expel  their  armies  from 
the  country. 

The   proscribed   rebel,    towering   to   a  moral   and   even 


Dutch  Republic  349 

social  superiority  over  the  man  who  affected  to  be  his 
master  by  right  divine,  repudiated  the  idea  of  a  king-  in 
the  Netherlands.  The  word  might  be  legitimate  in  Castile, 
or  Naples,  or  the  Indies,  but  the  provinces  knew  no  such 
title.  Philip  had  inherited  in  those  countries  only  the 
power  of  Duke  or  Count — a  power  closely  limited  by  con- 
stitutions more  ancient  than  his  birthright.  Orange  was 
no  rebel  then — Philip  no  legitimate  monarch.  Even  were 
the  Prince  rebellious,  it  was  no  more  than  Philip's  ances- 
tor, Albert  of  Austria,  had  been  towards  his  anointed  sove- 
reign, Emperor  Adolphus  of  Nassau,  ancestor  of  William. 
The  ties  of  allegiance  and  conventional  authority  being 
severed,  it  had  become  idle  for  the  King  to  affect  superior- 
ity of  lineage  to  the  man  whose  family  had  occupied  illus- 
trious stations  when  the  Habsburgs  were  obscure  squires 
in  Switzerland,  and  had  ruled  as  sovereign  in  the  Nether- 
lands before  that  overshadowing  house  had  ever  been 
named. 

But  whatever  the  hereditary  claims  of  Philip  in  the 
country,  he  had  forfeited  them  by  the  violation  of  his 
oaths,  by  his  tyrannical  suppression  of  the  charters  of  the 
land ;  while  by  his  personal  crimes  he  had  lost  all  pretension 
to  sit  in  judgment  upon  his  fellow  man.  Was  a  people 
not  justified  in  rising  against  authority  when  all  their 
laws  had  been  trodden  under  foot,  "  not  once  only,  but  a 
million  of  times?" — and  was  William  of  Orange,  lawful 
husband  of  the  virtuous  Charlotte  de  Bourbon,  to  be  de- 
nounced for  moral  delinquency  by  a  lascivious,  incestuous, 
adulterous,  and  murderous  King?  With  horrible  distinct- 
ness he  laid  before  the  monarch  all  the  crimes  of  which 
he  believed  him  guilty,  and  having  thus  told  Philip  to  his 
beard,  "thus  didst  thou,"  he  had  a  withering  word  for 
the  priest  who  stood  at  his  back.  "  Tell  me,"  he  cried, 
"  by  whose  command  Cardinal  Granvelle  administered 
poison  to  Emperor  Maximilian?  I  know  what  the  Emperor 
told  me,  and  how  much  fear  he  felt  afterwards  for  the 
King  and  for  all  Spaniards." 

He  ridiculed  the  effrontery  of  men  like  Philip  and 
Granvelle,  in  charging  "  distrust  upon  others,  when  it  was 
the  very  atmosphere  of  their  own  existence."  He  pro- 
claimed that  sentiment  to  be  the  only  salvation  for  the 
country.  He  reminded  Philip  of  the  words  which  his  name- 
sake of  Macedon — a  school-boy  in  tyranny,  compared  to 
himself — had  heard  from  the  lips  of  Demosthenes — that 


350  The  Rise  of  the 

the  strongest  fortress  of  a  free  people  against  a  tyrant  was 
distrust.  That  sentiment,  worthy  of  eternal  memory,  the 
Prince  declared  that  he  had  taken  from  the  "  divine  philip- 
pic," to  engrave  upon  the  heart  of  the  nation,  and  he 
prayed  God  that  he  might  be  more  readily  believed  than 
the  great  orator  had  been  by  his  people. 

He  treated  with  scorn  the  price  set  upon  his  head,  ridi- 
culing this  project  to  terrify  him,  for  its  want  of  novelty, 
and  asking  the  monarch  if  he  supposed  the  rebel  ignorant 
of  the  various  bargains  which  had  frequently  been  made 
before  with  cut-throats  and  poisoners  to  take  away  his 
life.  "I  am  in  the  hand  of  God,"  said  William  of 
Orange;  "  my  worldly  goods  and  my  life  have  been  long 
since  dedicated  to  his  service.  He  will  dispose  of  them 
as  seems  best  for  his  glory  and  my  salvation." 

On  the  contrary,  however,  if  it  could  be  demonstrated, 
or  even  hoped,  that  his  absence  would  benefit  the  cause  of 
the  country,  he  proclaimed  himself  ready  to  go  into  exile. 
"  Would  to  God,"  said  he,  in  conclusion,  "  that  my  per- 
petual banishment,  or  even  my  death,  could  bring  you  a 
true  deliverance  from  so  many  calamities.  Oh,  how  con- 
soling would  be  such  banishment — how  sweet  such  a 
death  !  For  why  have  I  exposed  my  property  ?  Was  it 
that  I  might  enrich  myself  ?  Why  have  I  lost  my  brothers  ? 
Was  it  that  I  might  find  new  ones?  Why  have  I  left  my 
son  so  long  a  prisoner?  Can  you  give  me  another?  Why 
have  I  put  my  life  so  often  in  danger?  What  reward  can 

I  hope  after  my  long  services,  and  the  almost  total  wreck 
of  my  earthly  fortunes,  if  not  the  prize  of  having  acquired, 
perhaps  at  the  expense  of  my  life,  your  liberty?    If  then, 
my  masters,  you  judge  that  my  absence  or  my  death  can 
serve  you,  behold  me  ready  to  obey.    Command  me — send 
me  to  the  ends  of  the  earth — I  will  obey.    Here  is  my  head, 
over  which  no  prince,  no  monarch,  has  power  but  your- 
selves.    Dispose  of  it  for  your  good,  for  the  preservation 
of   your    republic,    but    if   you    judge   that   the    moderate 
amount  of  experience  and  industry  which  is  in  me,  if  you 
judge  that  the  remainder  of  my  property  and  of  my  life 
can  yet  be  a  service  to  you,  I  dedicate  them  afresh  to  you 
and  to  the  country."1 

His  motto — most  appropriate  to  his  life  and  character — 

II  Je   maintiendrai,"    was   the   concluding   phrase    of   the 
document.      His  arms  and  signature  were  also  formally 

l  Apologie,  pp.  140,  141. 


Dutch  Republic  351 

appended,  and  the  Apology,  translated  into  most  modern 
languages,  was  sent  to  nearly  every  potentate  in  Christen- 
dom.1 It  had  been  previously,  on  the  i3th  of  December, 
1580,  read  before  the  assembly  of  the  united  states  at 
Delft,  and  approved  as  cordially  as  the  ban  was  indig- 
nantly denounced.2 

During  the  remainder  of  the  year  1580,  and  the  half  of 
the  following  year,  the  seat  of  hostilities  was  mainly  in 
the  north-east — Parma,  while  waiting  the  arrival  of  fresh 
troops,  being  inactive.  The  operations,  like  the  armies  and 
the  generals,  were  petty.  Hohenlo  was  opposed  to  Renne- 
berg.  After  a  few  insignificant  victories,  the  latter  laid 
siege  to  Steenwyk,3  a  city  in  itself  of  no  great  importance, 
but  the  key  to  the  province  of  Drenthe.  The  garrison 
consisted  of  six  hundred  soldiers,  and  half  as  many  trained 
burghers.  Renneberg,  having  six  thousand  foot  and 
twelve  hundred  horse,  summoned  the  place  to  surrender, 
but  was  answered  with  defiance.  Captain  Cornput,  who 
had  escaped  from  Groningen,  after  unsuccessfully  warning 
the  citizens  of  Renneberg 's  meditated  treason,  commanded 
in  Steenwyk,  and  his  courage  and  cheerfulness  sustained 
the  population  of  the  city  during  a  close  winter  siege. 
Tumultuous  mobs  in  the  streets  demanding  that  the  place 
should  be  given  over  ere  it  was  too  late,  he  denounced  to 
their  faces  as  "  flocks  of  gabbling  geese,"  unworthy  the 
attention  of  brave  men.  To  a  butcher  who,  with  the 
instinct  of  his  craft,  begged  to  be  informed  what  the 
population  were  to  eat  when  the  meat  was  all  gone,  he 
coolly  observed,  "  We  will  eat  you,  villain,  first  of  all, 
when  the  time  comes ;  so  go  home  and  rest  assured  that 
you,  at  least,  are  not  to  die  of  starvation."4  With  such 
rough  but  cheerful  admonitions  did  the  honest  soldier,  at 
the  head  of  his  little  handful,  sustain  the  courage  of  the 
beleaguered  city.  Meantime  Renneberg  pressed  it  hard. 
He  bombarded  it  with  red-hot  balls,  a  new  invention  intro- 

1  Wagenaer,  vii.  354. 

2  Ibid.     Archives  et  Correspondance,  vii.   480. — The  "Apologie"  was  drawn  up  by 
Villiers,  a  clergyman  of  learning  and  talent.     (Vide  Duplessis  Mornay,  note  to  De  Thou, 
v.   813,  La  Have,  1740.)    No  man,  however,  at  all  conversant  with  the  writings  and 
speeches  of  the  Prince,  can  doubt  that  the  entire  substance  of  the  famous  document  was 
from  his  own  hand.     The  whole  was  submitted  to  him  for  his  final  emendations,  and  it 
seems  by  no  means  certain  that  it  derived  anything  from  the  hand  of  Villiers,  save  the 
artistic  arrangement  of  the  parts,  together  with  certain  inflations  of  style,  by  which  the 
general  effect  is  occasionally  marred.     The  appearance  of  the  Apology  created  both 
admiration  and  alarm  among  the  friends  of  its  author.     "  Now  is  the  Prince  a  dead 
man,"  cried  Sainte  Aldegonde,  when  he  read  it  in  France. — Hoofd,  xvii.  735. 

•*  Bor,  xv.  219,  221.     Hoofd,  xvii.  710.     Meteren,  x.  176,  sqq. 
4  Hoofd,  xvii.  715.     Meteren,  x.  i78a. 


352  The  Rise  of  the 

duced  five  years  before  by  Stephen  Bathor,  King  of 
Poland,  at  the  siege  of  Dantzig.1  Many  houses  were 
consumed,  but  still  Cornput  and  the  citizens  held  firm. 
As  the  winter  advanced,  and  the  succour  which  had  been 
promised  still  remained  in  the  distance,  Renneberg  began 
to  pelt  the  city  with  sarcasms,  which,  it  was  hoped,  might 
prove  more  effective  than  the  red-hot  balls.  He  sent  a 
herald  to  know  if  the  citizens  had  eaten  all  their  horses 
yet;  a  question  which  was  answered  by  an  ostentatious 
display  of  sixty  starving  hacks — all  that  could  be  mus- 
tered— upon  the  heights.  He  sent  them  on  another  occa- 
sion, a  short  letter,  which  ran  as  follows  :— 

"  MOST  HONORABLE,  MOST  STEDFAST, — As,  during  the 
present  frost,  you  have  but  little  exercise  in  the  trenches — 
as  you  cannot  pass  your  time  in  twirling  your  finger-rings, 
seeing  that  they  have  all  been  sold  to  pay  your  soldiers' 
wages — as  you  have  nothing  to  rub  your  teeth  upon,  nor 
to  scour  your  stomachs  withal,  and  as,  nevertheless,  you 
require  something  if  only  to  occupy  your  minds,  I  send 
you  the  enclosed  letter,  in  hope  it  may  yield  amusement. — 
January  15,  1581.  "2 

The  enclosure  was  a  letter  from  the  Prince  of  Orange 
to  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  which,  as  it  was  pretended,  had 
been  intercepted.  It  was  a  clumsy  forgery,  but  it  answered 
the  purpose  of  more  skilful  counterfeiting,  at  a  period 
when  political  and  religious  enmity  obscured  men's  judg- 
ment. "  As  to  the  point  of  religion,"  the  Prince  was  made 
to  observe,  for  example,  to  his  illustrious  correspondent, 
"  that  is  all  plain  and  clear.  No  sovereign  who  hopes  to 
come  to  any  great  advancement  ought  to  consider  religion, 
or  hold  it  in  regard.  Your  Highness,  by  means  of  the 
garrisons,  and  fortresses,  will  be  easily  master  of  the  prin- 
cipal cities  in  Flanders  and  Brabant,  even  if  the  citizens 
were  opposed  to  you.  Afterwards  you  will  compel  them 
without  difficulty  to  any  religion  which  may  seem  most 
conducive  to  the  interests  of  your  Highness."3 

Odious  and  cynical  as  was  the  whole  tone  of  the  letter, 
it  was  extensively  circulated.  There  were  always  natures 
base  and  brutal  enough  to  accept  the  calumny,  and  to 

1  Meteren,  x.  i69<i.     Wagenaer.  vii.  359.  2  Meteren,  x.  1780. 

3  The  whole  letter  is  given  by  Bor,  of  course  as  a  forgery,  xvi.  239-241.  It  was 
probably  prepared  by  Assonleville.—  Ibid.  Compare  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  vii. 
380. 


Dutch  Republic  353 

make  it  current  among-  kindred  souls.  It  may  be  doubted 
whether  Renneberg  attached  faith  to  the  document ;  but 
it  was  natural  that  he  should  take  a  malicious  satisfaction 
in  spreading  this  libel  against  the  man  whose  perpetual 
scorn  he  had  so  recently  earned.  Nothing  was  more 
common  than  such  forgeries,  and  at  that  very  moment  a 
letter,  executed  with  equal  grossness,  was  passing  from 
hand  to  hand,  which  purported  to  be  from  the  Count  him- 
self to  Parma.1  History  has  less  interest  in  contradicting 
the  calumnies  against  a  man  like  Renneberg.  The  fictitious 
epistle  of  Orange,  however,  was  so  often  republished,  and 
the  copies  so  carefully  distributed,  that  the  Prince  had 
thought  it  important  to  add  an  express  repudiation  of  its 
authorship,  by  way  of  appendix  to  his  famous  Apology. 
He  took  the  occasion  to  say,  that  if  a  particle  of  proof 
could  be  brought  that  he  had  written  the  letter,  or  any 
letter  resembling  it,  he  would  forthwith  leave  the  Nether- 
lands, never  to  show  his  face  there  again.2 

Notwithstanding  this  well-known  denial,  however,  Ren- 
neberg thought  it  facetious  to  send  the  letter  into  Steen- 
wyk,  where  it  produced  but  small  effect  upon  the  minds 
of  the  burghers.  Meantime,  they  had  received  intimation 
that  succour  was  on  its  way.  Hollow  balls  containing 
letters  were  shot  into  the  town,  bringing  the  welcome  in- 
telligence that  the  English  colonel,  John  Norris,  with  six 
thousand  states'  troops,  would  soon  make  his  appearance 
for  their  relief,  and  the  brave  Cornput  added  his  cheerful 
exhortations  to  heighten  the  satisfaction  thus  produced. 
A  day  or  two  afterwards,  three  quails  were  caught  in  the 
public  square,  and  the  commandant  improved  the  circum- 
stance by  many  quaint  homilies.  The  number  three,  he 
observed,  was  typical  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  which  had  thus 
come  symbolically  to  their  relief.  The  Lord  had  sustained 
the  fainting  Israelites  with  quails.  The  number  three 
indicated  three  weeks,  within  which  time  the  promised 
succour  was  sure  to  arrive.  Accordingly,  upon  the  22nd 
of  February,  1581,  at  the  expiration  of  the  third  week, 
Norris  succeeded  in  victualling  the  town,  the  merry  and 
steadfast  Cornput  was  established  as  a  true  prophet,  and 
Count  Renneberg  abandoned  the  siege  in  despair.3 

1  This  letter,  the  fictitious  character  of  which  is  as  obvious  as  that  of  the  forged 
epistle  of  Orange,  is  given  at  length  by  Bor,  xv.  211,  212.  It  is  amusing  to  see  the 
gravity  with  which  the  historian  introduces  the  ridiculous  document,  evidently  without 
entertaining  a  doubt  as  to  its  genuineness.  2  Bor,  xvi.  239^ 

3  Strada,  2,  iv.  172.     Meteren,  x.  179.     Bor,  xvi.  238.     Hoofd,  xvii.  717,  718. 
VOL.   III.  If 


354  The  Rise  of  the 

The  subsequent  career  of  that  unhappy  nobleman  was 
brief.  On  the  igth  of  July  his  troops  were  signally  de- 
feated by  Sonoy  and  Norris,  the  fugitive  royalists  retreat- 
ing into  Groningen  at  the  very  moment  when  their  general, 
who  had  been  prevented  by  illness  from  commanding  them, 
was  receiving  the  last  sacraments.  Remorse,  shame,  and 
disappointment  had  literally  brought  Renneberg  to  his 
grave.  "  His  treason,"  says  a  contemporary,  "  was  a  nail 
in  his  coffin,"  and  on  his  deathbed  he  bitterly  bemoaned 
his  crime.  "  Groningen  !  Groningen  !  would  that  I  had 
never  seen  thy  walls!"  he  cried  repeatedly  in  his  last 
hours.  He  refused  to  see  his  sister,  whose  insidious  coun- 
sels had  combined  with  his  own  evil  passions  to  make  him  a 
traitor;  and  he  died  on  the  23rd  of  July,  1581,  repentant 
and  submissive.1  His  heart,  after  his  decease,  was  found 
"  shrivelled  to  the  dimensions  of  a  walnut,"2  a  circum- 
stance attributed  to  poison  by  some,  to  remorse  by  others. 
His  regrets,  his  early  death,  and  his  many  attractive  quali- 
ties, combined  to  save  his  character  from  universal  de- 
nunciation, and  his  name,  although  indelibly  stained  by 
treason,  was  ever  mentioned  with  pity  rather  than  with 
rancour. ' '  3 

Great  changes,  destined  to  be  perpetual,  were  steadily 
preparing  in  the  internal  condition  of  the  provinces.  A 
preliminary  measure  of  an  important  character  had  been 
taken  early  this  year  by  the  assembly  of  the  united  pro- 
vinces held  in  the  month  of  January  at  Delft.  This  was 
the  establishment  of  a  general  executive  council.  The  con- 
stitution of  the  board  was  arranged  on  the  i3th  of  the 
month,  and  was  embraced  in  eighteen  articles.  The  num- 
ber of  councillors  was  fixed  at  thirty,  all  to  be  native 
Netherlanders ;  a  certain  proportion  to  be  appointed  from 
each  province  by  its  estates.  The  advice  and  consent  of 
this  body  as  to  treaties  with  foreign  powers  were  to  be 
indispensable,  but  they  were  not  to  interfere  with  the 
rights  and  duties  of  the  states-general,  nor  to  interpose 
any  obstacle  to  the  arrangements  with  the  Duke  of 
Anjou.4 

While  this  additional  machine  for  the  self-government 

1  Bor,  xvi.  276.     Hoofd,  xviii.  773.     Meteren,  x.  184. 

2  "  So  verdorret  en  kleen  als  een  walse  note." — Bor,  xvi.  276. 

3  His  death  was  attributed  by  the  royalists  to  regret  at  his  ill  success  in  accomplishing 
the  work  for  which  he  had  received  so  large  a  price. — MS.  letter  of  Henri  de  Nebra  to 
Prince  of  Parma,  July  22,  1581,  Rec.  Gron.  und  Renneberg,  ii.  f.  184,  Royal  Archives, 
Brussels. 

4  The  constitution  of  the  "  Land  Raed  "  is  given  in  full  by  Bor,  xvi.  241-243. 


Dutch  Republic  355 

of  the  provinces  was  in  the  course  of  creation,  the  Spanish 
monarch,  on  the  other  hand,  had  made  another  effort  to 
recover  the  authority  which  he  felt  slipping  from  his  grasp. 
Philip  was  in  Portugal,  preparing  for  his  coronation  in 
that  new  kingdom — an  event  to  be  nearly  contemporaneous 
with  his  deposition  from  the  Netherland  sovereignty,  so 
solemnly  conferred  upon  him  a  quarter  of  a  century  before 
in  Brussels ;  but  although  thus  distant,  he  was  confident 
that  he  could  more  wisely  govern  the  Netherlands  than  the 
inhabitants  could  do,  and  unwilling  as  ever  to  confide  in 
the  abilities  of  those  to  whom  he  had  delegated  his 
authority.  Provided,  as  he  unquestionably  was  at  that 
moment,  with  a  more  energetic  representative  than  any 
who  had  before  exercised  the  functions  of  royal  governor 
in  the  provinces,  he  was  still  disposed  to  harass,  to  doubt, 
and  to  interfere.  With  the  additional  cares  of  the  Portu- 
guese conquest  upon  his  hands,  he  felt  as  irresistibly  im- 
pelled as  ever  to  superintend  the  minute  details  of  pro- 
vincial administration.  To  do  this  was  impossible.  It 
was,  however,  not  impossible,  by  attempting  to  do  it,  to 
produce  much  mischief.  "  It  gives  me  pain,"  wrote  Gran- 
velle,  "  to  see  his  Majesty  working  as  before — choosing 
to  understand  everything  and  to  do  everything.  By  this 
course,  as  I  have  often  said  before,  he  really  accomplishes 
much  less."1  The  King  had,  moreover,  recently  com- 
mitted the  profound  error  of  sending  the  Duchess  Mar- 
garet of  Parma  to  the  Netherlands  again.  He  had  the 
fatuity  to  believe  her  memory  so  tenderly  cherished  in  the 
provinces  as  to  ensure  a  burst  of  loyalty  at  her  reappear- 
ance, while  the  irritation  which  he  thus  created  in  the 
breast  of  her  son  he  affected  to  disregard.  The  event 
was  what  might  have  been  foreseen.  The  Netherlanders 
were  very  moderately  excited  by  the  arrival  of  their  former 
regent,  but  the  Prince  of  Parma  was  furious.  His  mother 
actually  arrived  at  Namur  in  the  month  of  August,  1580, 
to  assume  the  civil  administration  of  the  provinces,2  and 
he  was  himself,  according  to  the  King's  request,  to  con- 
tinue in  the  command  of  the  army.  Any  one  who  had 
known  human  nature  at  all,  would  have  recognized  that 
Alexander  Farnese  was  not  the  man  to  be  put  into  leading 
strings.  A  sovereign  who  was  possessed  of  any  adminis- 
trative sagacity,  would  have  seen  the  absurdity  of  taking 
the  reins  of  government  at  that  crisis  from  the  hands  of 

1  Archives,  etc.,  vii.  568.  2  Wagenaer,  vii.  344,  345.     Strada,  2,  Hi.  156. 


356 


The  Rise  of  the 


a  most  determined  and  energetic  man,  to  confide  them  to 
the  keeping-  of  a  woman.  A  king  who  was  willing  to 
reflect  upon  the  consequences  of  his  own  acts,  must  have 
foreseen  the  scandal  likely  to  result  from  an  open  quarrel 
for  precedence  between  such  a  mother  and  son.  Margaret 
of  Parma  was  instantly  informed,  however,  by  Alexander 
that  a  divided  authority  like  that  proposed  was  entirely 
out  of  the  question.  Both  offered  to  resign;  but  Alex- 
ander was  unflinching  in  his  determination  to  retain  all 
the  power  or  none.  The  Duchess,  as  docile  to  her  son 
after  her  arrival  as  she  had  been  to  the  King  on  under- 
taking the  journey,  and  feeling  herself  unequal  to  the  task 
imposed  upon  her,  implored  Philip's  permission  to  with- 
draw, almost  as  soon  as  she  had  reached  her  destination. 
Granvelle's  opinion  was  likewise  opposed  to  this  interfer- 
ence with  the  administration  of  Alexander,  and  the  King 
at  last  suffered  himself  to  be  overruled.  By  the  end  of 
the  year  1581,  letters  arrived  confirming  the  Prince  of 
Parma  in  his  government,  but  requesting  the  Duchess  of 
Parma  to  remain  privately  in  the  Netherlands.  She  ac- 
cordingly continued  to  reside  there  under  an  assumed 
name  until  the  autumn  of  1583,  when  she  was  at  last  per- 
mitted to  return  to  Italy.1 

During  the  summer  of  1581,  the  same  spirit  of  perse- 
cution which  had  inspired  the  Catholics  to  inflict  such 
infinite  misery  upon  those  of  the  reformed  faith  in  the 
Netherlands,  began  to  manifest  itself  in  overt  acts  against 
the  Papists  by  those  who  had  at  last  obtained  political 
ascendency  over  them.  Edicts  were  published  in  Antwerp, 
in  Utrecht,  and  in  different  cities  of  Holland,  suspending 
the  exercise  of  the  Roman  worship.  These  statutes  were 
certainly  a  long  way  removed  in  horror  from  those  memor- 
able placards  which  sentenced  the  Reformers  by  thousands 
to  the  axe,  the  cord,  and  the  stake,  but  it  was  still  melan- 
choly to  see  the  persecuted  becoming  persecutors  in  their 
turn.  They  were  excited  to  these  stringent  measures  by 
the  noisy  zeal  of  certain  Dominican  monks  in  Brussels, 
whose  extravagant  discourses  2  were  daily  inflaming  the 
passions  of  the  Catholics  to  a  dangerous  degree.  The 
authorities  of  the  city  accordingly  thought  it  necessary  to 
suspend,  by  proclamation,  the  public  exercise  of  the  ancient 

1  Strada,  2,   iii.   156-165.     Wagenaer,  vii.   344,  345. — Compare  Meteren,   x.   174,  who 
states,  erroneously,  that  the  Duchess  retired  during  the  year  following  her  arrival. 

2  Bor,  xvi.  260. 


Dutch  Republic  357 

religion,  assigning-  as  their  principal  reason  for  this  pro- 
hibition, the  shocking  jugglery  by  which  simple-minded 
persons  were  constantly  deceived.  They  alluded  particu- 
larly to  the  practice  of  working  miracles  by  means  of 
relics,  pieces  of  the  holy  cross,  bones  of  saints,  and  the 
perspiration  of  statues.  They  charged  that  bits  of  lath 
were  daily  exhibited  as  fragments  of  the  cross ;  that  the 
bones  of  dogs  and  monkeys  were  held  up  for  adoration  as 
those  of  saints ;  and  that  oil  was  poured  habitually  into 
holes  drilled  in  the  heads  of  statues,  that  the  populace 
might  believe  in  their  miraculous  sweating.  For  these 
reasons,  and  to  avoid  the  tumult  and  possible  bloodshed 
to  which  the  disgust  excited  by  such  charlatanry  might 
give  rise,  the  Roman  Catholic  worship  was  suspended 
until  the  country  should  be  restored  to  greater  tran- 
quillity.1 Similar  causes  led  to  similar  proclamations  in 
other  cities.  The  Prince  of  Orange  lamented  the  intolerant 
spirit  thus  showing  itself  among  those  who  had  been  its 
martyrs,  but  it  was  not  possible  at  that  moment  to  keep 
it  absolutely  under  control. 

A  most  important  change  was  now  to  take  place  in  his 
condition,  a  most  vital  measure  was  to  be  consummated 
by  the  provinces.  The  step,  which  could  never  be  re- 
traced, was,  after  long  hesitation,  finally  taken  upon  the 
26th  of  July,  1581,  upon  which  day  the  united  provinces, 
assembled  at  the  Hague,  solemnly  declared  their  independ- 
ence of  Philip,  and  renounced  their  allegiance  for  ever.2 

This  act  was  accomplished  with  the  deliberation  due  to 
its  gravity.  At  the  same  time  it  left  the  country  in  a  very 
divided  condition.  This  was  inevitable.  The  Prince  had 
done  all  that  one  man  could  do  to  hold  the  Netherlands 
together,  and  unite  them  perpetually  into  one  body  politic, 
and,  perhaps,  if  he  had  been  inspired  by  a  keener  personal 
ambition,  this  task  might  have  been  accomplished.  The 
seventeen  provinces  might  have  accepted  his  dominion, 
but  they  would  agree  to  that  of  no  other  sovereign.  Provi- 
dence had  not  decreed  that  the  country,  after  its  long 
agony,  should  give  birth  to  a  single  and  perfect  common- 
wealth. The  Walloon  provinces  had  already  fallen  off 
from  the  cause,  notwithstanding  the  entreaties  of  the 
Prince.  The  other  Netherlands,  after  long  and  tedious 
negotiation  with  Anjou,  had  at  last  consented  to  his 

1  See  the  proclamation  in  Bor,  xiv.  260,  261. 

2  Bor,  xvi.  276.     Meteren,  x.  187.     Strada,  2,  iv.  178,  sqq. 


358 


The  Rise  of  the 


supremacy,  but  from  this  arrangement  Holland  and  Zeland 
held  themselves  aloof.  By  a  somewhat  anomalous  pro- 
ceeding, they  sent  deputies  along  with  those  of  the  other 
provinces,  to  the  conferences  with  the  Duke,  but  it  was 
expressly  understood  that  they  would  never  accept  him  as 
sovereign.  They  were  willing  to  contract  with  him  and 
with  their  sister  provinces — over  which  he  was  soon  to 
exercise  authority — a  firm  and  perpetual  league,  but  as 
to  their  own  chief,  their  hearts  were  fixed.  The  Prince  of 
Orange  should  be  their  lord  and  master,  and  none  other. 
It  lay  only  in  his  self-denying  character  that  he  had  not 
been  clothed  with  this  dignity  long  before.  He  had,  how- 
ever, persisted  in  the  hope  that  all  the  other  provinces 
might  be  brought  to  acknowledge  the  Duke  of  Anjou  as 
their  sovereign,  under  conditions  which  constituted  a  free 
commonwealth  with  an  hereditary  chief,  and  in  this  hope 
he  had  constantly  refused  concession  to  the  wishes  of  the 
northern  provinces.  He  in  reality  exercised  sovereign 
power  over  nearly  the  whole  population  of  the  Nether- 
lands. Already  in  1580,  at  the  assembly  held  in  April,  the 
states  of  Holland  had  formally  requested  him  to  assume 
the  full  sovereignty  over  them,  with  the  title  of  Count l  of 
Holland  and  Zeland  forfeited  by  Philip.  He  had  not  con- 
sented, and  the  proceedings  had  been  kept  comparatively 
secret.  As  the  negotiations  with  Anjou  advanced,  and  as 
the  corresponding  abjuration  of  Philip  was  more  decisively 
indicated,  the  consent  of  the  Prince  to  this  request  was 
more  warmly  urged.  As  it  was  evident  that  the  provinces, 
thus  bent  upon  placing  him  at  their  head,  could  by  no 
possibility  be  induced  to  accept  the  sovereignty  of  Anjou — 
as,  moreover,  the  act  of  renunciation  of  Philip  could  no 
longer  be  deferred,  the  Prince  of  Orange  reluctantly  and 
provisionally  accepted  the  supreme  power  over  Holland 
and  Zeland.  This  arrangement  was  finally  accomplished 
upon  the  24th  of  July,  1581,2  and  the  act  of  abjuration 
took  place  two  days  afterwards.  The  offer  of  the  sove- 
reignty over  the  other  united  provinces  had  been  accepted 
by  Anjou  six  months  before. 

Thus,  the  Netherlands  were  divided  into  three  portions 
—the  reconciled  provinces,  the  united  provinces  under 
Anjou,  and  the  northern  provinces  under  Orange;  the  last 

1  Groen  v.  Prinst,  Archives,  etc.,  vii.  307.  Kluit,  Holl.  Staatsreg.,  i.  308,  and  note 
42.  Correspondence  between  Prince  of  Orange  and  states  of  Holland,  in  Bor,  xv.  182, 
sqq.,  i86a  particularly.  2  Bor,  xv.  185,  186. 


Dutch  Republic  359 

division  forming  the  germ,  already  nearly  developed,  of 
the  coming  republic.  The  constitution,  or  catalogue  of 
conditions,  by  which  the  sovereignty  accorded  to  Anjou 
was  reduced  to  such  narrow  limits  as  to  be  little  more 
than  a  nominal  authority,  while  the  power  remained  in 
the  hands  of  the  representative  body  of  the  provinces, 
will  be  described,  somewhat  later,  together  with  the  in- 
auguration of  the  Duke.  For  the  present  it  is  necessary 
that  the  reader  should  fully  understand  the  relative  posi- 
tion of  the  Prince  and  of  the  northern  provinces.  The 
memorable  act  of  renunciation — the  Netherland  declaration 
of  independence — will  then  be  briefly  explained. 

On  the  29th  of  March,  1580,  a  resolution  passed  the 
assembly  of  Holland  and  Zeland  never  to  make  peace  or 
enter  into  any  negotiations  with  the  King  of  Spain  on  the 
basis  of  his  sovereignty.  The  same  resolution  provided 
that  his  name — hitherto  used  in  all  public  acts — should  be 
for  ever  discarded,  that  his  seal  should  be  broken,  and 
that  the  name  and  seal  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  should  be 
substituted  in  all  commissions  and  public  documents.  At 
almost  the  same  time  the  states  of  Utrecht  passed  a  similar 
resolution.  These  offers  were,  however,  not  accepted,  and 
the  affair  was  preserved  profoundly  secret.1  On  the  5th  of 
July,  1581,  "  the  knights,  nobles,  and  cities  of  Holland 
and  Zeland,"  again,  in  an  urgent  and  solemn  manner,  re- 
quested the  Prince  to  accept  the  "entire  authority  as 
sovereign  and  chief  of  the  land,  as  long  as  the  war  should 
continue."2  This  limitation  as  to  time  was  inserted  most 
reluctantly  by  the  states,  and  because  it  was  perfectly  well 
understood  that  without  it  the  Prince  would  not  accept  the 
sovereignty  at  all.3  The  act  by  which  this  dignity  was 
offered,  conferred  full  power  to  command  all  forces  by 
land  and  sea,  to  appoint  all  military  officers,  and  to  con- 
duct all  warlike  operations,  without  the  control  or  advice 
of  any  person  whatsoever.  It  authorized  him,  with  consent 
of  the  states,  to  appoint  all  financial  and  judicial  officers, 
created  him  the  supreme  executive  chief,  and  fountain  of 
justice  and  pardon,  and  directed  him  "  to  maintain  the 
exercise  only  of  the  reformed  evangelical  religion,  without, 
however,  permitting  that  inquiries  should  be  made  into 
any  man's  belief  or  conscience,  or  that  any  injury  or 

1  Bor,  xv.  181,  182.  2  ibid.,  184,  185. 

3  Ibid. — Compare  Kluit,  Holl.  Staatsreg.,  i.  213,  sqq.  ;  Groen  v.  Prinst,  Archives,  vii. 
304-309. 


360 


The  Rise  of  the 


hindrance  should  be  offered  to  any  man  on  account  of  his 
religion."  1 

The  sovereignty  thus  pressingly  offered,  and  thus  limited 
as  to  time,  was  finally  accepted  by  William  of  Orange, 
according  to  a  formal  act  dated  at  the  Hague,  5th  of  July, 
1581,2  but  it  will  be  perceived  that  no  powers  were  con- 
ferred by  this  new  instrument  beyond  those  already  exer- 
cised by  the  Prince.  It  was  as  it  were  a  formal  continu- 
ance of  the  functions  which  he  had  exercised  since  1576 
as  the  King's  stadholder,  according  to  his  old  commission 
of  1555,  although  a  vast  difference  existed  in  reality.  The 
King's  name  was  now  discarded  and  his  sovereignty  dis- 
owned, while  the  proscribed  rebel  stood  in  his  place,  exer- 
cising supreme  functions,  not  vicariously,  but  in  his  own 
name.  The  limitation  as  to  time  was,  moreover,  soon 
afterwards  secretly,  and  without  the  knowledge  of  Orange, 
cancelled  by  the  states.3  They  were  determined  that  the 
Prince  should  be  their  sovereign — if  they  could  make  him 
so — for  the  term  of  his  life. 

The  offer  having  thus  been  made  and  accepted  upon  the 
5th  of  July,  oaths  of  allegiance  and  fidelity  were  exchanged 
between  the  Prince  and  the  estates  upon  the  24th  of  the 
same  month.  In  these  solemnities,  the  states,  as  repre- 
senting the  provinces,  declared  that  because  the  King  of 
Spain,  contrary  to  his  oath  as  Count  of  Holland  and 
Zeland,  had  not  only  not  protected  these  provinces,  but 
had  sought  with  all  his  might  to  reduce  them  to  eternal 
slavery,  it  had  been  found  necessary  to  forsake  him.  They 
therefore  proclaimed  every  inhabitant  absolved  from  alle- 
giance, while  at  the  same  time,  in  the  name  of  the  popula- 
tion, they  swore  fidelity  to  the  Prince  of  Orange,  as  repre- 
senting the  supreme  authority.4 

Two  days  afterwards,  upon  the  26th  of  July,  1581,  the 
memorable  declaration  of  independence  was  issued  by  the 
deputies  of  the  united  provinces,  then  solemnly  assembled 
at  the  Hague.  It  was  called  the  Act  of  Abjuration.5  It 
deposed  Philip  from  his  sovereignty,  but  was  not  the  pro- 
clamation of  a  new  form  of  government,  for  the  united 

1  Bor,  xv.  183,  184.  2  Ibid. 

3  Kluit,  i.  213,  214.  4  Bor,  xv.  185,  186. 

5  The  document  is  given  in  full  by  Bor.  xvi.  276-280,  by  Meteren.  x.  187-190.  The 
nature  and  consequences  of  the  measure  are  commented  upon  by  Kluit,  the  constitu- 
tional historian  of  Holland,  in  a  masterly  manner  (x.  Hoofd,  vol.  i.  198-280).  See  also 
Wagenaer,  vii.  391. — Compare  Strada,  who  introduces  his  account  of  the  abjuration 
with  sepulchral  solemnity:  "Jam  mihi  dicendum  est  facinus,  cujus  a  commemoratione, 
quasi  abhorrente  animo,  hactenus  supersedi,"  etc. — Bell.  Belg.,  2,  iv.  178,  sqq. 


Dutch  Republic  361 

provinces  were  not  ready  to  dispense  with  an  hereditary 
chief.  Unluckily,  they  had  already  provided  themselves 
with  a  very  bad  one  to  succeed  Philip  in  the  dominion 
over  most  of  their  territory,  while  the  northern  provinces 
were  fortunate  enough  and  wise  enough  to  take  the  Father 
of  their  country  for  their  supreme  magistrate. 

The  document  by  which  the  provinces  renounced  their 
allegiance  was  not  the  most  felicitous  of  their  state 
papers.  It  was  too  prolix  and  technical.  Its  style  had 
more  of  the  formal  phraseology  of  legal  documents  than 
befitted  this  great  appeal  to  the  whole  world  and  to  all 
time.  Nevertheless,  this  is  but  matter  of  taste.  The 
Netherlanders  were  so  eminently  a  law-abiding  people, 
that  like  the  American  patriots  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
they  on  most  occasions  preferred  punctilious  precision  to 
florid  declamation.  They  chose  to  conduct  their  revolt 
according  to  law.  At  the  same  time,  while  thus  decently 
wrapping  herself  in  conventional  garments,  the  spirit  of 
Liberty  revealed  none  the  less  her  majestic  proportions. 

At  the  very  outset  of  the  Abjuration,  these  fathers  of 
the  republic  laid  down  wholesome  truths,  which  at  that 
time  seemed  startling  blasphemies  in  the  ears  of  Christen- 
dom. "  All  mankind  know,"  said  the  preamble,  "  that  a 
prince  is  appointed  by  God  to  cherish  his  subjects,  even  as 
a  shepherd  to  guard  his  sheep.  When,  therefore,  the 
prince  does  not  fulfil  his  duty  as  protector;  when  he 
oppresses  his  subjects,  destroys  their  ancient  liberties,  and 
treats  them  as  slaves,  he  is  to  be  considered,  not  a  prince, 
but  a  tyrant.  As  such,  the  estates  of  the  land  may  law- 
fully and  reasonably  depose  him,  and  elect  another  in  his 
room."  1 

Having  enunciated  these  maxims,  the  estates  proceeded 
to  apply  them  to  their  own  case,  and  certainly  never  was 
an  ampler  justification  for  renouncing  a  prince  since 
princes  were  first  instituted.  The  states  ran  through  the 
history  of  the  past  quarter  of  a  century,  patiently  accumu- 
lating a  load  of  charges  against  the  monarch,  a  tithe  of 
which  would  have  furnished  cause  for  his  dethronement. 
Without  passion  or  exaggeration  they  told  the  world  their 
wrongs.  The  picture  was  not  highly  coloured.  On  the 
contrary,  it  was  rather  a  feeble  than  a  striking  portrait  of 
the  monstrous  iniquity  which  had  so  long  been  established 
over  them.  Nevertheless,  they  went  through  the  narrative 

1  Act  of  Abjuration. 

N    2 


362  The  Rise  of  the 

conscientiously  and  earnestly.  They  spoke  of  the  King's 
early  determination  to  govern  the  Netherlands,  not  by 
natives,  but  by  Spaniards;  to  treat  them  not  as  constitu- 
tional countries,  but  as  conquered  provinces ;  to  regard 
the  inhabitants  not  as  liege  subjects,  but  as  enemies ;  above 
all,  to  supersede  their  ancient  liberty  by  the  Spanish  in- 
quisition, and  they  alluded  to  the  first  great  step  in  this 
scheme — the  creation  of  the  new  bishoprics,  each  with  its 
staff  of  inquisitors.1 

Tney  noticed  the  memorable  Petition,  the  mission  of 
Berghen  and  Mohtigny,  their  imprisonment  and  taking 
off,  in  violation  of  all  national  law,  even  that  which  had 
ever  been  held  sacred  by  the  most  cruel  and  tyrannical 
princes.2  They  sketched  the  history  of  Alva's  administra- 
tion ;  his  entrapping  the  most  eminent  nobles  by  false 
promises,  and  delivering  them  to  the  executioner;  his 
countless  sentences  of  death,  outlawry,  and  confiscation ; 
his  erection  of  citadels  to  curb,  his  imposition  of  the  tenth 
and  twentieth  penny  to  exhaust  the  land  ;  his  Blood-Council 
and  its  achievements ;  and  the  immeasurable  woe  produced 
by  hanging,  burning,  banishing,  and  plundering,  during 
his  seven  years  of  residence.  They  adverted  to  the  Grand 
Commander,  as  having  been  sent,  not  to  improve  the  con- 
dition of  the  country,  but  to  pursue  the  same  course  of 
tyranny  by  more  concealed  ways.  They  spoke  of  the  hor- 
rible mutiny  which  broke  forth  at  his  death ;  of  the  Ant- 
werp Fury;  of  the  express  approbation  rendered  to  that 
great  outrage  by  the  King,  who  had  not  only  praised  the 
crime,  but  promised  to  recompense  the  criminals.  They 
alluded  to  Don  John  of  Austria  and  his  duplicity;  to  his 
pretended  confirmation  of  the  Ghent  Treaty;  to  his  at- 
tempts to  divide  the  country  against  itself ;  to  the  Escovedo 
policy ;  to  the  intrigues  with  the  German  regiments.  They 
touched  upon  the  Cologne  negotiations,  and  the  fruitless 
attempt  of  the  patriots  upon  that  occasion  to  procure 
freedom  of  religion,  while  the  object  of  the  royalists 
was  only  to  distract  and  divide  the  nation.  Finally,  they 
commented  with  sorrow  and  despair  upon  that  last  and 
crowning  measure  of  tyranny — the  ban  against  the  Prince 
of  Orange. 

They  calmly  observed,  after  this  recital,  that  they  were 

1  " en  door  de  voorsz  Canoniken  de  Spaense  Inquisitie  ingebrocht  de  welke  in 

dese  altijt  so  schrickelijk  en  odieus  als  de  uitterste  slavernye,"  etc. — Act  of  Abjuration. 

2  "Ook  onder  de  wreetste  en  tyrannigste  Princen  altijd  onverbrekelijik  onderhouden." 
—Ibid. 


Dutch  Republic  363 

sufficiently  justified  in  forsaking  a  sovereign  who  for  more 
than  twenty  years  had  forsaken  them.1  Obeying  the  law 
of  nature — desirous  of  maintaining  the  rights,  charters, 
and  liberties  of  their  fatherland — determined  to  escape 
from  slavery  to  Spaniards — and  making  known  their  de- 
cision to  the  world,  they  declared  the  King  of  Spain  de- 
posed from  his  sovereignty,  and  proclaimed  that  they 
should  recognize  thenceforth  neither  his  title  nor  jurisdic- 
tion. Three  days  afterwards,  on  the  2gth  of  July,  the  as- 
sembly adopted  a  formula,  by  which  all  persons  were  to 
be  required  to  signify  their  abjuration.2 

Such  were  the  forms  by  which  the  united  provinces 
threw  off  their  allegiance  to  Spain,  and  ipso  facto  estab- 
lished a  republic,  which  was  to  flourish  for  two  centuries. 
This  result,  however,  was  not  exactly  foreseen  by  the 
congress  which  deposed  Philip.  The  fathers  of  the  com- 
monwealth did  not  baptize  it  by  the  name  of  Republic. 
They  did  not  contemplate  a  change  in  their  form  of  govern- 
ment. They  had  neither  an  aristocracy  nor  a  democracy 
in  their  thoughts.3  Like  the  actors  in  our  own  great 
national  drama,  these  Netherland  patriots  were  struggling 
to  sustain,  not  to  overthrow;  unlike  them,  they  claimed 
no  theoretical  freedom  for  humanity — promulgated  no  doc- 
trine of  popular  sovereignty  :  they  insisted  merely  on  the 
fulfilment  of  actual  contracts,  signed,  sealed,  and  sworn 
to  by  many  successive  sovereigns.  Acting  upon  the  prin- 
ciple that  government  should  be  for  the  benefit  of  the 
governed,  and  in  conformity  to  the  dictates  of  reason  and 
justice,  they  examined  the  facts  by  those  divine  lights, 
and  discovered  cause  to  discard  their  ruler.  They  did  not 
object  to  being  ruled.  They  were  satisfied  with  their  his- 
torical institutions,  and  preferred  the  mixture  of  hereditary 
sovereignty  with  popular  representation,  to  which  they 
were  accustomed.  They  did  not  devise  an  a  priori  con- 
stitution. Philip,  having  violated  the  law  of  reason  and 
the  statutes  of  the  land,  was  deposed,  and  a  new  chief 
magistrate  was  to  be  elected  in  his  stead.  This  was 

1  " te  meer  dat  in  al  sulken  desordre  en  overlaet  de  Landen  bet  dan  20  jaren  van 

haren  Coning  sijn  verlaten  geweest,"  etc. — Act  of  Abjuration. 

2  Bor,  xvi.  280.     It  ran  as  follows  :  "  I  solemnly  swear  that  I  will  henceforward  not 
respect,  nor  obey,  nor  recognize  the  King  of  Spain  as  my  prince  and  master ;  but  that  I 
renounce  the  King  of  Spain,  and  abjure  the  allegiance  by  which  I  may  have  formerly 
been  bound  to  him.     At  the  same  time  I  swear  fidelity  to  the  United  Netherlands — to 
wit,  the  provinces  of  Brabant,  Flanders,  Gueldres,  Holland,  Zeland,  etc.,  etc.,  and  also 
to  the  national  council  established  by  the  estates  of  these  provinces  ;  and  promise  my 
assistance  according  to  the  best  of  my  abilities  against  the   King  of  Spain  and   his 
adherents."  3  Kluit,  i.  199. 


364  The  Rise  of  the 

popular  sovereignty  in  fact,  but  not  in  words.  The  depo- 
sition and  election  could  be  legally  justified  only  by  the 
inherent  right  of  the  people  to  depose  and  to  elect ;  yet 
the  provinces,  in  their  Declaration  of  Independence,  spoke 
of  the  divine  right  of  kings,  even  while  dethroning,  by 
popular  right,  their  own  King  ! 

So  also,  in  the  instructions  given  by  the  states  to  their 
envoys  charged  to  justify  the  abjuration  before  the 
Imperial  diet  held  at  Augsburg,1  twelve  months  later,  the 
highest  ground  was  claimed  for  the  popular  right  to  elect 
or  depose  the  sovereign,  while  at  the  same  time  kings 
were  spoken  of  as  "  appointed  by  God."  It  is  true  that 
they  were  described  in  the  same  clause  as  '  *  chosen  by 
the  people  " — which  was,  perhaps,  as  exact  a  concur- 
rence in  the  maxim  of  Vox  populi  vox  Dei,  as  the  boldest 
democrat  of  the  day  could  demand.  In  truth,  a  more 
democratic  course  would  have  defeated  its  own  ends. 
The  murderous  and  mischievous  pranks  of  Imbize,  Ry- 
hove,  and  such  demagogues,  at  Ghent  and  elsewhere, 
with  their  wild  theories  of  what  they  called  Grecian, 
Roman,  and  Helvetian  republicanism,  had  inflicted 
damage  enough  on  the  cause  of  freedom,  and  had  paved 
the  road  for  the  return  of  royal  despotism.  The  senators 
assembled  at  the  Hague  gave  more  moderate  instructions 
to  their  delegates  at  Augsburg.  They  were  to  place  the 
King's  tenure  upon  contract — not  an  implied  one,  but 
a  contract  as  literal  as  the  lease  of  a  farm.  The  house 
of  Austria,  they  were  to  maintain,  had  come  into  the 
possession  of  the  seventeen  Netherlands  upon  certain 
express  conditions,  and  with  the  understanding  that  its 
possession  was  to  cease  with  the  first  condition  broken. 
It  was  a  question  of  law  and  fact,  not  of  royal  or  popular 
right.  They  were  to  take  the  ground,  not  only  that  the 
contract  had  been  violated,  but  that  the  foundation  of 
perpetual  justice  upon  which  it  rested,  had  likewise  been 
undermined.  It  was  time  to  vindicate  both  written 
charters  and  general  principles.  "  God  has  given  absolute 
power  to  no  mortal  man,"  said  Sainte  Aldegonde,  "  to  do 
his  own  will  against  all  laws  and  all  reason."2  "The 
contracts  which  the  King  has  broken  are  no  pedantic 
fantasies,"  said  the  estates,  "  but  laws  planted  by  nature 
in  the  universal  heart  of  mankind,  and  expressly  acquiesced 

1  The  instructions  are  given  in  Bor,  xvii.  324-327. 

2  Archives  et  Correspondance,  vii.  277. 


Dutch  Republic  365 

in  by  prince  and  people."  l  All  men,  at  least,  who  speak 
the  English  tongue,  will  accept  the  conclusion  of  the 
provinces,  that  when  laws  which  protected  the  citizen 
against  arbitrary  imprisonment  and  guaranteed  him  a 
trial  in  his  own  province — which  forbade  the  appoint- 
ment of  foreigners  to  high  office — which  secured  the  pro- 
perty of  the  citizens  from  taxation,  except  by  the  repre- 
sentative body — which  forbade  intermeddling  on  the  part 
of  the  sovereign  with  the  conscience  of  the  subject  in 
religious  matters — when  such  laws  had  been  subverted  by 
blood  tribunals,  where  drowsy  judges  sentenced  thou- 
sands to  stake  and  scaffold  without  a  hearing — by  ex- 
communication, confiscation,  banishment — by  hanging, 
beheading,  burning,  to  such  enormous  extent  and  with 
such  terrible  monotony  that  the  executioner's  sword  came 
to  be  looked  upon  as  the  only  symbol  of  justice — then 
surely  it  might  be  said,  without  exaggeration,  that  the 
complaints  of  the  Netherlanders  were  "  no  pedantic 
fantasies,"  and  that  the  King  had  ceased  to  perform  his 
functions  as  dispenser  of  God's  justice. 

The  Netherlanders  dealt  with  facts.  They  possessed  a 
body  of  laws,  monuments  of  their  national  progress,  by 
which  as  good  a  share  of  individual  liberty  was  secured 
to  the  citizen  as  was  then  enjoyed  in  any  country  of  the 
world.  Their  institutions  admitted  of  great  improve- 
ment, no  doubt,  but  it  was  natural  that  a  people  so 
circumstanced  should  be  unwilling  to  exchange  their 
condition  for  the  vassalage  of  "Moors  or  Indians.'* 

At  the  same  time  it  may  be  doubted  whether  the  in- 
stinct for  political  freedon  only  would  have  sustained 
them  in  the  long  contest,  and  whether  the  bonds  which 
united  them  to  the  Spanish  Crown  would  have  been 
broken,  had  it  not  been  for  the  stronger  passion  for 
religious  liberty,  by  which  so  large  a  portion  of  the  people 
was  animated.  Boldly  as  the  united  states  of  the  Nether- 
lands laid  down  their  political  maxims,  the  quarrel  might 
perhaps  have  been  healed  if  the  religious  question  had 
admitted  of  a  peaceable  solution.  Philip's  bigotry  amount- 
ing to  frenzy,  and  the  Netherlanders  of  "  the  religion  " 
being  willing,  in  their  own  words,  "  to  die  the  death  " 
rather  than  abandon  the  reformed  faith,  there  was  upon 
this  point  no  longer  room  for  hope.  In  the  act  of  abjura- 
tion, however,  it  was  thought  necessary  to  give  offence 

1  Instructions  to  the  envoys,  etc. ;  apud  Bor,  3,  xvii.  324-327. 


366 


The  Rise  of  the 


to  no  class  of  the  inhabitants,  but  to  lay  down  such 
principles  only  as  enlightened  Catholics  would  not  oppose. 
All  parties  abhorred  the  inquisition,  and  hatred  to  that 
institution  is  ever  prominent  among  the  causes  assigned 
for  the  deposition  of  the  monarch.  "  Under  pretence  of 
maintaining  the  Roman  religion,"  said  the  estates,  "the 
King  has  sought  by  evil  means  to  bring  into  operation  the 
whole  strength  of  the  placards  and  of  the  inquisition — 
the  first  and  true  cause  of  all  our  miseries.'"  1 

Without  making  any  assault  upon  the  Roman  Catholic 
faith,  the  authors  of  the  great  act  by  which  Philip  was  for 
ever  expelled  from  the  Netherlands  showed  plainly  enough 
that  religious  persecution  had  driven  them  at  last  to  extre- 
mity. At  the  same  time,  they  were  willing — for  the  sake 
of  conciliating  all  classes  of  their  countrymen — to  bring 
the  political  causes  of  discontent  into  the  foreground,  and 
to  use  discreet  language  upon  the  religious  question.2 

Such,  then,  being  the  spirit  which  prompted  the  pro- 
vinces upon  this  great  occasion,  it  may  be  asked  who  were 
the  men  who  signed  a  document  of  such  importance?  In 
whose  name  and  by  what  authority  did  they  act  against 
the  sovereign?  The  signers  of  the  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence acted  in  the  name  and  by  the  authority  of  the 
Netherland  people.  The  estates  were  the  constitutional 
representatives  of  that  people.  The  statesmen  of  that 
day,  discovering,  upon  cold  analysis  of  facts,  that  Philip's 
sovereignty  was  legally  forfeited,  formally  proclaimed  that 
forfeiture.  Then  inquiring  what  had  become  of  the 
sovereignty,  they  found  it  not  in  the  mass  of  the  people, 
but  in  the  representative  body,  which  actually  personated 
the  people.  The  estates  of  the  different  provinces — con- 
sisting of  the  knights,  nobles,  and  burgesses  of  each — 
sent,  accordingly,  their  deputies  to  the  general  assembly 
at  the  Hague,  and  by  this  congress  the  decree  of  abjura- 
tion was  issued.  It  did  not  occur  to  any  one  to  summon 
the  people  in  their  primary  assemblies,  nor  would  the 
people  of  that  day  have  comprehended  the  object  of  such 
a  summons.  They  were  accustomed  to  the  action  of  the 

1  Transactions  between  the  envoys  of  the  states-general  and  the  Duke  of  Anjou.— 
Bor,  3,  xvii.  304-307.     See  also  in  the  remarkable  circular  addressed  in  the  year  1583 
(May  6)  by  the  states  of  Holland  to  those  of  Utrecht  and  other  provinces,  the  same  in- 
tolerable grievance  is  described  in  the  strongest  language.     "Under  pretext  of  the  new 
bishoprics,"  say  the  estates,  "  the  inquisition  and  Council  of  Trent  have  been  established. 
Thus  the  Spaniards  and  their  adherents  have  been  empowered  to  accuse  all  persons  who 
are  known  to  be  not  of  their  humor,  to  bring  them  into  the  snares  of  the  inquisition, 
and  to  rob  them  of  life,  honor,  and  property." — Bor,  3,  xv.  188. 

2  Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  vii.  588. 


Dutch  Republic  367 

estates,  and  those  bodies  represented  as  large  a  number 
of  political  capacities  as  could  be  expected  of  assemblies 
chosen  then  upon  general  principles.  The  hour  had  not 
arrived  for  more  profound  analysis  of  the  social  compact. 
Philip  was  accordingly  deposed  justly,  legally,  formally 
— justly,  because  it  had  become  necessary  to  abjure  a 
monarch  who  was  determined  not  only  to  oppress  but 
to  exterminate  his  people;  legally,  because  he  had  habitu- 
ally violated  the  constitutions  which  he  had  sworn  to 
support ;  formally,  because  the  act  was  done  in  the  name 
of  the  people,  by  the  body  historically  representing  the 
people. 

What,  then,  was  the  condition  of  the  nation,  after  this 
great  step  had  been  taken?  It  stood,  as  it  were,  with  its 
sovereignty  in  its  hand,  dividing  it  into  two  portions,  and 
offering  it,  thus  separated,  to  two  distinct  individuals. 
The  sovereignty  of  Holland  and  Zeland  had  been  reluct- 
antly accepted  by  Orange.  The  sovereignty  of  the  united 
provinces  had  been  offered  to  Anjou,  but  the  terms  of 
agreement  with  that  Duke  had  not  yet  been  ratified. 
The  movement  was  therefore  triple,  consisting  of  an  abju- 
ration and  of  two  separate  elections  of  hereditary  chiefs ; 
these  two  elections  being  accomplished  in  the  same 
manner,  by  the  representative  bodies  respectively  of  the 
united  provinces,  and  of  Holland  and  Zeland.  Neither 
the  abjuration  nor  the  elections  were  acted  upon  before- 
hand by  the  communities,  the  train-bands,  or  the  guilds 
of  the  cities — all  represented,  in  fact,  by  the  magistrates 
and  councils  of  each;  nor  by  the  peasantry  of  the  open 
country — all  supposed  to  be  represented  by  the  knights 
and  nobles.  All  classes  of  individuals,  however,  arranged 
in  various  political  or  military  combinations,  gave  their 
acquiescence  afterwards,  together  with  their  oaths  of 
allegiance.  The  people  approved  the  important  steps 
taken  by  their  representatives.1 

Without  a  direct  intention  on  the  part  of  the  people  or 
its  leaders  to  establish  a  republic,  the  republic  established 
itself.  Providence  did  not  permit  the  whole  country,  so 
full  of  wealth,  intelligence,  healthy  political  action — so 
stocked  with  powerful  cities  and  an  energetic  population 
— to  be  combined  into  one  free  and  prosperous  common- 
wealth. The  factious  ambition  of  a  few  grandees,  the 
cynical  venality  of  many  nobles,  the  frenzy  of  the  Ghent 

1  Kluit,  i,  247-250. 


368  The  Rise  of  the 

democracy,  the  spirit  of  religious  intolerance,  the  con- 
summate military  and  political  genius  of  Alexander 
Farnese,  the  exaggerated  self-abnegation  and  the  tragic 
fate  of  Orange,  all  united  to  dissever  this  group  of 
flourishing  and  kindred  provinces. 

The  want  of  personal  ambition  on  the  part  of  William 
the  Silent  inflicted  perhaps  a  serious  damage  upon  his 
country.  He  believed  a  single  chief  requisite  for  the 
united  states ;  he  might  have  been,  but  always  refused  to 
become  that  chief;  and  yet  he  has  been  held  up  for 
centuries  by  many  writers  as  a  conspirator  and  a  self- 
seeking  intriguer.  "  It  seems  to  me,"  said  he,  with  equal 
pathos  and  truth,  upon  one  occasion,  "that  I  was  born 
in  this  bad  planet  that  all  which  I  do  might  be  misinter- 
preted."1 The  people  worshipped  him,  and  there  was 
many  an  occasion  when  his  election  would  have  been 
carried  with  enthusiasm.2  "  These  provinces,"  said  John 
of  Nassau,  "  are  coming  very  unwillingly  into  the  arrange- 
ment with  the  Duke  of  Alen9on.  The  majority  feel  much 
more  inclined  to  elect  the  Prince,  who  is  daily,  and  with- 
out intermission,  implored  to  give  his  consent.  His  Grace, 
however,  will  in  no  wise  agree  to  this ;  not  because  he 
fears  the  consequences,  such  as  loss  of  property  or  in- 
creased danger,  for  therein  he  is  plunged  as  deeply  as  he 
ever  could  be ; — on  the  contrary,  if  he  considered  only  the 
interests  of  his  race  and  the  grandeur  of  his  house,  he 
could  expect  nothing  but  increase  of  honour,  gold,  and 
gear,  with  all  other  prosperity.  He  refuses  only  on  this 
account — that  it  may  not  be  thought  that,  instead  of 
religious  freedom  for  the  country,  he  has  been  seeking 
a  kingdom  for  himself  and  his  own  private  advancement. 
Moreover,  he  believes  that  the  connexion  with  France  will 
be  of  more  benefit  to  the  country  and  to  Christianity  than  if 
a  peace  should  be  made  with  Spain,  or  than  if  he  should 
himself  accept  the  sovereignty,  as  he  is  desired  to  do."3 

The  unfortunate  negotiations  with  Anjou,  to  which  no 
man  was  more  opposed  than  Count  John,  proceeded  there- 
fore. In  the  meantime,  the  sovereignty  over  the  united 
provinces  was  provisionally  held  by  the  national  council, 
and,  at  the  urgent  solicitation  of  the  states-general,  by 
the  Prince.4  The  Archduke  Matthias,  whose  functions 
were  most  unceremoniously  brought  to  an  end  by  the 

1  Archives  et  Corresp.,  vii.  387,         2  Bor,  xix.  4Ssb. — Compare  Van  d.  Vynckt,  iii.  73. 
S  Archives,  etc.,  vii.  332,  333.  4  Ibid.,  vij.  589, 


Dutch  Republic  369 

transactions  which  we  have  been  recording,  took  his  leave 
of  the  states,  and  departed  in  the  month  of  October.1 
Brought  to  the  country  a  beardless  boy,  by  the  intrigues 
of  a  faction  who  wished  to  use  him  as  a  tool  against 
William  of  Orange,  he  had  quietly  submitted,  on  the  con- 
trary, to  serve  as  the  instrument  of  that  great  statesman. 
His  personality  during  his  residence  was  null,  and  he  had 
to  expiate,  by  many  a  petty  mortification,  by  many  a 
bitter  tear,  the  boyish  ambition  which  brought  him  to 
the  Netherlands.  He  had  certainly  had  ample  leisure 
to  repent  the  haste  with  which  he  had  got  out  of  his 
warm  bed  in  Vienna  to  take  his  bootless  journey  to 
Brussels.  Nevertheless,  in  a  country  where  so  much  base- 
ness, cruelty,  and  treachery  was  habitually  practised  by 
men  of  high  position,  as  was  the  case  in  the  Netherlands, 
it  is  something  in  favour  of  Matthias  that  he  had  not 
been  base,  or  cruel,  or  treacherous.2  The  states  voted 
him,  on  his  departure,  a  pension  of  fifty  thousand  guldens 
annually,3  which  was  probably  not  paid  with  exemplary 
regularity.4 


CHAPTER    V 

Policy  of  electing  Anjou  as  sovereign — Commoda  et  incommoda — Views  of  Orange — 
Opinions  at  the  French  Court — Anjou  relieves  Cambray — Parma  besieges  Tournay — 
Brave  defence  by  the  Princess  of  Espinoy — Honourable  capitulation — Anjou's  court- 
ship in  England — The  Duke's  arrival  in  the  Netherlands — Portrait  of  Anjou — 
Festivities  in  Flushing — Inauguration  at  Antwerp — The  conditions  or  articles  sub- 
scribed to  by  the  Duke — Attempt  upon  the  life  of  Orange — The  assassin's  papers — 
Confession  of  Venero — Caspar  Anastro — His  escape — Execution  of  Venero  and 
Zimmermann — Precarious  condition  of  the  Prince — His  recovery — Death  of  the 
Princess — Premature  letters  of  Parma — Further  negotiations  with  Orange  as  to  the 
sovereignty  of  Holland  and  Zeland — Character  of  the  revised  Constitution — 
Comparison  of  the  positions  of  the  Prince  before  and  after  his  acceptance  of  the 
countship. 

THUS  it  was  arranged  that,  for  the  present,  at  least,  the 
Prince  should  exercise  sovereignty  over  Holland  and 
Zeland;  although  he  had  himself  used  his  utmost  exer- 
tions to  induce  those  provinces  to  join  the  rest  of  the 
United  Netherlands  in  the  proposed  election  of  Anjou.5 
This,  however,  they  sternly  refused  to  do.  There  was 
also  a  great  disinclination  felt  by  many  in  the  other  states 

1  Bor,  xvi.  282.     Meteren,  x.  190.     Wagenaer,  vii.  414,  415. 

2  He  is,  however,  accused  by  Meteren  of  having  entered  at  last  into  secret  intrigues 
with  the  King  of  Spain  against  William  of  Orange. — Nederl.   Hist,  x.  IQOC.     Hoofd 
repeats  the  story. — Nederl.  Hist.,  xviii.  779.     Wagenaer  discredits  it :  vii.  414. 

3  Bor,  xvi.  282.     Meteren,  Hoofd,  Wagenaer,  ubi  sup. 

4  Wagenaer,  vii.  414,  415.     Groen  v.  Prinst.,  Archives,  vii.  588,  5  Bor,  xiv.  183. 


370  The  Rise  of  the 

to  this  hazardous  offer  of  their  allegiance,1  and  it  was  the 
personal  influence  of  Orange  that  eventually  carried  the 
measure  through.  Looking  at  the  position  of  affairs  and 
at  the  character  of  Anjou,  as  they  appear  to  us  now,  it 
seems  difficult  to  account  for  the  Prince's  policy.  It 
is  so  natural  to  judge  only  by  the  result,  that  we  are 
ready  to  censure  statesmen  for  consequences  which  before- 
hand might  seem  utterly  incredible,  and  for  reading  falsely 
human  characters  whose  entire  development  only  a  late 
posterity  has  had  full  opportunity  to  appreciate.2  Still, 
one  would  think  that  Anjou  had  been  sufficiently  known 
to  inspire  distrust. 

There  was  but  little,  too,  in  the  aspect  of  the  French 
court  to  encourage  hopes  of  valuable  assistance  from  that 
quarter.  It  was  urged,  not  without  reason,  that  the 
French  were  as  likely  to  become  as  dangerous  as  the 
Spaniards ;  that  they  would  prove  nearer  and  more  trouble- 
some masters ;  that  France  intended  the  incorporation  of 
the  Netherlands  into  her  own  kingdom ;  that  the  provinces 
would  therefore  be  dispersed  for  ever  from  the  German 
Empire;  and  that  it  was  as  well  to  hold  to  the  tyrant 
under  whom  they  had  been  born,  as  to  give  themselves 
voluntarily. to  another  of  their  own  making.3  In  short,  it 
was  maintained,  in  homely  language,  that  "  France  and 
Spain  were  both  under  one  coverlid."4  It  might  have 
been  added  that  only  extreme  misery  could  make  the  pro- 
vinces take  either  bedfellow.  Moreover,  it  was  asserted, 
with  reason,  that  Anjou  would  be  a  very  expensive  master, 
for  his  luxurious  and  extravagant  habits  were  notorious 
— that  he  was  a  man  in  whom  no  confidence  could  be 
placed,  and  one  who  would  grasp  at  arbitrary  power  by 

1  See,  in  particular,   two  papers  from  the  hand  of  Count  John  upon  the  subject. 
Archives  et  Correspondance,  vii.  48-51,  and  162-165. 

2  Sainte  Aldegonde,  for  instance,  wrote  from  Paris  to  an  intimate  friend,  that  after  a 
conversation  with  Anjou  of  an  hour  and  a  half  s  duration,  he  had  formed  the  very  highest 
estimate   of  his   talents   and   character.      He  praised  to  the  skies  the   elegance  of  his 
manners,  the  liveliness  of  his  mind,  his  remarkable  sincerity — in  which  last  gifts  he  so 
particularly  resembled  the  Netherlander  themselves.     Above  all,  he  extolled  the  Duke's 
extreme  desire  to  effect  the  liberation  of  the  provinces.     He  added,  that  if  the  oppor- 
tunity should  be  let  slip  of  securing  such  a  prince,  "posterity  would  regret  it  with  bitter 
tears  for  a  thousand  years  to    come." — Hoofd,   xvii.    736.     The  opinion  expressed   by 
Henry  the  Fourth  to  Sully  is    worth  placing    in   juxtaposition  with   this  extravagant 
eulogium  of  Marnix :  "II  me  trompera  bien  s'il  ne  trompe  tous ceux  qui  se  fieront  en 
luy,  et  surtout  s'il  aime  jamais  ceux  de  la  Religion,  ny  leur  fait  aucuns  advantages ;  car 
je  s$ay  pour  lui  avoir  ouy  dire  plus  d'une  fois,  qu'il  les  hait  comme  le  diable  dans  son 
caeur,  et  puis  il  a  le  coeur  si  double  et  si  malin,  et  le  courage  si  lasche,  le  corps  si  mal  basty, 
et  est  tant  inhabile  k  toutes  sortes  de  vertueux  exercices,  que  je  ne  me  sgaurois  persuader 
qu'il  ne  fasse  jamais  rien  le  gdne'reux." — Mem.  de   Sully,  i.   102. — Compare  Groen  v. 
Prinsterer,  Archives,  etc.,  vii.  4-13. 

"  Incommoda  et  commoda,"  etc. — Archives  et  Correspondance,  vii.  48. 
4  "  Dasz  Franckreich  und  Spanien  mit  einander  under  einer  decke  liegen.'  — Ibid. 


Dutch  Republic  371 

any  means  which  might  present  themselves.1  Above  all, 
it  was  urged  that  he  was  not  of  the  true  religion,  that 
he  hated  the  professors  of  that  faith  in  his  heart,  and  that 
it  was  extremely  unwise  for  men  whose  dearest  interests 
were  their  religious  ones,  to  elect  a  sovereign  of  opposite 
creed  to  their  own.  To  these  plausible  views  the  Prince 
of  Orange  and  those  who  acted  with  him,  had,  however, 
sufficient  answers.  The  Netherlands  had  waited  long 
enough  for  assistance  from  other  quarters.  Germany 
would  not  lift  a  finger  in  the  cause ;  on  the  contrary,  the 
whole  of  Germany,  whether  Protestant  or  Catholic,  was 
either  openly  or  covertly  hostile.  It  was  madness  to  wait 
till  assistance  came  to  them  from  unseen  sources.  It  was 
time  for  them  to  assist  themselves,  and  to  take  the  best 
they  could  get;  for  when  men  were  starving  they  could 
not  afford  to  be  dainty.  They  might  be  bound  hand  and 
foot,  they  might  be  overwhelmed  a  thousand  times  before 
they  would  receive  succour  from  Germany,  or  from  any 
land  but  France.  Under  the  circumstances  in  which  they 
found  themselves,  hope  delayed  was  but  a  cold  and  meagre 
consolation.2 

"  To  speak  plainly,"  said  Orange,  "  asking  us  to  wait 
is  very  much  as  if  you  should  keep  a  man  three  days  with- 
out any  food  in  the  expectation  of  a  magnificent  banquet, 
should  persuade  him  to  refuse  bread,  and  at  the  end  of 
three  days  should  tell  him  that  the  banquet  was  not  ready, 
but  that  a  still  better  one  was  in  preparation.  Would  it 
not  be  better,  then,  that  the  poor  man,  to  avoid  starvation, 
should  wait  no  longer,  but  accept  bread  wherever  he  might 
find  it?  Such  is  our  case  at  present."3 

It  was  in  this  vein  that  he  ever  wrote  and  spoke.  The 
Netherlands  were  to  rely  upon  their  own  exertions,  and 
to  procure  the  best  alliance,  together  with  the  most 
efficient  protection  possible.  They  were  not  strong  enough 
to  cope  single-handed  with  their  powerful  tyrant,  but  they 
were  strong  enough  if  they  used  the  instruments  which 
Heaven  offered.  It  was  not  trusting  but  tempting  Provi- 
dence to  wait  supinely,  instead  of  grasping  boldly  at 
the  means  of  rescue  within  reach.  It  became  the  character 
of  brave  men  to  act,  not  to  expect.  "  Otherwise,"  said 
the  Prince,  "  we  may  climb  to  the  tops  of  trees,  like  the 
Anabaptists  of  Munster,  and  expect  God's  assistance  to 

1  Archives,  etc.,  vii.  48.  ^     2  "Une  froide  et  bien  maigre  consolation."— Ibid.,  vii.  240. 
3  Ibid.,  vii.  240  and  235  ;  Letter  to  Lazarus  Schwendi. 


372  The  Rise  of  the 

drop  from  the  clouds."1  It  is  only  by  listening  to  these 
arguments  so  often  repeated,  that  we  can  comprehend 
the  policy  of  Orange  at  this  period.  "  God  has  said  that 
He  would  furnish  the  ravens  with  food,  and  the  lions 
with  their  prey,"  said  he;  "  but  the  birds  and  the  lions  do 
not,  therefore,  sit  in  their  nests  and  their  lairs  waiting 
for  their  food  to  descend  from  heaven,  but  they  seek  it 
where  it  is  to  be  found."2  So  also,  at  a  later  day, 
when  events  seemed  to  have  justified  the  distrust  so  gener- 
ally felt  in  Anjou,  the  Prince,  nevertheless,  held  similar 
language.  "  I  do  not,"  said  he,  "  calumniate  those  who 
tell  us  to  put  our  trust  in  God.  That  is  my  opinion  also. 
But  it  is  trusting  God  to  use  the  means  which  He  places 
in  our  hands,  and  to  ask  that  his  blessings  may  come 
upon  them."  3 

There  was  a  feeling  entertained  by  the  more  sanguine 
that  the  French  King  would  heartily  assist  the  Nether- 
lands, after  his  brother  should  be  fairly  installed.  He 
had  expressly  written  to  that  effect,  assuring  Anjou  that 
he  would  help  him  with  all  his  strength,  and  would  enter 
into  close  alliance  with  those  Netherlands  which  should 
accept  him  as  prince  and  sovereign.4  In  another  and 
more  private  letter  to  the  Duke,  the  King  promised  to 
assist  his  brother,  "even  to  his  last  shirt."5  There  is 
no  doubt  that  it  was  the  policy  of  the  statesmen  of  France 
to  assist  the  Netherlands,  while  the  "  mignons  "  of  the 
worthless  King  were  of  a  contrary  opinion.  Many  of 
them  were  secret  partizans  of  Spain,  and  found  it  more 
agreeable  to  receive  the  secret  pay  of  Philip  than  to  assist 
his  revolted  provinces.  They  found  it  easy  to  excite  the 
jealousy  of  the  monarch  against  his  brother — a  passion 
which  proved  more  effective  than  the  more  lofty  ambition 
of  annexing  the  Low  Countries,  according  to  the  secret 
promptings  of  many  French  politicians.6  As  for  the 
Queen  Mother,  she  was  fierce  in  her  determination  to 
see  fulfilled  in  this  way  the  famous  prediction  of  Nostra- 
damus. Three  of  her  sons  had  successively  worn  the 
crown  of  France.  That  she  might  be  "  the  mother  of 

1  Archives,  etc.,  vii.  576.  2  Letter  to  Count  John,  Archives  et  Corresp.,  vii.  576. 

3  Letter  to  states-general,  apud  Bor,  xvii.  349-354  (one  of  the  noblest  state  papers  that 
ever  came  from  his  hand). 

4  The  letter,  dated  Blois,  Dec.  26,  1580,  is  given  by  Hoofd,  xviii.  754.     According  to 
Duplessis  Mornay,   the   Duke  had,   however,  been   expressly   instructed   by  his   royal 
brother  to  withdraw  the  letter  as  soon  as  the   deputies  had  seen  it.     He  was  always 
commanded  never  to  importune  his  Majesty  on  the  subject. — V.  Borgnet,  Philippe  II. 
et  la  Belgique,  p.  147.  6  Quotation  in  Archives,  etc.,  vii.  403. 

6  De  Thou,  ix.  28-33. 


Dutch  Republic  373 

four  kings,"  without  laying  a  third  child  in  the  tomb, 
she  was  greedy  for  this  proffered  sovereignty  to  her 
youngest  and  favourite  son.  This  well-known  desire  of 
Catherine  de  Medici  was  duly  insisted  upon  by  the  advo- 
cates of  the  election;  for  her  influence,  it  was  urged, 
would  bring  the  whole  power  of  France  to  support  the 
Netherlands.1 

At  any  rate,  France  could  not  be  worse — could  hardly 
be  so  bad — as  the  present  tyranny.  "  Better  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Gaul,  though  suspect  and  dangerous,"  said 
Everard  Reyd,  "  than  the  truculent  dominion  of  the  Span- 
iard. Even  thus  will  the  partridge  fly  to  the  hand  of 
man,  to  escape  the  talons  of  the  hawk."2  As  for  the 
individual  character  of  Anjou,  proper  means  would  be 
taken,  urged  the  advocates  of  his  sovereignty,  to  keep  him 
in  check,  for  it  was  intended  so  closely  to  limit  the  power 
conferred  upon  him,  that  it  would  be  only  supreme  in 
name.  The  Netherlands  were  to  be,  in  reality,  a  republic, 
of  which  Anjou  was  to  be  a  kind  of  Italian  or  Frisian 
podesta.  "  The  Duke  is  not  to  act  according  to  his 
pleasure,"  said  one  of  the  negotiators,  in  a  private  letter 
to  Count  John;  "we  shall  take  care  to  provide  a  good 
muzzle  for  him."3  How  conscientiously  the  "muzzle" 
was  prepared,  will  appear  from  the  articles  by  which  the 
states  soon  afterwards  accepted  the  new  sovereign.  How 
basely  he  contrived  to  slip  the  muzzle — in  what  cruel 
and  cowardly  fashion  he  bathed  his  fangs  in  the  blood  of 
the  flock  committed  to  him — will  also  but  too  soon  appear. 

As  for  the  religious  objection  to  Anjou,  on  which  more 
stress  was  laid  than  upon  any  other,  the  answer  was 
equally  ready.  Orange  professed  himself  "  not  theolo- 
gian enough  "  to  go  into  the  subtleties  brought  forward. 
As  it  was  intended  to  establish  most  firmly  a  religious 
peace,  with  entire  tolerance  for  all  creeds,  he  did  not 
think  it  absolutely  essential  to  require  a  prince  of  the 
reformed  faith.  It  was  bigotry  to  dictate  to  the  sovereign, 
when  full  liberty  in  religious  matters  was  claimed  for 
the  subject.  Orange  was  known  to  be  a  zealous  professor 
of  the  reformed  worship  himself;  but  he  did  not  therefore 
reject  political  assistance,  even  though  offered  by  a  not 
very  enthusiastic  member  of  the  ancient  Church. 

"  If  the  priest  and  the  Levite  pass  us  by  when  we  are 

1  Renom  de  France,  MS.,  torn.  v.  c.  5. — Compare  Strada,  ii.  214,  215. 
2  Reidani,  Ann.  Belg.,  ii.  31.  3  Archives  et  Corresp.,  vii.  290. 


374  The  Rise  of  the 

fallen  among  thieves,"  said  he,  with  much  aptness  and 
some  bitterness,  "  shall  we  reject  the  aid  proffered  by  the 
Samaritan,  because  he  is  of  a  different  faith  from  the 
worthy  fathers  who  have  left  us  to  perish?"  x  In  short, 
it  was  observed  with  perfect  truth  that  Philip  had  been 
removed,  not  because  he  was  a  Catholic,  but  because  he 
was  a  tyrant;  not  because  his  faith  was  different  from 
that  of  his  subjects,  but  because  he  was  resolved  to  exter- 
minate all  men  whose  religion  differed  from  his  own.  It 
was  not,  therefore,  inconsistent  to  choose  another  Catholic 
for  a  sovereign,  if  proper  guarantees  could  be  obtained 
that  he  would  protect  and  not  oppress  the  reformed 
churches.  "  If  the  Duke  have  the  same  designs  as  the 
King,"  said  Sainte  Aldegonde,  "  it  would  be  a  great  piece 
of  folly  to  change  one  tyrant  and  persecutor  for  another. 
If,  on  the  contrary,  instead  of  oppressing  our  liberties, 
he  will  maintain  them,  and  in  place  of  extirpating  the 
disciples  of  the  true  religion,  he  will  protect  them,  then 
are  all  the  reasons  of  our  opponents  without  vigour."2 

By  midsummer  the  Duke  of  Anjou  made  his  appearance 
in  the  western  part  of  the  Netherlands.  The  Prince  of 
Parma  had  recently  come  from  Cambray  with  the  in- 
tention of  reducing  that  important  city.  On  the  arrival 
of  Anjou,  however,  at  the  head  of  five  thousand  cavalry 
— nearly  all  of  them  gentlemen  of  high  degree,  serving  as 
volunteers — and  of  twelve  thousand  infantry,  Alexander 
raised  the  siege  precipitately,  and  retired  towards  Tour- 
nay.  Anjou  victualled  the  city,  strengthened  the  garrison, 
and  then,  as  his  cavalry  had  only  enlisted  for  a  summer's 
amusement,  and  could  no  longer  be  held  together,  he 
disbanded  his  forces.  The  bulk  of  the  infantry  took 
service  for  the  states  under  the  Prince  of  Espinoy,  gover- 
nor of  Tournay.  The  Duke  himself,  finding  that,  not- 
withstanding the  treaty  of  Plessis  les  Tours  and  the 
present  showy  demonstration  upon  his  part,  the  states 
were  not  yet  prepared  to  render  him  formal  allegiance, 
and  being,  moreover,  in  the  heyday  of  what  was  univers- 
ally considered  his  prosperous  courtship  of  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, soon  afterwards  took  his  departure  for  England.3 

Parma,  being  thus  relieved  of  his  interference,  soon 
afterwards  laid  siege  to  the  important  city  of  Tournay. 
The  Prince  of  Espinoy  was  absent  with  the  army  in  the 

1  Archives  et  Corresp.,  vii.  573.  2  Ibid.,  vii.  278. 

s  Bor,  xvi.  287.     Strada,  2,  iv.  185-193.     Tassis,  vi.  428.     Hoofd,  xviii.  785. 


Dutch  Republic  375 

north,  but  the  Princess  commanded  in  his  absence.  She 
fulfilled  her  duty  in  a  manner  worthy  of  the  house  from 
which  she  sprang-,  for  the  blood  of  Count  Horn  was  in 
her  veins.  The  daughter  of  Mary  de  Montmorency,  the 
Admiral's  'sister,  answered  the  summons  of  Parma  to 
surrender  at  discretion  with  defiance.  The  garrison  was 
encouraged  by  her  steadfastness.  The  Princess  appeared 
daily  among-  her  troops,  superintending  the  defences, 
and  personally  directing  the  officers.  During  one  of  the 
assaults,  she  is  said,  but  perhaps  erroneously,  to  have 
been  wounded  in  the  arm,  notwithstanding  which  she 
refused  to  retire.1 

The  siege  lasted  two  months.  Meantime,  it  became 
impossible  for  Orange  and  the  estates,  notwithstanding 
their  efforts,  to  raise  a  sufficient  force  to  drive  Parma  from 
his  entrenchments.  The  city  was  becoming  gradually 
and  surely  undermined  from  without,  while  at  the  same 
time  the  insidious  art  of  a  Dominican  friar,  Father  Ge>y 
by  name,  had  been  as  surely  sapping  the  fidelity  of  the 
garrison  from  within.  An  open  revolt  of  the  Catholic 
population  being  on  the  point  of  taking  place,  it  became 
impossible  any  longer  to  hold  the  city.  Those  of  the 
reformed  faith  insisted  that  the  place  should  be  sur- 
rendered; and  the  Princess,  being  thus  deserted  by  all 
parties,  made  an  honourable  capitulation  with  Parma. 
She  herself,  with  all  her  garrison,  was  allowed  to  retire 
with  personal  property,  and  with  all  the  honours  of  war, 
while  the  sack  of  the  city  was  commuted  for  one  hundred 
thousand  crowns,  levied  upon  the  inhabitants.  The 
Princess,  on  leaving  the  gates,  was  received  with  such  a 
shout  of  applause  from  the  royal  army  that  she  seemed 
less  like  a  defeated  commander  than  a  conqueror.  Upon 
the  30th  November,  Parma  accordingly  entered  the  place 
which  he  had  been  besieging  since  the  ist  of  October.2 

By  the  end  of  the  autumn,  the  Prince  of  Orange,  more 
than  ever  dissatisfied  with  the  anarchical  condition  of 
affairs,  and  with  the  obstinate  jealousy  and  parsimony  of 
the  different  provinces,  again  summoned  the  country  in 
the  most  earnest  language  to  provide  for  the  general 
defence,  and  to  take  measures  for  the  inauguration  of 
Anjou.  He  painted  in  sombre  colours  the  prospect  which 
lay  before  them,  if  nothing  was  done  to  arrest  the  progress 

1  Bor.  xvi.  287,  288.     Meteren,  x.  100.     Hoofd,  xviii.  785,  786.     Strada,  2,  iv.  195-213, 
et  al.  2  Bor,  Hoofd,  Meteren,  Strada,  Bentivoglio. 


376 


The  Rise  of  the 


of  the  internal  disorders  and  of  the  external  foe,  whose 
forces  were  steadily  augmenting.  Had  the  provinces  fol- 
lowed his  advice,  instead  of  quarrelling-  among  them- 
selves, they  would  have  had  a  powerful  army  on  foot  to 
second  the  efforts  of  Anjou,  and  subsequently  to  save 
Tournay.  They  had  remained  supine  and  stolid,  even 
while  the  cannonading  against  these  beautiful  cities  was 
in  their  very  ears.  No  man  seemed  to  think  himself  in- 
terested in  public  affairs,  save  when  his  own  province  or 
village  was  directly  attacked.1  The  general  interests  of 
the  commonwealth  were  forgotten  in  local  jealousy.  Had 
it  been  otherwise,  the  enemy  would  have  long  since  been 
driven  over  the  Meuse.  "  When  money,"  continued  the 
Prince,  "  is  asked  for  to  carry  on  the  war,  men  answer 
as  if  they  were  talking  with  the  dead  Emperor.2  To  say, 
however,  that  they  will  pay  no  more,  is  as  much  as  to 
declare  that  they  will  give  up  their  land  and  their  religion 
both.  I  say  this,  not  because  I  have  any  desire  to  put 
my  hands  into  the  common  purse.  You  well  know  that 
I  have  never  touched  the  public  money,  but  it  is  import- 
ant that  you  should  feel  that  there  is  no  war  in  the  country 
except  the  one  which  concerns  you  all." 

The  states,  thus  shamed  and  stimulated,  set  themselves 
in  earnest  to  obey  the  mandates  of  the  Prince,  and  sent 
a  special  mission  to  England,  to  arrange  with  the  Duke  of 
Anjou  for  his  formal  installation  as  sovereign.  Sainte 
Aldegonde  and  other  commissioners  were  already  there. 
It  was  the  memorable  epoch  in  the  Anjou  wooing,  when 
the  rings  were  exchanged  between  Elizabeth  and  the 
Duke,  and  when  the  world  thought  that  the  nuptials  were 
on  the  point  of  being  celebrated.  Sainte  Aldegonde  wrote 
to  the  Prince  of  Orange  on  the  22nd  of  November,  that 
the  marriage  had  been  finally  settled  upon  that  day.3 
Throughout  the  Netherlands,  the  auspicious  tidings  were 
greeted  with  bonfires,  illuminations,  and  cannonading,4 
and  the  measures  for  hailing  the  Prince,  thus  highly 
favoured  by  so  great  a  Queen,  as  sovereign  master  of  the 
provinces,  were  pushed  forward  with  great  energy. 

Nevertheless,  the  marriage  ended  in  smoke.  There  were 
plenty  of  tourneys,  pageants,  and  banquets ;  a  profusion  of 

1  Remonstrance  to  the  states-general,  Dec.  i,  1581,  in  Bor,  xvi.  289,  290. 

2  " So  varen  sy  in  de  sake  voort  en  antwoorden  daer  op  als  sy  spraken  met  den 

doden  Kayser." — Ibid. 

3  Strada,  2,  iv.  214,  sqq.     Bor,  xvi.  290.     De  Thou,  viii.  536,  sqq. 

4  Bor,  De  Thou,  ubi  sup.     Hoofd,  xviii.  788. 


Dutch  Republic  377 

nuptial  festivities,  in  short,  where  nothing  was  omitted 
but  the  nuptials.  By  the  end  of  January,  1582,  the  Duke 
was  no  nearer  the  goal  than  upon  his  arrival  three  months 
before.  Acceding,  therefore,  to  the  wishes  of  the  Nether- 
land  envoys,  he  prepared  for  a  visit  to  their  country, 
where  the  ceremony  of  his  joyful  entrance  as  Duke  of 
Brabant  and  sovereign  of  the  other  provinces  was  to  take 
place.  No  open  rupture  with  Elizabeth  occurred.  On 
the  contrary,  the  Queen  accompanied  the  Duke,  with  a 
numerous  and  stately  retinue,  as  far  as  Canterbury,  and 
sent  a  most  brilliant  train  of  her  greatest  nobles  and 
gentlemen  to  escort  him  to  the  Netherlands,  communicat- 
ing at  the  same  time,  by  special  letter,  her  wishes  to  the 
estates-general,  that  he  should  be  treated  with  as  much 
honour  "as  if  he  were  her  second  self."  l 

On  the  loth  of  February,  fifteen  large  vessels  cast 
anchor  at  Flushing.  The  Duke  of  Anjou,  attended  by  the 
Earl  of  Leicester,  the  Lords  Hunsdon,  Willoughby,  Shef- 
field, Howard,  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  and  many  other  person- 
ages of  high  rank  and  reputation,2  landed  from  this  fleet. 
He  was  greeted  on  his  arrival  by  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
who,  with  the  Prince  of  Espinoy  and  a  large  deputation 
of  the  states-general,  had  been  for  some  days  waiting 
to  welcome  him.  The  man  whom  the  Netherlands  had 
chosen  for  their  new  master  stood  on  the  shores  of 
Zeland.  Francis  Hercules,  Son  of  France,  Duke  of 
Alencon  and  Anjou,  was  at  that  time  just  twenty-eight 
years  of  age ;  yet  not  even  his  flatterers,  or  his  "  minions," 
of  whom  he  had  as  regular  a  train  as  his  royal  brother, 
could  claim  for  him  the  external  graces  of  youth  or  of 
princely  dignity.  He  was  below  the  middle  height,  puny 
and  ill-shaped.  His  hair  and  eyes  were  brown,  his  face 
was  seamed  with  the  small-pox,  his  skin  covered  with 
blotches,  his  nose  so  swollen  and  distorted  that  it  seemed 
to  be  double.  This  prominent  feature  did  not  escape 
the  sarcasms  of  his  countrymen,  who,  among  other  gibes, 
were  wont  to  observe  that  the  man  who  always  wore  two 
faces,  might  be  expected  to  have  two  noses  also.  It  was 

1  "  Oblectatus  distractusque  juvenis, videt  se  in  mediis  nuptiis  celebrate  omnia 

prater  nuptias." — Strada,  2,  iv.  217. — Compare  De  Thou,  viii.  600,   sqq.;  Hoofd,  xix. 

795.     " qu'il  allast  accompagne"  de  la  recommandation  cl'une  Princesse qui  estime 

avoir  tel  interest  en  vous  que  vous  en  serez  pouss^s  d'avantage  a  honnorer  un  Prince  qui  lui 
est  si  cher  qu'elle  fait  autant  de  lui  comme  d'un  autre  soi-meme,"  etc.,  etc. — Lettre  de  la 
Sere'nissime    Reine  d'Angleterre  aux   Etats-ge"neraux,    Fev.    6.    1581,    MS.      Ordinaris 
Depechen  Boek  der  Staten-general,  An.  1582,  1583,  f.  ivo,  Hague  Archives. 

2  De  Thou,  Hoofd,  ubi  sup.     Bor,  xvii.  296.     Meteren,  xi.  192. 


378  The  Rise  of  the 

thought  that  his  revolting  appearance  was  the  principal 
reason  for  the  rupture  of  the  English  marriage,  and  it 
was  in  vain  that  his  supporters  maintained  that  if  he  could 
forgive  her  age,  she  might,  in  return,  excuse  his  ugliness.1 
His  intellect  was  by  no  means  contemptible.  He  was 
not  without  a  certain  quickness  of  apprehension  and  viva- 
city of  expression  which  passed  current  among  his 
admirers  for  wit  and  wisdom.  Even  the  experienced 
Sainte  Aldegonde  was  deceived  in  his  character,  and  de- 
scribed him,  after  an  hour  and  half's  interview,  as  a 
Prince  overflowing  with  bounty,  intelligence,  and  sincerity. 
That  such  men  as  Sainte  Aldegonde  and  the  Prince  of 
Orange  should  be  at  fault  in  their  judgment,  is  evidence 
not  so  much  of  their  want  of  discernment,  as  of  the 
difference  between  the  general  reputation  of  the  Duke  at 
that  period,  and  that  which  has  been  eventually  established 
for  him  in  history.  Moreover,  subsequent  events  were 
to  exhibit  the  utter  baseness  of  his  character  more  signally 
than  it  had  been  displayed  during  his  previous  career, 
however  vacillating.  No  more  ignoble  yet  more  danger- 
ous creature  had  yet  been  loosed  upon  the  devoted  soil 
of  the  Netherlands.  Not  one  of  the  personages  who  had 
hitherto  figured  in  the  long  drama  of  the  revolt  had 
enacted  so  sorry  a  part.  Ambitious  but  trivial,  enter- 
prising but  cowardly,  an  intriguer  and  a  dupe,  without 
religious  convictions  or  political  principles,  save  that  he 
was  willing  to  accept  any  creed  or  any  system  which  might 
advance  his  own  schemes,  he  was  the  most  unfit  protector 
for  a  people  who,  whether  wrong  or  right,  were  at  least 
in  earnest,  and  who  were  accustomed  to  regard  truth  as 
one  of  the  virtues.  He  was  certainly  not  deficient  in  self- 
esteem.  With  a  figure  which  was  insignificant,  and  a 
countenance  which  was  repulsive,  he  had  hoped  to  efface 
the  impression  made  upon  Elizabeth's  imagination  by  the 
handsomest  man  in  Europe.  With  a  commonplace  capa- 
city, and  with  a  narrow  political  education,  he  intended 
to  circumvent  the  most  profound  statesman  of  his  age. 
And  there,  upon  the  pier  at  Flushing,  he  stood  between 
them  both ;  between  the  magnificent  Leicester,  whom  he 
had  thought  to  outshine,  and  the  silent  Prince  of  Orange, 
whom  he  was  determined  to  outwit. 

1  Bor,  xyii.  296.     Meteren,  xi.  192.     Hoofd,  ubi  sup.     Mem.  de  Sully,  loc.  cit.  "  Fa 

picciolo  di  statura  e  poco  ben  fatto  della  persona." — Bentivoglio,  G.   di  Fiandra,  2,  ii. 

275.     "  Pusillo  ac  deformi  in  corpora." — Ev.  Reidan.,  Ann.  Belg.,  ii.  34;  iii.  42.  Van 
der  Vynckt,  iiL  69.     Strada,  2,  iv.  215. 


Dutch  Republic  379 

The  Duke's  arrival  was  greeted  with  the  roar  of  artil- 
lery, the  ringing-  of  bells,  and  the  acclamations  of  a  large 
concourse  of  the  inhabitants ;  suitable  speeches  were  made 
by  the  magistrates  of  the  town,  the  deputies  of  Zeland, 
and  other  functionaries,1  and  a  stately  banquet  was  pro- 
vided, so  remarkable  "  for  its  sugar-work  and  other 
delicacies,  as  to  entirely  astonish  the  French  and  English 
lords  who  partook  thereof. ' '  2  The  Duke  visited  Middel- 
burg,  where  he  was  received  with  great  state,  and  to  the 
authorities  of  which  he  expressed  gratification  at  finding 
two  such  stately  cities  situate  so  close  to  each  other  on 
one  little  island.3 

On  the  1 7th  of  February,  he  set  sail  for  Antwerp.  A 
fleet  of  fifty-four  vessels,  covered  with  flags  and  streamers, 
conveyed  him  and  his  retinue,  together  with  the  large 
deputation  which  had  welcomed  him  at  Flushing,  to  the 
great  commercial  metropolis.  He  stepped  on  shore  at 
Kiel  within  a  bowshot  of  the  city — for,  like  other  Dukes 
of  Brabant,  he  was  not  to  enter  Antwerp  until  he  had 
taken  the  oaths  to  respect  the  constitution — and  the  cere- 
mony of  inauguration  was  to  take  place  outside  the  walls. 
A  large  platform  had  been  erected  for  this  purpose,  com- 
manding a  view  of  the  stately  city,  with  its  bristling 
fortifications  and  shady  groves.4  A  throne,  covered  with 
velvet  and  gold,  was  prepared,  and  here  the  Duke  took 
his  seat,  surrounded  by  a  brilliant  throng,  including  many 
of  the  most  distinguished  personages  in  Europe. 

It  was  a  bright  winter's  morning.  The  gaily-bannered 
fleet  lay  conspicuous  in  the  river,  while  an  enormous  con- 
course of  people  were  thronging  from  all  sides  to  greet 
the  new  sovereign.  Twenty  thousand  burgher  troops,  in 
bright  uniforms,  surrounded  the  platform,  upon  the 
tapestried  floor  of  which  stood  the  magistrates  of  Ant- 
werp, the  leading  members  of  the  Brabant  estates,  with 
the  Prince  of  Orange  at  their  head,  together  with  many 
other  great  functionaries.  The  magnificence  everywhere 
displayed,  and  especially  the  splendid  costumes  of  the 
military  companies,  excited  the  profound  astonishment 
of  the  French,  who  exclaimed  that  every  soldier  seemed 
a  captain,  and  who  regarded  with  vexation  their  own 
inferior  equipments.5 

1  Bor,  xvii.  296.     Hoofd,  xix.  795.  2  Bor,  xvii.  20,7.  3  Ibid. 

4  "Lajoyeuse  et  magnifique  entree  du  Monseignr.  Francois,  Fils  de  France,  Due 
d'Anjou,  etc.,  en  sa  tres  renomme'e  ville  d'Anvers." — Anvers.  Plantin.  1582. — Compare 
Bor,  xvii.  297.  Hoofd,  xix.  795.  5  Renom  de  France,  MS.,  v.  2. 


380  The  Rise  of  the 

Andrew  Hessels,  doctor  utriusque  juris,  delivered  a 
salutatory  oration,  in  which,  among  other  flights  of  elo- 
quence, he  expressed  the  hope  of  the  provinces  that  the 
Duke,  with  the  beams  of  his  greatness,  wisdom,  and 
magnanimity,  would  dissipate  all  the  mists,  fogs,  and 
other  exhalations  which  were  pernicious  to  their  national 
prosperity,  and  that  he  would  bring  back  the  sunlight  of 
their  ancient  glory.1 

Anjou  answered  these  compliments  with  equal  courtesy, 
and  had  much  to  say  of  his  willingness  to  shed  every 
drop  of  his  blood  in  defence  of  the  Brabant  liberties ;  but 
it  might  have  damped  the  enthusiasm  of  the  moment 
could  the  curtain  of  the  not  very  distant  future  have  been 
lifted.  The  audience,  listening  to  these  promises,  might 
have  seen  that  it  was  not  so  much  his  blood  as  theirs 
which  he  was  disposed  to  shed,  and  less,  too,  in  defence 
than  in  violation  of  those  same  liberties  which  he  was 
swearing  to  protect. 

Orator  Hessels  then  read  aloud  the  articles  of  the 
Joyous  Entry,  in  the  Flemish  language,  and  the  Duke 
was  asked  if  he  required  any  explanations  of  that  cele- 
brated constitution.  He  replied  that  he  had  thoroughly 
studied  its  provisions,  with  the  assistance  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  during  his  voyage  from  Flushing,  and  was 
quite  prepared  to  swear  to  maintain  them.  The  oaths, 
according  to  the  antique  custom,  were  then  administered. 
Afterwards,  the  ducal  hat  and  the  velvet  mantle,  lined 
with  ermine,  were  brought,  the  Prince  of  Orange  assisting 
his  Highness  to  assume  this  historical  costume  of  the 
Brabant  dukes,  and  saying  to  him,  as  he  fastened  the 
button  at  the  throat,  "  I  must  secure  this  robe  so  firmly, 
my  lord,  that  no  man  may  ever  tear  it  from  your 
shoulders."  2 

Thus  arrayed  in  his  garment  of  sovereignty,  Anjou  was 
compelled  to  listen  to  another  oration  from  the  pensionary 
of  Antwerp,  John  Van  der  Werken.  He  then  exchanged 
oaths  with  the  magistrates  of  the  city,  and  received  the 
keys,  which  he  returned  for  safe  keeping  to  the  burgo- 
master. Meanwhile  the  trumpets  sounded,  largess  of  gold 
and  silver  coins  was  scattered  among  the  people,  and  the 
heralds  cried  aloud,  "  Long  live  the  Duke  of  Brabant."3 

1  The  oration  is  given  in  full  by  Bor,  xvii.  297,  298. 

2  Bor,  xvii.  298.     Hoofd,  xix.  796.     Meteren,  xi.  192. 

3  "Lajoyeuseet  magnifique  entrde,"  etc.,   Bor,  xvii.  297,  sqq.,  who  conscientiously 
gives  all  the  long  speeches  at  full  length.     Meteren,  xi.  192.     Tassis,  vi.  429. 


Dutch  Republic  381 

A  procession  was  then  formed  to  escort  the  new  Duke 
to  his  commercial  capital.  A  stately  and  striking  pro- 
cession it  was.  The  Hanseatic  merchants  in  ancient 
German  attire,  the  English  merchants  in  long  velvet  cas- 
socks, the  heralds  in  their  quaint  costume,  the  long  train 
of  civic  militia  with  full  bands  of  music,  the  chief  func- 
tionaries of  city  and  province  in  their  black  mantles  and 
gold  chains,  all  marching  under  emblematical  standards 
or  time-honoured  blazons,  followed  each  other  in  dignified 
order.  Then  came  the  Duke  himself,  on  a  white  Barbary 
horse,  caparisoned  with  cloth  of  gold.  He  was  surrounded 
with  English,  French,  and  Netherland  grandees,  many  of 
tljem  of  world-wide  reputation.  There  was  the  stately 
Leicester ;  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  the  mirror  of  chivalry ;  the 
gaunt  and  imposing  form  of  William  the  Silent;  his  son, 
Count  Maurice  of  Nassau,  destined  to  be  the  first  captain 
of  his  age,  then  a  handsome,  dark-eyed  lad  of  fifteen ;  the 
Dauphin  of  Auvergne;  the  Marechal  de  Biron  and  his 
sons;  the  Prince  of  Espinoy;  the  Lords  Sheffield, 
Willoughby,  Howard,  Hunsdon,  and  many  others  of  high 
degree  and  distinguished  reputation.1  The  ancient  guilds 
of  the  cross-bow  men  and  archers  of  Brabant,  splendidly 
accoutred,  formed  the  body-guard  of  the  Duke,  while 
his  French  cavaliers,  the  life-guardsmen  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  and  the  troops  of  the  line,  followed  in  great 
numbers,  their  glittering  uniforms  all  gaily  intermingled, 
"like  the  flowers  de  luce  upon  a  royal  mantle."  The 
procession,  thus  gorgeous  and  gay,  was  terminated  by  a 
dismal  group  of  three  hundred  malefactors,  marching  in 
fetters,  and  imploring  pardon  of  the  Duke,  a  boon  which 
was  to  be  granted  at  evening.  Great  torches,  although 
it  was  high  noon,  were  burning  along  the  road,  at  intervals 
of  four  or  five  feet,  in  a  continuous  line  reaching  from 
the  platform  at  Kiel  to  the  portal  of  Saint  Joris,  through 
which  the  entrance  to  the  city  was  to  be  made. 

Inside  the  gate  a  stupendous  allegory  was  awaiting 
the  approach  of  the  new  sovereign.2  A  huge  gilded  car, 
crowded  with  those  emblematical  and  highly-bedizened 
personages  so  dear  to  the  Netherlanders,  obstructed  the 
advance  of  the  procession.  All  the  virtues  seemed  to  have 

1  "La  joyeuse  et   magnifique  entree,"   etc.,   Bor,   xvii.  30x2,  sqq.     Hoofd,  xix.  797, 
798. 

2  "La  joyeuse  et  magnifique  entree,"  etc.,  in  which  contemporary  pamphlet  are  many 
beautifully-executed  engravings  of  the  wonders  exhibited  on  this  occasion. — Bor,  xvii. 
300,  301. 


382 


The  Rise  of  the 


come  out  for  an  airing  in  one  chariot,  and  were  now 
waiting  to  offer  their  homage  to  Francis  Hercules  Valois. 
Religion  in  "  red  satin,"  holding  the  Gospel  in  her  hand, 
was  supported  by  Justice,  "  in  orange  velvet,"  armed 
with  blade  and  beam.  Prudence  and  Fortitude  embraced 
each  other  near  a  column  enwreathed  by  serpents  ' '  with 
their  tails  in  their  ears  to  typify  deafness  to  flattery;" 
while  Patriotism  as  a  pelican,  and  Patience  as  a  brooding 
hen,  looked  benignantly  upon  the  scene.  This  greeting 
duly  acknowledged,  the  procession  advanced  into  the  city. 
The  streets  were  lined  with  troops  and  with  citizens ;  the 
balconies  were  filled  with  fair  women ;  "  the  very  gables," 
says  an  enthusiastic  contemporary,  "  seemed  to  laugh 
with  ladies'  eyes."1  The  market-place  was  filled  with 
waxen  torches  and  with  blazing  tar-barrels,  while  in  its 
centre  stood  the  giant  Antigonus — founder  of  the  city 
thirteen  hundred  years  before  the  Christian  era — the 
fabulous  personage  who  was  accustomed  to  throw  the 
right  hands  of  all  smuggling  merchants  into  the  Scheld.2 
This  colossal  individual,  attired  in  a  "  surcoat  of  sky- 
blue,"  and  holding  a  banner  emblazoned  with  the  arms 
of  Spain,  turned  its  head  as  the  Duke  entered  the  square, 
saluted  the  new  sovereign,  and  then  dropping  the  Spanish 
scutcheon  upon  the  ground,  raised  aloft  another  bearing 
the  arms  of  Anjou.3 

It  was  nightfall  before  the  procession  at  last  reached 
the  palace  of  Saint  Michael,  which  had  been  fitted  up  for 
the  temporary  reception  of  the  Duke.4  The  next  day 
was  devoted  to  speech-making ;  various  deputations  wait- 
ing upon  the  new  Duke  of  Brabant  with  congratulatory 
addresses.  The  Grand  Pensionary  delivered  a  pompous 
oration  upon  a  platform  hung  with  sky-blue  silk,  and 
carpeted  with  cloth  of  gold.  A  committee  of  the  German 
and  French  reformed  churches  made  a  long  harangue,  in 
which  they  expressed  the  hope  that  the  Lord  would  make 
the  Duke  "  as  valiant  as  David,  as  wise  as  Solomon, 
and  as  pious  as  Hezekiah.  "5  A  Roman  Catholic  depu- 

1  Hoofd,  xix.  798. 

2  "La  joyeuse  entre'e,"  etc. 

"  Hie  fuit  Antigen!  castrum  insigne  Gigantis, 

Quern  Brabo  devicit,  de  quo  Brabonica  tellus,"  etc.,  etc. 

Ancient  verses  quoted  by  Ludov.  Guicciardini,  in  his  description  of  Antwerp,  "but  by 
whom  written,"  says  that  author,  tl  novit  Deus." — Tot.  Belg.  Descript.,  131. 

3  "  La  joy_euse  entree,"  etc.,  Bor,  xvii.  301. 

4  Bor,  ubi  sup.     Hoofd,  xix.   798,  799.     "  Maer   de  geheele   stadt  was  vol  Tortsen, 
Fackelen  ende  Vyeren  op  alle  de  straden,  ende  op  de  kerck  torens,  dat  de  stadt  scheen  in 
een  vyer  te  staen." — Meteren,  xi.  1930.  5  Bor,  xvii.  303. 


Dutch  Republic  383 


tation  informed  his  Highness  that  for  eight  months  the 
members  of  the  ancient  Church  had  been  forbidden  all 
religious  exercises,  saving  baptism,  marriage,  visitation 
of  the  sick,  and  burials.  A  promise  was  therefore  made 
that  this  prohibition,  which  had  been  the  result  of  the 
disturbances  recorded  in  a  preceding  chapter,  should  be 
immediately  modified,  and  on  the  i5th  of  March,  accord- 
ingly, it  was  arranged,  by  command  of  the  magistrates, 
that  all  Catholics  should  have  permission  to  attend  public 
worship,  according  to  the  ancient  ceremonial,  in  the 
church  of  Saint  Michael,  which  had  been  originally  de- 
signated for  the  use  of  the  new  Duke  of  Brabant.  It 
was,  however,  stipulated  that  all  who  desired  to  partake 
of  this  privilege  should  take  the  oath  of  abjuration  before- 
hand, and  go  to  the  church  without  arms.  "1 

The  terms  of  the  treaty  concluded  at  Plessis  les  Tours 
and  Bordeaux  were  now  made  public.  The  Duke  had 
subscribed  to  twenty-seven  articles,2  which  made  as 
stringent  and  sensible  a  constitutional  compact  as  could 
be  desired  by  any  Netherland  patriot.  These  articles, 
taken  in  connexion  with  the  ancient  charters  which  they 
expressly  upheld,  left  the  new  sovereign  no  vestige  of 
arbitrary  power.  He  was  merely  the  hereditary  presi- 
dent of  a  representative  republic.  He  was  to  be  Duke, 
Count,  Margrave,  or  Seignior  of  the  different  provinces 
on  the  same  terms  which  his  predecessors  had  accepted. 
He  was  to  transmit  the  dignities  to  his  children.  If  there 
were  more  than  one  child,  the  provinces  were  to  select 
one  of  the  number  for  their  sovereign.  He  was  to  main- 
tain all  the  ancient  privileges,  charters,  statutes,  and 
customs,  and  to  forfeit  his  sovereignty  at  the  first  viola- 
tion. He  was  to  assemble  the  states-general  at  least 
once  a  year.  He  was  always  to  reside  in  the  Netherlands. 
He  was  to  permit  none  but  natives  to  hold  office.  His 
right  of  appointment  to  all  important  posts  was  limited 
to  a  selection  from  three  candidates,  to  be  proposed  by 
the  estates  of  the  province  concerned,  at  each  vacancy. 
He  was  to  maintain  "  the  Religion  "  and  the  religious 
peace  in  the  same  state  in  which  they  then  were,  or  as 
should  afterwards  be  ordained  by  the  estates  of  each 
province,  without  making  any  innovation  on  his  own 
part.3  Holland  and  Zeland  were  to  remain  as  they  were, 

1  Bor,  xvii.  303.  2  The  articles  are  given  in  full  by  Bor,  3,  xvii.  307-309. 

3  Article  12. 


384 


The  Rise  of  the 


both  in  the  matter  of  religion  and  otherwise.1  His  High- 
ness was  not  to  permit  that  any  one  should  be  examined 
or  molested  in  his  house,  or  otherwise,  in  the  matter  or 
under  pretext  of  religion.2  He  was  to  procure  the  assist- 
ance of  the  King  of  France  for  the  Netherlands.  He  was 
to  maintain  a  perfect  and  a  perpetual  league,  offensive  and 
defensive,  between  that  kingdom  and  the  provinces ;  with- 
out, however,  permitting  any  incorporation  of  territory. 
He  was  to  carry  on  the  war  against  Spain  with  his  own 
means  and  those  furnished  by  his  royal  brother,  in  addi- 
tion to  a  yearly  contribution  by  the  estates  of  two  million 
four  hundred  thousand  guldens.3  He  was  to  dismiss  all 
troops  at  command  of  the  states-general.  He  was  to 
make  no  treaty  with  Spain  without  their  consent. 

It  would  be  superfluous  to  point  out  the  great  difference 
between  the  notions  entertained  upon  international  law 
in  the  sixteenth  century  and  in  our  own.  A  state  of 
nominal  peace  existed  between  Spain,  France,  and  Eng- 
land ;  yet  here  was  the  brother  of  the  French  monarch, 
at  the  head  of  French  troops,  and  attended  by  the  grandees 
of  England,  solemnly  accepting  the  sovereignty  over  the 
revolted  provinces  of  Spain.4  It  is  also  curious  to  observe 
that  the  constitutional  compact  by  which  the  new 
sovereign  of  the  Netherlands  was  admitted  to  the  govern- 
ment, would  have  been  repudiated  as  revolutionary  and 
republican  by  the  monarchs  of  France  or  England,  if  an 
attempt  had  been  made  to  apply  it  to  their  own  realms, 
for  the  ancient  charters — which  in  reality  constituted  a 
republican  form  of  government — had  all  been  re-estab- 
lished by  the  agreement  with  Anjou. 

The  first  fruits  of  the  ban  now  began  to  display  them- 
selves. Sunday,  i8th  of  March,  1582,  was  the  birthday 
of  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  and  a  great  festival  had  been 
arranged,  accordingly,  for  the  evening,  at  the  palace 
of  Saint  Michael,  the  Prince  of  Orange  as  well  as  all  the 
great  French  lords  being  of  course  invited.  The  Prince 
dined,  as  usual,  at  his  house  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
citadel,  in  company  with  the  Counts  Hohenlo  and  Laval, 
and  the  two  distinguished  French  commissioners,  Bon- 
nivet  and  Des  Pruneaux.  Young  Maurice  of  Nassau, 

1  "  Holland  en  Zeland  sullen  blijven  als  sy  togenvvoordlijk  sijn  in't  stuk  van  den  Religie 
en  andersius." — Art.  13.  2  Art.  14.  3  Art.  18. 

4  On  the  other  hand,  the  denial  by  England  of  an  asylum  to  the  refugees,  in  1572, 
and  their  forcible  expulsion  from  her  shores,  led  to  the  occupation  of  Brill  and  the 
foundation  of  the  Dutch  Republic. 


Dutch  Republic  385 

and  two  nephews  of  the  Prince,  sons  of  his  brother  John, 
were  also  present  at  table.  During  dinner  the  conversa- 
tion was  animated,  many  stories  being  related  of  the 
cruelties  which  had  been  practised  by  the  Spaniards  in 
the  provinces.  On  rising  from  the  table,  Orange  led  the 
way  from  the  dining-room  to  his  own  apartments,  showing 
the  noblemen  in  his  company,  as  he  passed  along,  a  piece 
of  tapestry  upon  which  some  Spanish  soldiers  were  repre- 
sented. At  this  moment,  as  he  stood  upon  the  threshold 
of  the  ante-chamber,  a  youth,  of  small  stature,  vulgar 
mien,  and  pale  dark  complexion,  appeared  from  among 
the  servants  and  offered  him  a  petition.  He  took  the 
paper,  and  as  he  did  so,  the  stranger  suddenly  drew  a 
pistol  and  discharged  it  at  the  head  of  the  Prince.  The 
ball  entered  the  neck  under  the  right  ear,  passed  through 
the  roof  of  the  mouth,  and  came  out  under  the  left  jaw- 
bone, carrying  with  it  two  teeth.1  The  pistol  had  been 
held  so  near,  that  the  hair  and  beard  of  the  Prince  were 
set  on  fire  by  the  discharge.  He  remained  standing,  but 
blinded,  stunned,  and  for  a  moment  entirely  ignorant  of 
what  had  occurred.  As  he  afterwards  observed,  he 
thought  perhaps  that  a  part  of  the  house  had  suddenly 
fallen.  Finding  very  soon  that  his  hair  and  beard  were 
burning,  he  comprehended  what  had  occurred,  and  called 
out  quickly,  "  Do  not  kill  him — I  forgive  him  my  death  !" 
and  turning  to  the  French  noblemen  present,  he  added, 
"  Alas  !  what  a  faithful  servant  does  his  Highness  lose  in 
me!"  2 

These  were  his  first  words,  spoken  when,  as  all  be- 
lieved, he  had  been  mortally  wounded.  The  message  of 
mercy  came,  however,  too  late;  for  two  of  the  gentlemen 
present,  by  an  irresistible  impulse,  had  run  the  assassin 
through  with  their  rapiers.  The  halberdiers  rushed  upon 
him  immediately  afterwards,  so  that  he  fell  pierced  in 
thirty-two  vital  places.3  The  Prince,  supported  by  his 
friends,  walked  to  his  chamber,  where  he  was  put  to  bed, 

1  Hoofd,  xix.  804.  Bor,  xvii.  313.  Meteren,  xi.  1940.  Tassis,  vi.  431.  Strada,  2,  iv. 
219.  "  Korte  Verhaal  van  den  moorddadigen  aanslag,  bedreven  op  den  persoon  van  den 
zeer  doorluchtigen  vorst,  den  here  Prins  van  Oranje,  door  Jan  Jauregui,  een  Spaniard." — 
This  is  the  title  of  a  pamphlet  published  at  the  time  with  authentic  documents,  by  Plantin, 
at  Antwerp.  There  is  also  a  French  edition,  printed  simultaneously  with  that  in  Flemish, 
intituled  "  Bref  Recueil  de  1'Assassinat,"  etc.— Reiffenberg  has  republished  it  in  his 
edition  of  Van  der  Vynckt.  Letter  of  Derens,  March  27,  1582,  in  Archives  et  Corre- 


386 


The  Rise  of  the 


while  the  surgeons  examined  and  bandaged  the  wound. 
It  was  most  dangerous  in  appearance,  but  a  very  strange 
circumstance  gave  more  hope  than  could  otherwise  have 
been  entertained.  The  flame  from  the  pistol  had  been  so 
close  that  it  had  actually  cauterized  the  wound  inflicted  by 
the  ball.  But  for  this,  it  was  supposed  that  the  flow  of 
blood  from  the  veins  which  had  been  shot  through  would 
have  proved  fatal  before  the  wound  could  be  dressed. 
The  Prince,  after  the  first  shock,  had  recovered  full 
possession  of  his  senses,  and  believing  himself  to  be 
dying,  he  expressed  the  most  unaffected  sympathy  for  the 
condition  in  which  the  Duke  of  Anjou  would  be  placed 
by  his  death.  "  Alas,  poor  Prince  !"  he  cried  frequently; 
te  alas,  what  troubles  will  now  beset  thee!"1  The  sur- 
geons enjoined  and  implored  his  silence,  as  speaking  might 
cause  the  wound  to  prove  immediately  fatal.  He  com- 
plied, but  wrote  incessantly.2  As  long  as  his  heart  could 
beat,  it  was  impossible  for  him  not  to  be  occupied  with 
his  country. 

Lion  Petit,  a  trusty  captain  of  the  city  guard,  forced 
his  way  to  the  chamber,  it  being  absolutely  necessary, 
said  the  honest  burgher,  for  him  to  see  with  his  own  eyes 
that  the  Prince  was  living,  and  report  the  fact  to  the 
townspeople  :  otherwise,  so  great  was  the  excitement,  it 
was  impossible  to  say  what  might  be  the  result.  It  was 
in  fact  believed  that  the  Prince  was  already  dead,  and  it 
was  whispered  that  he  had  been  assassinated  by  the  order 
of  Anjou.  This  horrible  suspicion  was  flying  through 
the  city,  and  producing  a  fierce  exasperation,3  as  meim 
talked  of  the  murder  of  Coligny,  of  Saint  Bartholomew, 
of  the  murderous  propensities  of  the  Valois  race.  Had 
the  attempt  taken  place  in  the  evening,  at  the  birth-night 
banquet  of  Anjou,  a  horrible  massacre  would  have  been 
the  inevitable  issue.  As  it  happened,  however,  circum- 
stances soon  occurred  to  remove  the  suspicion  from  the 
French,  and  to  indicate  the  origin  of  the  crime.  Mean- 
time, Captain  Petit  was  urged  by  the  Prince,  in  writing, 
to  go  forth  instantly  with  the  news  that  he  yet  survived, 
but  to  implore  the  people,  in  case  God  should  call  him  to 
Himself,  to  hold  him  in  kind  remembrance,  to  make  no 
tumult,  and  to  serve  the  Duke  obediently  and  faithfully.44 

*  '' Ach  anne  vorst,  arme  vorst !  wat  zult  gij  nog  moeijelijkheden  ont  moeten  !  " — Kortt' 
Verhaal.     Bor,  xvii.  313.     Meteren,  xi.  1940.     Hoofd,  xix.  805. 
8  Korte  Verhaal,  etc.-**"  Mfet  cen*  vaste  handen  vlug  schreef." 
ubf  sup*     Matsren, 
,  ub*  >i;p.     K* 


Dutch  Republic  387 

Meantime,  the  youthful  Maurice  of  Nassau  was  giving 
Droof  of  that  cool  determination  which  already  marked 
lis  character.  It  was  natural  that  a  boy  of  fifteen  should 

somewhat  agitated  at  seeing  such  a  father  shot  through 
the  head  before  his  eyes.  His  situation  was  rendered 
doubly  grave  by  the  suspicions  which  were  instantly 
jngendered  as  to  the  probable  origin  of  the  attempt.  It 
was  already  whispered  in  the  hall  that  the  gentlemen 
who  had  been  so  officious  in  slaying  the  assassin,  were 
tiis  accomplices,  who — upon  the  principle  that  dead  men 
would  tell  no  tales — were  disposed,  now  that  the  deed 
was  done,  to  preclude  inconvenient  revelations  as  to  their 
own  share  in  the  crime.  Maurice,  notwithstanding  these 
causes  for  perturbation,  and  despite  his  grief  at  his 
Father's  probable  death,  remained  steadily  by  the  body  of 
the  murderer.  He  was  determined,  if  possible,  to  un- 
ravel the  plot,  and  he  waited  to  possess  himself  of  all 
papers  and  other  articles  which  might  be  found  upon  the 
person  of  the  deceased.1 

A  scrupulous  search  was  at  once  made  by  the  attend- 
ants, and  everything  placed  in  the  young  Count's  own 
hands.  This  done,  Maurice  expressed  a  doubt  lest  some 
of  the  villain's  accomplices  might  attempt  to  take  the 
articles  from  him,2  whereupon  a  faithful  old  servant  of 
ais  father  came  forward,  who  with  an  emphatic  expression 
of  the  importance  of  securing  such  important  documents, 
took  his  young  master  under  his  cloak,  and  led  him  to  a 
retired  apartment  of  the  house.  Here,  after  a  rapid  ex- 
amination, it  was  found  that  the  papers  were  all  in 
Spanish,  written  by  Spaniards  to  Spaniards,  so  that  it 
was  obvious  that  the  conspiracy,  if  one  there  were,  was 
not  a  French  conspiracy.  The  servant,  therefore,  advised 
Maurice  to  go  to  his  father,  while  he  would  himself  in- 
stantly descend  to  the  hall  with  this  important  intelligence. 
Count  Hohenlo  had,  from  the  instant  of  the  murder, 
ordered  the  doors  to  be  fastened,  and  had  permitted  no 
one  to  enter  or  to  leave  the  apartment  without  his  per- 
mission. The  information  now  brought  by  the  servant 
as  to  the  character  of  the  papers,  caused  great  relief  to  the 
minds  of  all ;  for,  till  that  moment,  suspicion  had  even 
lighted  upon  men  who  were  the  firm  friends  of  the  Prince.3 

1  Korte  Vcrhaal,  etc.     Bor,  xvii.  313.     Hoofd,  xix.  805.     Meteren,  xi.  194. 
8  Kprte  Verhaal.-—-"  Helas,"  said  the  boy^  "  ik  ben  zoo  bevreest  dat  hier  eenig  andere 
>ooswicht  zy,  die  mii  die  papieren  afneemt.' 
•  Korte  Verha&l,  Bor,  Mctercn,  Hoofd,  ubi  sup.     Strftde,  t,  iv.  119. 


388 


The  Rise  of  the 


Sainte  Aldegonde,  who  had  meantime  arrived,  now  pro- 
ceeded, in  company  of  the  other  gentlemen,  to  examine 
the  papers  and  other  papers  taken  from  the  assassin.  The 
pistol  with  which  he  had  done  the  deed  was  lying  upon 
the  floor;  a  naked  poniard,  which  he  would  probably 
have  used  also,  had  his  thumb  not  been  blown  off  by  the 
discharge  of  the  pistol,  was  found  in  his  trunk  hose.  In 
his  pocket  were  an  Agnus  Dei,  a  taper  of  green  wax,  two 
bits  of  hareskin,  two  dried  toads — which  were  supposed 
to  be  sorcerer's  charms — a  crucifix,  a  Jesuit  catechism, 
a  prayer-book,  a  pocket-book  containing  two  Spanish  bills 
of  exchange — one  for  two  thousand,  and  one  for  eight 
hundred  and  seventy-seven  crowns — and  a  set  of  writing 
tablets.1  These  last  were  covered  with  vows  and  pious 
invocations,  in  reference  to  the  murderous  affair  which  the 
writer  had  in  hand.  He  had  addressed  fervent  prayers 
to  the  Virgin  Mary,  to  the  Angel  Gabriel,  to  the  Saviour, 
and  to  the  Saviour's  son, — "  as  if,"  says  the  Antwerp 
chronicler,  with  simplicity,  "  the  Lord  Jesus  had  a  son  "  2 
— that  they  might  all  use  their  intercession  with  the  Al- 
mighty towards  the  certain  and  safe  accomplishment  of 
the  contemplated  deed.  Should  he  come  off  successful 
and  unharmed,  he  solemnly  vowed  to  fast  a  week  on 
bread  and  water.  Furthermore,  he  promised  to  Christ 
a  ' '  new  coat  of  costly  pattern ; "  to  the  Mother  of  God 
at  Guadalupe,  a  new  gown ;  to  Our  Lady  of  Montserrat, 
a  crown,  a  gown,  and  a  lamp;  and  so  on  through  a 
long  list  of  similar  presents  thus  contemplated  for  various 
shrines.3  The  poor  fanatical  fool  had  been  taught  by 
deeper  villains  than  himself  that  his  pistol  was  to  rid  the 
world  of  a  tyrant,  and  to  open  his  own  pathway  to  heaven, 
if  his  career  should  be  cut  short  on  earth.  To  prevent  so 
undesirable  a  catastrophe  to  himself,  however,  his  most 
natural  conception  had  been  to  bribe  the  whole  heavenly 
host,  from  the  Virgin  Mary  downwards,  for  he  had  been 
taught  that  absolution  for  murder  was  to  be  bought  and 

1  Korte  Verhaal,  etc.,  589,  590.     Strada,  2,  iv.  219. — Compare  Haraei  Turn.  Belg.,  iii. 
336. — "Twee  stukken  huid,  zoo  het  scheen  van  eenen  haas  ;  het  geen  velen  aanleiding 

Sif  om  te  zeggen,  dat  hij  padden  en  toovery  bij  zich  had."     Korte  Verhaal,  etc.     Bor, 
oofd,  Meteren,  ubi  sup. 

2  "  Als  of  Christus  noch  eenen  sonne  hadde." — Meteren,'  xi.  194.     The  following  ex- 
tracts from  the  assassin's  memorandum-book  are  worthy  of  attention.     The  papers  were 
published  by  authority,  immediately  after  the  deed.     "  Al  Angel  Gabriel  me  encomiendo 


Korte  Verhaal.     Meteren.     Bor,  xvii.  313. 


Dutch  Republic  389 


sold  like  other  merchandize.  He  had  also  been  persuaded 
that,  after  accomplishing  the  deed,  he  would  become  in- 
visible.1 

Sainte  Aldegonde  hastened  to  lay  the  result  of  this  ex- 
amination before  the  Duke  of  Anjou.  Information  was 
likewise  instantly  conveyed  to  the  magistrates  at  the 
town-house,  and  these  measures  were  successful  in  restor- 
ing confidence  throughout  the  city  as  to  the  intentions  of 
the  new  government.  Anjou  immediately  convened  the 
State  Council,  issued  a  summons  for  an  early  meeting  of 
the  states-general,  and  published  a  proclamation  that  all 
persons  having  information  to  give  concerning  the  crime 
which  had  just  been  committed,  should  come  instantly 
forward,  upon  pain  of  death.  The  body  of  the  assassin 
was  forthwith  exposed  upon  the  public  square,  and  was 
soon  recognized  as  that  of  one  Juan  Jaureguy,  a  servant 
in  the  employ  of  Caspar  d'Anastro,  a  Spanish  merchant 
of  Antwerp.  The  letters  and  bills  of  exchange  had  also, 
on  nearer  examination  at  the  town-house,  implicated 
Anastro  in  the  affair.  His  house  was  immediately 
searched,  but  the  merchant  had  taken  his  departure, 
upon  the  previous  Tuesday,  under  pretext  of  pressing 
affairs  at  Calais.  His  cashier,  Venero,  and  a  Dominican 
friar,  named  Antony  Zimmermann,  both  inmates  of  his 
family,  were,  however,  arrested  upon  suspicion.  On  the 
following  day  the  watch  stationed  at  the  gate  carried  the 
foreign  post-bags,  as  soon  as  they  arrived,  to  the  magis- 
tracy, when  letters  were  found  from  Anastro  to  Venero, 
which  made  the  affair  quite  plain.2  After  they  had  been 
thoroughly  studied,  they  were  shown  to  Venero,  who, 
seeing  himself  thus  completely  ruined,  asked  for  pen  and 
ink,  and  wrote  a  full  confession. 

It  appeared  that  the  crime  was  purely  a  commercial 
speculation  on  the  part  of  Anastro.  That  merchant,  being 
on  the  verge  of  bankruptcy,  had  entered  with  Philip  into 
a  mutual  contract,  which  the  King  had  signed  with  his 
hand  and  sealed  with  his  seal,  and  according  to  which 
Anastro,  within  a  certain  period,  was  to  take  the  life  of 
William  of  Orange,  and  for  so  doing  was  to  receive  eighty 
thousand  ducats,  and  the  cross  of  Santiago.3  To  be  a 
knight  companion  of  Spain's  proudest  order  of  chivalry 

1  Letter  of  P.  van  Reigersberg,  March  19,  1582 ;  apud  Van  Wyn  op  Wagenaer,  7,  iii. 
112.     Letter  of  Herle,  before  cited 

2  Korte  Verhaal.     Bor,  xvii.  313.     Hoofd,  xix.  805.     Meteren,  xi.  194. 

3  Ibid.     Ibid.     Ibid.,  xix.  802.     Ibid.,  xi.  i94b. 


390  The  Rise  of  the 

was  the  guerdon,  over  and  above  the  eighty  thousand 
pieces  of  silver,  which  Spain's  monarch  promised  the 
murderer,  if  he  should  .succeed.  As  for  Anastro  himself, 
he  was  too  frugal  and  too  wary  to  risk  his  own  life,  or 
to  lose  much  of  the  premium.  With  tears  streaming  down 
his  cheeks,  he  painted  to  his  faithful  cashier  the  picture 
which  his  master  would  present,  when  men  should  point 
at  him  and  say,  "Behold  yon  bankrupt!"1  protesting, 
therefore,  that  he  would  murder  Orange  and  secure  the 
reward,  or  perish  in  the  attempt.  Saying  this,  he  again 
shed  many  tears.  Venero,  seeing  his  master  thus  dis- 
consolate, wept  bitterly  likewise,  and  begged  him  not  to 
risk  his  own  precious  life.2  After  this  pathetic  commin- 
gling of  their  grief,  the  merchant  and  his  book-keeper 
became  more  composed,  and  it  was  at  last  concerted 
between  them  that  John  Jaureguy  should  be  entrusted 
with  the  job.  Anastro  had  intended — as  he  said  in  a 
letter  afterwards  intercepted — "  to  accomplish  the  deed 
with  his  own  hand ;  but,  as  God  had  probably  reserved 
him  for  other  things,  and  particularly  to  be  of  service  to 
his  very  affectionate  friends,  he  had  thought  best  to 
entrust  the  execution  of  the  design  to  his  servant."3 
The  price  paid  by  the  master  to  the  man,  for  the  work, 
seems  to  have  been  but  two  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
seventy-seven  crowns.  The  cowardly  and  crafty  principal 
escaped.  He  had  gone  post  haste  to  Dunkirk,  pretending 
that  the  sudden  death  of  his  agent  in  Calais  required  his 
immediate  presence  in  that  city.  Governor  Sweveseel,  of 
Dunkirk,  sent  an  orderly  to  get  a  passport  for  him  from 
La  Motte,  commanding  at  Gravelingen.  Anastro  being 
on  tenter-hooks  lest  the  news  should  arrive  that  the  pro- 
jected murder  had  been  consummated  before  he  had 
crossed  the  border,  testified  extravagant  joy  on  the  arrival 
of  the  passport,  and  gave  the  messenger  who  brought  it 
thirty  pistoles.  Such  conduct  naturally  excited  a  vague 
suspicion  in  the  mind  of  the  governor,  but  the  merchant's 
character  was  good,  and  he  had  brought  pressing  letters 

1  "  Mirad  aquel  horabre  que  ha  hecho  bancarote,"  etc. — Confession  of  Venero  in  Bref. 
Recueil. 

2  "  Todo  lo  dezia  llorando  e  yo  viendole  tan  desconsolado  llorava  mucho." — Ibid. 

3  " Doch  bet  mag  wesen  dat  God  mij  noch  heeft  willen  bewaren  om  dienst  en 

vrundschap  te  raogen  doen  mijn  geaffectioneerde  vrienden,  gelijk  ik  die  hebbe  op  sekere 
lijste." — Letter  of  Anastro  to  the  "  very  magnificent  Lord,  Martin  Drogue,  Sea-captain 
in  Flushing,"  dated  March  28,  1582,  in  Bor,  xvii.  315.     It  must  have  been  disagreeable  to 
the  very  magnificent  Drogue — and  to  Admiral  Treslong,  who  received  a  letter  of  similar 
purport  from  Anastro — to  find  themselves  inscribed  on  the  list  of  "  his  affectionate  friends  " 
by  this  consummate  villain. 


Dutch  Republic  391 

from  Admiral  Treslong.  Sweveseel  did  not  dare  to  arrest 
him  without  cause,  and  he  neither  knew  that  any  crime 
had  been  committed,  nor  that  the  man  before  him  was 
the  criminal.  Two  hours  after  the  traveller's  departure, 
the  news  arrived  of  the  deed,  together  with  the  orders 
to  arrest  Anastro,  but  it  was  too  late.  The  merchant  had 
found  refuge  within  the  lines  of  Parma.1 

Meanwhile,  the  Prince  lay  in  a  most  critical  condition. 
Believing  that  his  end  was  fast  approaching,  he  dictated 
letters  to  the  states-general,  entreating  them  to  continue 
in  their  obedience  to  the  Duke,  than  whom  he  affirmed 
that  he  knew  no  better  prince  for  the  government  of  the 
provinces.  These  letters  were  despatched  by  Sainte  Alde- 
gonde  to  the  assembly,  from  which  body  a  deputation, 
in  obedience  to  the  wishes  of  Orange,  was  sent  to  Anjou, 
with  expressions  of  condolence  and  fidelity.2 

On  Wednesday  a  solemn  fast  was  held,  according  to 
proclamation,  in  Antwerp,  all  work  and  all  amusements 
being  prohibited,  and  special  prayers  commanded  in  all  the 
churches  for  the  recovery  of  the  Prince.  "  Never,  within 
men's  memory,"  says  an  account  published  at  the  moment 
in  Antwerp,  "  had  such  crowds  been  seen  in  the  churches, 
nor  so  many  tears  been  shed."3 

The  process  against  Venero  and  Zimmermann  was 
rapidly  carried  through,  for  both  had  made  a  full  con- 
fession of  their  share  in  the  crime.  The  Prince  had  en- 
joined from  his  sick  bed,  however,  that  the  case  should 
be  conducted  with  strict  regard  to  justice,  and,  when  the 
execution  could  no  longer  be  deferred,  he  had  sent  a 
written  request,  by  the  hands  of  Sainte  Aldegonde,  that 
they  should  be  put  to  death  in  the  least  painful  manner. 
The  request  was  complied  with,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  criminals,  had  it  not  been  made,  would  have 
expiated  their  offence  by  the  most  lingering  tortures. 
Owing  to  the  intercession  of  the  man  who  was  to  have 
been  their  victim,  they  were  strangled,  before  being 
quartered,  upon  a  scaffold  erected  in  the  market-place, 
opposite  the  town-house.  This  execution  took  place  on 
Wednesday,  the  28th  of  March.4 

1  Bor,  xvii.  314.     Hoofd,  xix.  803,  804.  2  Korte  Verhaal.  3  ibid. 

4  Bpr,  xvii.  314. — The  following  is  the  text  of  this  most  interesting  letter  : — "  Monsieur 
de  Saint  Aldegonde  :  j'ay  entendu  que  Ton  doibt  demain  faire  justice  de  deux  prisonniers, 
estans  complices  de  celuy  qui  m'a  tire  le  coup.  De  ma  part,  je  leur  pardonne  tres  volon- 
tiers  de  ce  qu'ils  me  peuvent  avoir  offense,  et  s'ils  ont  peut  <tre  merite  un  chastoy  et 
rigoureux,  je  vous  prie  vouloir  tenir  la  main  devers  Messrs,  du  Magistral  qu'ils  ne  les 
veuillent  faire  souffrir  grand  tourment,  et  se  contenter,  s'ils  1'ont  merite,  d'une  courte  mort. 


392  The  Rise  of  the 

The  Prince,  meanwhile,  was  thought  to  be  mending, 
and  thanksgivings  began  to  be  mingled  with  the  prayers 
offered  almost  every  hour  in  the  churches;  but  for  eight- 
een days  he  lay  in  a  most  precarious  state.  His  wife 
hardly  left  his  bedside,  and  his  sister,  Catherine  Countess 
of  Schwartzburg,  was  indefatigable  in  her  attentions. 
The  Duke  of  Anjou  visited  him  daily,  and  expressed  the 
most  filial  anxiety  for  his  recovery,  but  the  hopes,  which 
had  been  gradually  growing  stronger,  were  on  the  5th 
of  April  exchanged  for  the  deepest  apprehensions.  Upon 
that  day  the  cicatrix  by  which  the  flow  of  blood  from 
the  neck  had  been  prevented,  almost  from  the  first  in- 
fliction of  the  wound,  fell  off.  The  veins  poured  forth 
a  vast  quantity  of  blood;  it  seemed  impossible  to  check 
the  haemorrhage,  and  all  hope  appeared  to  vanish.  The 
Prince  resigned  himself  to  his  fate,  and  bade  his  children 
"good  night  for  ever,"  saying  calmly,  "it  is  now  all 
over  with  me."  l 

It  was  difficult,  without  suffocating  the  patient,  to 
fasten  a  bandage  tightly  enough  to  stanch  the  wound, 
but  Leonardo  Botalli,  of  Asti,  body  physician  of  Anjou, 
was  nevertheless  fortunate  enough  to  devise  a  simple 
mechanical  expedient,  which  proved  successful.  By  his 
advice,  a  succession  of  attendants,  relieving  each  other 
day  and  night,  prevented  the  flow  of  blood  by  keeping 
the  orifice  of  the  wound  slightly  but  firmly  compressed 
with  the  thumb.  After  a  period  of  anxious  expectation, 
the  wound  again  closed,  and  by  the  end  of  the  month 
the  Prince  was  convalescent.  On  the  2nd  of  May  he  went 
to  offer  thanksgiving  in  the  Great  Cathedral,  amid  the 
joyful  sobs  of  a  vast  and  most  earnest  throng.2 

The  Prince  was  saved,  but  unhappily  the  murderer  had 
yet  found  an  illustrious  victim.  The  Princess  of  Orange, 
Charlotte  de  Bourbon — the  devoted  wife  who  for  seven 
years  had  so  faithfully  shared  his  joys  and  sorrows — lay 
already  on  her  death-bed.  Exhausted  by  anxiety,  long 
watching,  and  the  alternations  of  hope  and  fear  during 

Votre  bien  bon  amy  a  vous  faire  service,  Guillaume  de  Nassau." — Bref  Recueil  de 
1' Assassinat  commis  en  la  personne  du  tres  illustre  Prince  d'Orange  (Anvers.  Chr.  Plantin. 
1582). 

1  Bor,  xvii.  314,  316.  Korte  Verhaal.  Hoofd,  xix,  806.  Meteren,  xi.  194.  Letter  of 
Mary  of  Orange  to  Count  John,  Archives  et  Corresp.,  viii.  88. 

'2  Hoofd,  xix.  806,  ascribes  the  superintendence  of  the  cure  to  Botalli  (as  stated  in  the 
text).  Bor  and  Meteren,  however,  only  mention  the  name  of  Joseph  Michaeli,  of  Lucca. 
Bor  does  not  speak  at  all  of  the  singular  expedient  employed  to  stop  the  effusion  of  blood  ; 
Hoofd,  Meteren,  and  others,  allude  to  it. 


Dutch  Republic  393 

the  first  eighteen  days,  she  had  been  prostrated  by  despair 
at  the  renewed  haemorrhage.  A  violent  fever  seized  her, 
under  which  she  sank  on  the  5th  of  May,  three  days  after 
the  solemn  thanksgiving  for  her  husband's  recovery.1 
The  Prince,  who  loved  her  tenderly,  was  in  great  danger 
of  relapse  upon  the  sad  event,  which,  although  not  sud- 
den, had  not  been  anticipated.  She  was  laid  in  her  grave 
on  the  Qth  of  May,  amid  the  lamentations  of  the  whole 
country,2  for  her  virtues  were  universally  known  and 
cherished.  She  was  a  woman  of  rare  intelligence,  ac- 
complishment, and  gentleness  of  disposition,  whose  only 
offence  had  been  to  break,  by  her  marriage,  the  church 
vows  to  which  she  had  been  forced  in  her  childhood,  but 
which  had  been  pronounced  illegal  by  competent  authority, 
both  ecclesiastical  and  lay.  For  this,  and  for  the  contrast 
which  her  virtues  afforded  to  the  vices  of  her  predecessor, 
she  was  the  mark  of  calumny  and  insult.  These  attacks, 
however,  had  cast  no  shadow  upon  the  serenity  of  her 
married  life,  and  so  long  as  she  lived  she  was  the  trusted 
companion  and  consoler  of  her  husband.  "  His  High- 
ness," wrote  Count  John  in  1580,  "is  in  excellent  health, 
and,  in  spite  of  adversity,  incredible  labour,  perplexity, 
and  dangers,  is  in  such  good  spirits,  that  it  makes  me 
happy  to  witness  it.  No  doubt  a  chief  reason  is  the  con- 
solation he  derives  from  the  pious  and  highly  intelligent 
wife  whom  the  Lord  has  given  him — a  woman  who  ever 
conforms  to  his  wishes,  and  is  inexpressibly  dear  to 
him.  "3 

The  Princess  left  six  daughters — Louisa  Juliana,  Eliza- 
beth, Catharina  Belgica,  Flandrina,  Charlotta  Brabantica, 
and  Emilia  Secunda.4 

Parma  received  the  first  intelligence  of  the  attempt 
from  the  mouth  of  Anastro  himself,  who  assured  him 
that  the  deed  had  been  entirely  successful,  and  claimed  the 
promised  reward.  Alexander,  in  consequence,  addressed 
circular  letters  to  the  authorities  of  Antwerp,  Brussels, 
Bruges,  and  other  cities,  calling  upon  them,  now  that 
they  had  been  relieved  of  their  tyrant  and  their  betrayer, 
to  return  again  to  the  path  of  their  duty  and  to  the  ever 
open  arms  of  their  lawful  monarch.5  These  letters  were 

1  Hoofd,  Meteren,  Bor,  ubi  sup. 

2  "  With  a  stately  procession  of  two  thousand  mourning  mantles,"  says  Hoofd,  xix. 
g07.  3  Apologie  d'Orange.     Archives,  etc.,  vii.  333. 

•*'  Bor,  xvii.  316.     Meteren,  xi.  195. 

B  Bor  (xvii.  314,  315)  gives  the  letters.     Meteren,  xi.  195. 

O  2 


394  The  Rise  of  the 

premature.  On  the  other  hand,  the  states  of  Holland  and 
Zeland  remained  in  permanent  session,  awaiting  with 
extreme  anxiety  the  result  of  the  Prince's  wound.  "  With 
the  death  of  his  Excellency,  if  God  should  please  to  take 
him  to  himself,"  said  the  magistracy  of  Leyden,  "  in  the 
death  of  the  Prince  we  all  foresee  our  own  death."  It 
was,  in  truth,  an  anxious  moment,  and  the  revulsion  of 
feeling  consequent  on  his  recovery  was  proportionately 
intense.1 

In  consequence  of  the  excitement  produced  by  this 
event,  it  was  no  longer  possible  for  the  Prince  to  decline 
accepting  the  countship  of  Holland  and  Zeland,  which  he 
had  refused  absolutely  two  years  before,  and  which  he 
had  again  rejected,  except  for  a  limited  period,  in  the  year 
1581.2  It  was  well  understood,  as  appears  by  the  treaty 
with  Anjou,  and  afterwards  formally  arranged,  "  that 
the  Duke  was  never  to  claim  sovereignty  over  Holland 
and  Zeland,"3  and  the  offer  of  the  sovereign  countship 
of  Holland  was  again  made  to  the  Prince  of  Orange  in 
most  urgent  terms.  It  will  be  recollected  that  he  had 
accepted  the  sovereignty  on  the  5th  of  July,  1581,  only 
for  the  term  of  the  war.  In  a  letter,  dated  Bruges,  i4th 
of  August,  1582,  he  accepted  the  dignity  without  limit- 
ation.4 This  offer  and  acceptance,  however,  constituted 
but  the  preliminaries,  for  it  was  further  necessary  that 
the  letters  of  "  Renversal  "  should  be  drawn  up,  that  they 
should  be  formally  delivered,  and  that  a  new  constitution 
should  be  laid  down,  and  confirmed  by  mutual  oaths. 
After  these  steps  had  been  taken,  the  ceremonious  in- 
auguration or  rendering  of  homage  was  to  be  celebrated. 

All  these  measures  were  duly  arranged  except  the  last. 
The  installation  of  the  new  Count  of  Holland  was  pre- 
vented by  his  death,  and  the  northern  provinces  remained 
a  republic,  not  only  in  fact  but  in  name.5 

1  Bor,  xyii.  316.     Kluit,  i.  292.  2  Ibid.,  i.  262  ;  201,  sqq. 

3  Ibid.,  i.  246,  247.     Bor,  xv.  182,  183. 

4  Ibid.,  xv.   183,  184,   185.— Compare  Kluil,  i.  213,  214.     The  deeds  of  offer  and  of 
acceptance  were  dated  July  sth,  1581.     The  oaths  were  exchanged  between  the  estates 
and  the  Prince,  July  24th,  two  days  before  the  act  of  abjuration.     The  letter  of  August 
i4th,  1582,  is  given  in  Bor,  xv.  186,  187. 

6  As  the  measures,  therefore,  were,  after  all,  inchoate,  a  brief  indication  of  these  dates 
and  objects  will  suffice  to  show  the  relative  position  of  the  Prince  and  the  people  of 
Holland  and  Zeland.  The  act  of  acceptance  by  William  the  Silent  of  the  proffered 
sovereignty,  was  dated  August  12,  1582. — (Bor,  xv.  186,  187.)  The  letters  patent,  or 
the  Renversal,  as  they  were  technically  called,  were  drawn  up  and  signed  and  sealed  by 
the  "three  eldest  nobles."— {Bor,  xv.  187.  Kluit,  i.  311,  312.)  They  were  then  sent  to 
all  the  cities,  and  received  their  twenty-five  separate  seals  at  different  dates.— (Kluit,  i. 
311,  312,  and  Bijlagen,  451-463.)  The  original  was  afterwards  delivered  to  the  Prince, 
and  still  exists,  with  its  twenty-eight  seals,  among  the  archives  of  the  now  royal  family  of 


Dutch  Republic  395 

In  political  matters,  the  basis  of  the  new  constitution 
was  the  "  Great  Privilege  "  of  the  Lady  Mary,  the  Magna 
Charta  of  the  country.  That  memorable  monument  in  the 
history  of  the  Netherlands  and  of  municipal  progress  had 
been  overthrown  by  Mary's  son,  with  the  forced  acquies- 
cence of  the  states,  and  it  was  therefore  stipulated  by  the 
new  article,  that  even  such  laws  and  privileges  as  had 
fallen  into  disuse  should  be  revived.  It  was  furthermore 
provided  that  the  little  state  should  be  a  free  countship, 
and  should  thus  silently  sever  its  connexion  with  the 
Empire.1 

With  regard  to  the  position  of  the  Prince,  as  hereditary 
chief  of  the  little  commonwealth,  his  actual  power  was 
rather  diminished  than  increased  by  his  new  dignity. 
What  was  his  position  at  the  moment?  He  was  sovereign 
during  the  war,  on  the  general  basis  of  the  authority 
originally  bestowed  upon  him  by  the  King's  commission 
of  stadholder.  In  1581,  his  Majesty  had  been  abjured 
and  the  stadholder  had  become  sovereign.  He  held  in  his 
hands  the  supreme  power,  legislative,  judicial,  executive. 
The  Counts  of  Holland — and  Philip  as  their  successor — 
were  the  great  fountains  of  that  triple  stream.  Conces- 
sions and  exceptions  had  become  so  extensive,  no  doubt, 
that  the  provincial  charters  constituted  a  vast  body  of 

Orange  Nassau. — (Kluit,  i.  316.)  On  the  6th  of  May,  1583,  the  states  of  Holland 
addressed  a  remarkable  circular  (Bor,  xv.  187-190,  who  states  that  it  was  addressed  only 
to  the  states  of  Utrecht,  while  Kluit,  i.  322,  shows  that  it  was  a  general  circular)  to  the 
states  of  Utrecht,  Friesland,  Overyssel,  Brabant,  Flanders,  Gelderland,  and  to  the 
states-general  also,  giving  an  historical  sketch  of  the  life  and  services  of  William  the 
Silent,  together  with  the  weighty  reason  which  had  induced  them  to  urge  the  ancient 
countship  of  Holland  upon  his  acceptance.  This  step  they  declared  themselves  to  have 
taken,  "  after  frequent  communication  with  our  cities,  and  each  of  them  ;  after  ripe 
deliberation  and  counsel ;  after  having  heard  the  advice  of  the  colleges  and  communities 
of  the  cities,  as  well  as  that  of  the  magistracies  and  senates,  and  of  all  other  persons 
whom  it  behoved  to  consult,  and  whose  counsel  in  matters  of  consequence  is  usually 
asked." — (See  the  Commentary  of  Kluit,  i.  322-326.)  They  moreover  expressed  the  hope 
that  the  measure  would  meet  with  the  approval  of  all  their  sister  provinces  and  with  the 
especial  co-operation  of  those  estates  with  which  they  were  accustomed  to  act.  On  the 
i5th  of  November,  1583^  the  deputies  of  Zeland  and  Utrecht,  thus  especially  alluded  to, 
formally  declared  their  intention  to  remain  in  their  ancient  friendship  and  union  with 
Holland,  "under  one  sovereignty  and  government." — (Kluit,  i.  329,  330.)  An  act  to  this 
effect  was  drawn  up,  to  be  referred  for  ratification  to  their  principals  at  the  next  assem- 


7th  of  December,  1583. — (Kluit,  i.  330.)  On  the  30th  of  the  same  month,  forty-nine 
articles  (they  are  given  in  full  by  Bor,  xv.  191-194),  containing  as  sensible  a  plan  for  a  free 
commonwealth  as  had  ever  been  drawn  up  previously  to  that  day  in  Christendom,  were 
agreed  upon  by  the  Prince  and  the  estates,  as  the  fundamental  conditions  under  which  he 
should  be  invested  with  the  countship.  The  Prince,  however,  accepted  the  dignity  and 
the  articles,  only  upon  the  further  condition  that  the  whole  proceeding  should  be  once 
more  approved  and  confirmed  by  the  senates  of  the  cities. — (Kluit,  i.  335. — Compare  13or, 

i  Kluit,  i,   346,   347.     See    Introduction   to  this  work.      Article  5.     Kluit,    i.   337, 
note  63. 


396  The  Rise  of  the 

"  liberties  "  by  which  the  whole  country  was  reasonably 
well  supplied.  At  the  same  time,  all  the  power  not  ex- 
pressly granted  away  remained  in  the  breast  of  the  Count.1 
If  ambition,  then,  had  been  William's  ruling  principle,  he 
had  exchanged  substance  for  shadow,  for  the  new  state 
now  constituted  was  a  free  commonwealth — a  republic  in 
all  but  name. 

By  the  new  constitution  he  ceased  to  be  the  source  of 
governmental  life,  or  to  derive  his  own  authority  from 
above  by  right  divine.  Orange's  sovereignty  was  from  the 
estates,  as  legal  representatives  of  the  people,  and,  instead 
of  exercising  all  the  powers  not  otherwise  granted  away, 
he  was  content  with  those  especially  conferred  upon  him. 
He  could  neither  declare  war  nor  conclude  peace  without 
the  co-operation  of  the  representative  body.  The  appoint- 
ing power  was  scrupulously  limited.  Judges,  magistrates, 
governors,  sheriffs,  provincial  and  municipal  officers,  were 
to  be  nominated  by  the  local  authorities  or  by  the  estates, 
on  the  triple  principle.  From  these  triple  nominations  he 
had  only  the  right  of  selection  by  advice  and  consent  of 
his  council.  He  was  expressly  enjoined  to  see  that  the 
law  was  carried  to  every  man's  door,  without  any  dis- 
tinction of  persons,  to  submit  himself  to  its  behests,  to 
watch  against  all  impediments  to  the  even  flow  of  justice, 
to  prevent  false  imprisonments,  and  to  secure  trials  for 
every  accused  person  by  the  local  tribunals.  This  was 
certainly  little  in  accordance  with  the  arbitrary  practice  of 
the  past  quarter  of  a  century. 

With  respect  to  the  great  principle  of  taxation,  stricter 
bonds  even  were  provided  than  those  which  already  existed. 
Not  only  the  right  of  taxation  remained  with  the  states, 
but  the  Count  was  to  see  that,  except  for  war  purposes, 
every  impost  was  levied  by  a  unanimous  vote.  He  was 
expressly  forbidden  to  tamper  with  the  currency.  As 
executive  head,  save  in  his  capacity  as  Commander-in- 
chief  by  land  or  sea,  the  new  sovereign  was,  in  short, 
strictly  limited  by  self-imposed  laws.  It  had  rested  with 
him  to  dictate  or  to  accept  a  constitution.  He  had,  in  his 
memorable  letter  of  August,  1582,  from  Bruges,  laid  down 
generally  the  articles  prepared  at  Plessis  and  Bordeaux, 
for  Anjou — together  with  all  applicable  provisions  of  the 
Joyous  Entry  of  Brabant — as  the  outlines  of  the  constitu- 
tion for  the  little  commonwealth  then  forming  in  the 

1  Kluit,  i.  11-16  and  346,  sqq. 


Dutch  Republic  397 


north.  To  these  provisions  he  was  willing  to  add  any 
others  which,  after  ripe  deliberation,  might  be  thought 
beneficial  to  the  country. 

Thus  limited  were  his  executive  functions.  As  to  his 
judicial  authority  it  had  ceased  to  exist.  The  Count  of 
Holland  was  now  the  guardian  of  the  laws,  but  the  judges 
were  to  administer  them.  He  held  the  sword  of  justice  to 
protect  and  to  execute,  while  the  scales  were  left  in  the 
hands  which  had  learned  to  weigh  and  to  measure. 

As  to  the  Count's  legislative  authority,  it  had  become 
co-ordinate  with,  if  not  subordinate  to,  that  of  the  repre- 
sentative body.  He  was  strictly  prohibited  from  interfer- 
ing with  the  right  of  the  separate  or  the  general  states  to 
assemble  as  often  as  they  should  think  proper ;  and  he  was 
also  forbidden  to  summon  them  outside  their  own  terri- 
tory.1 This  was  one  immense  step  in  the  progress  of 
representative  liberty,  and  the  next  was  equally  important. 
It  was  now  formally  stipulated  that  the  estates  were  to 
deliberate  upon  all  measures  which  "  concerned  justice 
and  polity,"  and  that  no  change  was  to  be  made — that  is 
to  say,  no  new  law  was  to  pass — without  their  consent  as 
well  as  that  of  the  council.2  Thus,  the  principle  was  estab- 
lished of  two  legislative  chambers,  with  the  right,  but  not 
the  exclusive  right,  of  initiation  on  the  part  of  government, 
and  in  the  sixteenth  century  one  would  hardly  look  for 
broader  views  of  civil  liberty  and  representative  govern- 
ment. The  foundation  of  a  free  commonwealth  was  thus 
securely  laid,  which,  had  William  lived,  would  have  been 
a  representative  monarchy,  but  which  his  death  converted 
into  a  federal  republic.  It  was  necessary  for  the  sake  of 
unity  to  give  a  connected  outline  of  these  proceedings  with 
regard  to  the  sovereignty  of  Orange.  The  formal  in- 
auguration only  remained,  and  this,  as  will  be  seen,  was 
for  ever  interrupted. 

1  Kluit,  i.  347.  2  Article  20. — Compare  Kluit,  i.  348. 


398  The  Rise  of  the 


CHAPTER    VI 

Parma  recalls  the  foreign  troops — Siege  of  Oudenarde — Coolness  of  Alexander — Capture 
of  the  city  and  of  Ninove — Inauguration  of  Anjou  at  Ghent — Attempt  upon  his  life 
and  that  of  Orange — Lamoral  Egmont's  implication  in  the  plot — Parma's  unsuccess- 
ful attempt  upon  Ghent — Secret  plans  of  Anjou — Dunkirk,  Ostend,  and  other  towns 
surprised  by  his  adherents — Failure  at  Bruges — Suspicions  at  Antwerp — Duplicity  of 
Anjou — The  "  French  Fury  " — Details  of  that  transaction — Discomfiture  and  dis- 
grace of  the  Duke — His  subsequent  effrontery — His  letters  to  the  magistracy  of 
Antwerp,  to  the  estates,  and  to  Orange — Extensive  correspondence  between  Anjou 
and  the  French  Court  with  Orange  and  the  estates — Difficult  position  of  the  Prince 
— His  policy — Remarkable  letter  to  the  states-general — Provisional  arrangement  with 
Anjou — Marriage  of  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne — Marriage  of  Orange  with  Louisa 
de  Coligny — Movements  in  Holland,  Brabant,  Flanders,  and  other  provinces,  to  in- 
duce the  Prince  to  accept  sovereignty  over  the  whole  country — His  steady  refusal — 
Treason  of  Van  den  Berg  in  Gueldres — Intrigues  of  Prince  Chimay  and  Imbize  in 
Flanders — Counter  efforts  of  Orange  and  the  patriot  party — Fate  of  Imbize — Recon- 
ciliation of  Bruges — Death  of  Anjou. 

DURING  the  course  of  the  year  1582,  the  military  opera- 
tions on  both  sides  had  been  languid  and  desultory,  the 
Prince  of  Parma,  not  having  a  large  force  at  his  command, 
being  comparatively  inactive.  In  consequence,  however, 
of  the  treaty  concluded  between  the  united  states  and 
Anjou,  Parma  had  persuaded  the  Walloon  provinces  that 
it  had  now  become  absolutely  necessary  for  them  to  permit 
the  entrance  of  fresh  Italian  and  Spanish  troops.1  This, 
then,  was  the  end  of  the  famous  provision  against  foreign 
soldiery  in  the  Walloon  treaty  of  reconciliation.  The 
Abbot  of  Saint  Vaast  was  immediately  despatched  on  a 
special  mission  to  Spain,  and  the  troops,  by  midsummer, 
had  already  began  to  pour  into  the  Netherlands.2 

In  the  meantime,  Farnese,  while  awaiting  these  rein- 
forcements, had  not  been  idle,  but  had  been  quietly  picking 
up  several  important  cities.  Early  in  the  spring  he  had 
laid  siege  to  Oudenarde,  a  place  of  considerable  import- 
ance upon  the  Scheld,  and  celebrated  as  the  birthplace  of 
his  grandmother,  Margaret  van  Geest.3  The  burghers 
were  obstinate ;  the  defence  was  protracted ;  the  sorties 
were  bold ;  the  skirmishes  frequent  and  sanguinary.  Alex- 
ander commanded  personally  in  the  trenches,  encouraging 
his  men  by  his  example,  and  often  working  with  the  mat- 
tock, or  handling  a  spear  in  the  assault,  like  a  private 
pioneer  or  soldier.  Towards  the  end  of  the  siege,  he 
scarcely  ever  left  the  scene  of  operation,  and  he  took  his 
meals  near  the  outer  defences,  that  he  might  lose  no  oppor- 


1  Bor,  xvii.  320,  321.  2  Ibid. — Compare  Reconc.  Prov.  Wall.,  t.  v.,  MS. 

3  Bor,  vii.  322.  Strada,  2,  iv.  225-234.  Meteren,  xi.  195.  The  city  is  in  Flanders,  c 
the  Scheld,  in  the  country  of  the  ancient  Nervii,  from  which  valiant  tribe,  according  I 
Meteren,  it  derived  its  name,  Oude-narde,  Oude  Naarden,  old  Nervii. — xi.  iQsb. 


Dutch  Republic  399 

tunity  of  superintending  the  labours  of  his  troops.  One 
day  his  dinner  was  laid  for  himself  and  staff  in  the  open 
air,  close  to  the  entrenchment.1  He  was  himself  engaged 
in  planting  a  battery  against  a  weak  point  in  the  city  wall, 
and  would  on  no  account  withdraw  for  an  instant.  The 
table-cloth  was  stretched  over  a  number  of  drum-heads, 
placed  close  together,  and  several  nobles  of  distinction — 
Aremberg,  Montigny,  Richebourg,  La  Motte,  and  others 
— were  his  guests  at  dinner.  Hardly  had  the  repast  com- 
menced, when  a  ball  came  flying  over  the  table,  taking  off 
the  head  of  a  young  Walloon  officer  who  was  sitting  near 
Parma,  and  who  was  earnestly  requesting  a  foremost 
place  in  the  morrow's  assault.  A  portion  of  his  skull 
struck  out  the  eye  of  another  gentleman  present.  A  second 
ball  from  the  town  fortifications,  equally  well  directed, 
destroyed  two  more  of  the  guests  as  they  sat  at  the  ban- 
quet— one  a  German  captain,  the  other  the  Judge-Advo- 
cate-General. The  blood  and  brains  of  these  unfortunate 
individuals  were  strewn  over  the  festive  board,  and  the 
others  all  started  to  their  feet,  having  little  appetite  left 
for  their  dinner.  Alexander  alone  remained  in  his  seat, 
manifesting  no  discomposure.  Quietly  ordering  the  at- 
tendants to  remove  the  dead  bodies,  and  to  bring  a  clean 
table-cloth,2  he  insisted  that  his  guests  should  resume  their 
places  at  the  banquet  which  had  been  interrupted  in  such 
ghastly  fashion.  He  stated  with  very  determined  aspect 
that  he  could  not  allow  the  heretic  burghers  of  Oudenarde 
the  triumph  of  frightening  him  from  his  dinner,  or  from 
the  post  of  danger.  The  other  gentlemen  could,  of  course, 
do  no  less  than  imitate  the  impassibility  of  their  chief,  and 
the  repast  was  accordingly  concluded  without  further  in- 
terruption. Not  long  afterwards,  the  city,  close  pressed 
by  so  determined  a  commander,  accepted  terms,  which 
were  more  favourable  by  reason  of  the  respect  which 
Alexander  chose  to  render  to  his  grandmother's  birth- 
place. The  pillage  was  commuted  for  thirty  thousand 
crowns,  and  on  the  5th  of  July  the  place  was  surrendered 
to  Parma  almost  under  the  very  eyes  of  Anjou,  who  was 
making  a  demonstration  of  relieving  the  siege.3 

Ninove,  a  citadel  then  belonging  to  the  Egmont  family, 
was   next   reduced.       Here,    too,    the   defence   was   more 

1  Bor,  ubi  sup.     Strada,  2,  iv.  225-234. 

2  " Solus  Alexander  nee  sedem  nee  vultum  mutavit jubet  auferri  illinc,  humari- 

que  cadavera,  alia  induci  in  mcnsam  lintea,  alias  dafes" — Strada,  2,  v.  233. 

3  Strada,  2,  v.  232-234. — Compare  Bor,  xvii.  322.     Hoofd,  xix.  812. 


400  The  Rise  of  the 

obstinate  than  could  have  been  expected  from  the  import- 
ance of  the  place,  and  as  the  autumn  advanced,  Parma's 
troops  were  nearly  starved  in  their  trenches,  from  the  in- 
sufficient supplies  furnished  them.  They  had  eaten  no  meat 
but  horseflesh  for  weeks,  and  even  that  was  gone.  The 
cavalry  horses  were  all  consumed,  and  even  the  chargers 
of  the  officers  were  not  respected.  An  aide-de-camp  of 
Parma  fastened  his  steed  one  day  at  the  door  of  the 
Prince's  tent,  while  he  entered  to  receive  his  commander's 
instructions.  When  he  came  out  again,  a  few  minutes 
afterwards,  he  found  nothing  but  the  saddle  and  bridle 
hanging  where  he  had  fastened  the  horse.  Remonstrance 
was  useless,  for  the  animal  had  already  been  cut  into 
quarters,  and  the  only  satisfaction  offered  to  the  aide-de- 
camp was  in  the  shape  of  a  steak.  The  famine  was  long 
familiarly  known  as  the  "  Ninove  starvation,"  but  not- 
withstanding this  obstacle,  the  place  was  eventually 
surrendered.1 

An  attempt  upon  Lochum,  an  important  city  in  Gelder- 
land,  was  unsuccessful,  the  place  being  relieved  by  the 
Duke  of  Anjou's  forces,  and  Parma's  troops  forced  to 
abandon  the  siege.  At  Steenwyk,  the  royal  arms  were 
more  successful,  Colonel  Tassis,  conducted  by  a  treacher- 
ous Frisian  peasant,  having  surprised  the  city  which  had 
so  long  and  so  manfully  sustained  itself  against  Renneberg 
during  the  preceding  winter.  With  this  event  the  active 
operations  under  Parma  closed  for  the  year.  By  the  end  of 
the  autumn,  however,  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  number- 
ing, under  his  command,  full  sixty  thousand  well-appointed 
and  disciplined  troops,  including  the  large  reinforcements 
recently  despatched  from  Spain  and  Italy.2  The  monthly 
expense  of  this  army — half  of  which  was  required  for 
garrison  duty,  leaving  only  the  other  moiety  for  field 
operations — was  estimated  at  six  hundred  and  fifty  thou- 
sand florins.3  The  forces  under  Anjou  and  the  united 
provinces  were  also  largely  increased,  so  that  the  marrow 
of  the  land  was  again  in  fair  way  of  being  thoroughly 
exhausted  by  its  defenders  and  its  foes.4 

The  incidents  of  Anjou's  administration,  meantime, 
during  the  year  1582,  had  been  few  and  of  no  great 
importance.  After  the  pompous  and  elaborate  "  homage- 


1  Strada,  2,  v.  242. 

2  56,550  infantry  and  3,537  cavalry — total  60,087. — Meteren,  xi.  io8a. 

3  654,356  guldens.— Ibid.  *  Ibid.,  xi.  197.     Tassis,  vi.  433.     Strada,  2,  v. 


Dutch  Republic  401 

making  "  at  Antwerp,  he  had,  in  the  month  of  July,  been 
formally  accepted,  by  writing-,  as  Duke  of  Gueldres  and 
Lord  of  Friesland.  In  the  same  month  he  had  been  cere- 
moniously inaugurated  at  Bruges  as  Count  of  Flanders — 
an  occasion  upon  which  the  Prince  of  Orange  had  been 
present.  In  that  ancient  and  stately  city  there  had  been, 
accordingly,  much  marching  about  under  triumphal  arches, 
much  cannonading  and  haranguing,  much  symbol  work  of 
suns  dispelling  fogs,  with  other  cheerful  emblems,  much 
decoration  of  ducal  shoulders  with  velvet  robes  lined  with 
weasel  skin,  much  blazing  of  tar-barrels  and  torches.1  In 
the  midst  of  this  event,  an  attempt  was  made  upon  the 
lives  both  of  Orange  and  Anjou.  An  Italian,  named  Basa, 
and  a  Spaniard,  called  Salseda,  were  detected  in  a  scheme 
to  administer  poison  to  both  princes,  and  when  arrested, 
confessed  that  they  had  been  hired  by  the  Prince  of  Parma 
to  compass  this  double  assassination.  Basa  destroyed  him- 
self in  prison.  His  body  was,  however,  gibbeted,  with  an 
inscription  that  he  had  attempted,  at  the  instigation  of 
Parma,  to  take  the  lives  of  Orange  and  Anjou.  Salseda, 
less  fortunate,  was  sent  to  Paris,  where  he  was  found 
guilty,  and  executed  by  being  torn  to  pieces  by  four 
horses.  Sad  to  relate,  Lamoral  Egmont,  younger  son 
and  namesake  of  the  great  general,  was  intimate  with 
Salseda,  and  implicated  in  this  base  design.2  His  mother, 
on  her  death-bed,  had  especially  recommended  the  youth 
to  the  kindly  care  of  Orange.3  The  Prince  had  ever  recog- 
nized the  claim,  manifesting  uniform  tenderness  for  the 
son  of  his  ill-starred  friend ;  and  now  the  youthful  Lamoral 
— as  if  the  name  of  Egmont  had  not  been  sufficiently  con- 
taminated by  the  elder  brother's  treason  at  Brussels — had 
become  the  comrade  of  hired  conspirators  against  his 
guardian's  life.  The  affair  was  hushed  up,  but  the  story 
was  current  and  generally  believed  that  Egmont  had  him- 
self undertaken  to  destroy  the  Prince  at  his  own  table 
by  means  of  poison  which  he  kept  concealed  in  a  ring. 
Sainte  Aldegonde  was  to  have  been  taken  off  in  the  same 

1  Bor,  xvii.  328,  329,  332.     Meteren,  xi.  196.     A  rising  sun  with  the  motto  "fovet  et 
discutit,"  was  the  favourite  device  of  Anjou. 

2  Bpr,  xvii.  331.     Hoofd,  xix.  814,  815.     Meteren,  xi.  196.     Egmont  pretended  to  be 
studying  alchemy  with  Salseda. 

3  Meteren,  Hoofd,  ubi  sup.     See  a  letter  of  Orange  to  Josse  Borluut,  October  n, 
1580,  requesting  him  to  furnish  young  Lamoral  with  needful  funds,  adding,  "  le  principal 
point  pour  se  faire  valoir  au  chemin  de  la  vertu  pour  auquel  continuer  au  bien  en  mieulx, 
ay  donne  ordre  qu'il  soit  guide"  de  personnes  a  ce  bien  propres  et  qualifies." — Documents 
Inedits,  par  Kervyn  de  Volkaersbeke  et  J.  Diegerick,  h.  158. 


402  The  Rise  of  the 

way,  and  a  hollow  ring  filled  with  poison  was  said  to  have 
been  found  in  Egmont's  lodgings.1 

The  young  noble  was  imprisoned ;  his  guilt  was  far  from 
doubtful;  but  the  powerful  intercessions  of  Orange  him- 
self, combined  with  Egmont's  near  relationship  to  the 
French  Queen,  saved  his  life,  and  he  was  permitted,  after 
a  brief  captivity,  to  take  his  departure  to  France.2 

The  Duke  of  Anjou,  a  month  later,  was  received  with 
equal  pomp,  in  the  city  of  Ghent.  Here  the  ceremonies 
were  interrupted  in  another  manner;  the  Prince  of  Parma, 
at  the  head  of  a  few  regiments  of  Walloons,  making  an 
attack  on  a  body  of  troops  by  which  Anjou  had  been 
escorted  into  Flanders.  The  troops  retreated  in  good 
order,  and  without  much  loss,  under  the  walls  of  Ghent, 
where  a  long  and  sharp  action  took  place,  much  to  the 
disadvantage  of  Parma.  The  Prince  of  Orange  and  the 
Duke  of  Anjou  were  on  the  city  walls  during  the  whole 
skirmish,  giving  orders  and  superintending  the  movements 
of  their  troops,  and  at  nightfall  Parma  was  forced  to 
retire,  leaving  a  large  number  of  dead  behind  him.3 

The  1 5th  day  of  December  in  this  year  was  celebrated 
— according  to  the  new  ordinance  of  Gregory  the  Thirteenth 
— as  Christmas.4  It  was  the  occasion  of  more  than  usual 
merry-making  among  the  Catholics  of  Antwerp,  who  had 
procured,  during  the  preceding  summer,  a  renewed  right 
of  public  worship  from  Anjou  and  the  estates.  Many 
nobles  of  high  rank  came  from  France,  to  pay  their 
homage  to  the  new  Duke  of  Brabant.  They  secretly  ex- 
pressed their  disgust,  however,  at  the  close  constitutional 
bonds  in  which  they  found  their  own  future  sovereign 
imprisoned  by  the  provinces.  They  thought  it  far  beneath 
the  dignity  of  the  "  Son  of  France  "  to  play  the  secondary 
part  of  titular  Duke  of  Brabant,  Count  of  Flanders,  Lord 
of  Friesland,  and  the  like,  while  the  whole  power  of 
government  was  lodged  with  the  states.  They  whispered 
that  it  was  time  to  take  measures  for  the  incorporation  of 
the  Netherlands  into  France,  and  they  persuaded  the 
false  and  fickle  Anjou  that  there  would  never  be  any  hope 

1  "Wreede  Turkshe  wonderlijcke  verhaalinge  van   dit  leste  verraet   teghen  Ducks 
Dangu  (sic)  en  tegen  den  edelen  P.  v.  Orangien,"  etc.,  etc. — Leyden,  1582.     This  curious 
pamphlet,  in  the  Duncan  collection,  consists  of  a  letter  from  Bruges  of  25th  July,  and 
another  from  Antwerp,  of  27th  July,  1582. 

2  Louise  de  Vaudemont,  wife  of  Henry  III.,  was  daughter  of  the  great  Count  Egmont's 
sister.     She  was  consequently  first  cousin  to  young  Lamoral. 

3  Bor,  xvii.  334.     Strada,  2,  v.  240,  241.     Meteren,  xi.  197. 

4  Bor,  xvii.  338.     Meteren,  xi.  198,  sqq.     Hoofd,  xix.  827.     Strada,  2,  v.  245. 


Dutch  Republic  403 

of  his  royal  brother's  assistance,  except  upon  the  under- 
standing that  the  blood  and  treasure  of  Frenchmen  were 
to  be  spent  to  increase  the  power,  not  of  upstart  and 
independent  provinces,  but  of  the  French  crown.1 

They  struck  the  basest  chords  of  the  Duke's  base  nature 
by  awakening  his  jealousy  of  Orange.  His  whole  soul 
vibrated  to  the  appeal.  He  already  hated  the  man  by 
whose  superior  intellect  he  was  overawed,  and  by  whose 
pure  character  he  was  shamed.  He  stoutly  but  secretly 
swore  that  he  would  assert  his  own  rights,  and  that  he 
would  no  longer  serve  as  a  shadow,  a  statue,  a  zero,  a 
Matthias.2  It  is  needless  to  add,  that  neither  in  his  own 
judgment  nor  in  that  of  his  mignons,  were  the  constitu- 
tional articles  which  he  had  recently  sworn  to  support,  or 
the  solemn  treaty  which  he  had  signed  and  sealed  at  Bor- 
deaux, to  furnish  any  obstacles  to  his  seizure  of  unlimited 
power,  whenever  the  design  could  be  cleverly  accom- 
plished. He  rested  not,  day  or  night,  in  the  elaboration 
of  his  plan. 

Early  in  January,  1583,  he  sent  one  night  for  several  of 
his  intimate  associates,  to  consult  with  him  after  he  had 
retired  to  bed.  He  complained  of  the  insolence  of  the 
states,  of  the  importunity  of  the  council  which  they  had 
forced  upon  him,  of  the  insufficient  sums  which  they  fur- 
nished both  for  him  and  his  troops,  of  the  daily  insults 
offered  to  the  Catholic  religion.  He  protested  that  he 
should  consider  himself  disgraced  in  the  eyes  of  all  Christ- 
endom, should  he  longer  consent  to  occupy  his  present 
ignoble  position.  But  two  ways  were  open  to  him,  he 
observed ;  either  to  retire  altogether  from  the  Netherlands, 
or  to  maintain  his  authority  with  the  strong  hand,  as 
became  a  prince.  The  first  course  would  cover  him  with 
disgrace.  It  was  therefore  necessary  for  him  to  adopt  the 
other.  He  then  unfolded  his  plan  to  his  confidential  friends, 
La  Fougere,  De  Fazy,  Valette,  the  sons  of  Mardchal  Biron, 
and  others.  Upon  the  same  day,  if  possible,  he  was  deter- 
mined to  take  possession,  with  his  own  troops,  of  the  prin- 
cipal cities  in  Flanders.  Dunkirk,  Dixmuyde,  Denre- 
monde,  Bruges,  Ghent,  Vilvoorde,  Alost,  and  other  im- 
portant places,  were  to  be  simultaneously  invaded,  under 
pretext  of  quieting  tumults  artfully  created  and  encouraged 
between  the  burghers  and  the  garrisons,  while  Antwerp 

1  Bor,  xvii.  339,  sqq.  Strada,  2,  v.  246,  sqq.  Meteren,  xi.  199,  200.  Hoofd,  xix. 
837,  838.  2  Bor,  xvii.  339.  Hoofd,  xix.  837.  Strada,  2,  v.  247. 


404  The  Rise  of  the 

was  reserved  for  his  own  especial  enterprise.  That  im- 
portant capital  he  would  carry  by  surprise  at  the  same 
moment  in  which  the  other  cities  were  to  be  secured  by  his 
lieutenants.1 

The  plot  was  pronounced  an  excellent  one  by  the  friends 
around  his  bed — all  of  them  eager  for  Catholic  supremacy, 
for  the  establishment  of  the  right  divine  on  the  part  of 
France  to  the  Netherlands,  and  for  their  share  in  the 
sacking  of  so  many  wealthy  cities  at  once.  These  worth- 
less mignons  applauded  their  weak  master  to  the  echo ; 
whereupon  the  Duke  leaped  from  his  bed,  and  kneeling 
on  the  floor  in  his  night-gown,  raised  his  eyes  and  his 
clasped  hands  to  heaven,  and  piously  invoked  the  blessing 
of  the  Almighty  upon  the  project  which  he  had  thus 
announced.2  He  added  the  solemn  assurance  that,  if 
favoured  with  success  in  his  undertaking,  he  would  abstain 
in  future  from  all  unchastity,  and  forego  the  irregular 
habits  by  which  his  youth  had  been  stained.  Having  thus 
bribed  the  Deity,  and  received  the  encouragement  of  his 
flatterers,  the  Duke  got  into  bed  again.  His  next  care 
was  to  remove  the  Seigneur  du  Plessis,  whom  he  had 
observed  to  be  often  in  colloquy  with  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
his  suspicions  and  guilty  imagination  finding  nothing  but 
mischief  to  himself  in  the  conjunction  of  two  such  natures. 
He  therefore  dismissed  Du  Plessis,  under  pretext  of  a 
special  mission  to  his  sister  Margaret  of  Navarre;  but  in 
reality,  that  he  might  rid  himself  of  the  presence  of  an 
intelligent  and  honourable  countryman.3 

On  the  1 5th  of  January,  1583,  the  day  fixed  for  the 
execution  of  the  plot,  the  French  commandant  of  Dunkirk, 
Captain  Chamois,  skilfully  took  advantage  of  a  slight 
quarrel  between  the  citizens  and  the  garrison,  to  secure 
that  important  frontier  town.  The  same  means  were 
employed  simultaneously,  with  similar  results,  at  Ostend, 
Dixmuyde,  Denremonde,  Alost,  and  Vilvoorde,  but  there 
was  a  fatal  delay  at  one  important  city.  La  Fougere,  who 
had  been  with  Chamois  at  Dunkirk,  was  arrested  on  his 
way  to  Bruges  by  some  patriotic  citizens  who  had  got 
wind  of  what  had  just  been  occurring  in  the  other  cities, 
so  that  when  Valette,  the  provost  of  Anjou,  and  Colonel 
la  Rebours,  at  the  head  of  fifteen  hundred  French  troops, 

1  Bor,  xvii.  339,  340.     Meteren,  xi.  200,  201.     Hoofd,  xix.  837,  838.     Strada,  2,  v.  248, 
240. 

2  Deposition  of  La  Fougere,  the  Duke's  maitre  d'hStel,  in  Bor,  xvii.  340.     Hoofd,  xix. 
838.  3  Hoofd,  xix.  838.     Strada,  2,  v.  248. 


Dutch  Republic  405 

appeared  before  the  gates,  entrance  was  flatly  refused. 
De  Grijse,  burgomaster  of  Bruges,  encouraged  his  fellow 
townsmen  by  words  and  stout  action,  to  resist  the  nefari- 
ous project  then  on  foot  against  religious  liberty  and  free 
government,  in  favour  of  a  new  foreign  tyranny.1  He 
spoke  to  men  who  could  sympathize  with,  and  second  his 
courageous  resolution,  and  the  delay  of  twenty-four  hours, 
during  which  the  burghers  had  time  to  take  the  alarm, 
saved  the  city.  The  whole  population  was  on  the  alert, 
and  the  baffled  Frenchmen  were  forced  to  retire  from  the 
gates  to  avoid  being  torn  to  pieces  by  the  citizens  whom 
they  had  intended  to  surprise. 

At  Antwerp,  meanwhile,  the  Duke  of  Anjou  had  been 
rapidly  maturing  his  plan,  under  pretext  of  a  contemplated 
enterprise  against  the  city  of  Endhoven,  having  concen- 
trated what  he  esteemed  a  sufficient  number  of  French 
troops  at  Borgerhout,  a  village  close  to  the  walls  of 
Antwerp. 

On  the  i6th  of  January,  suspicion  was  aroused  in  the 
city.  A  man  in  a  mask  entered  the  mainguard-house  in 
the  night,  mysteriously  gave  warning  that  a  great  crime 
was  in  contemplation,  and  vanished  before  he  could  be 
arrested.  His  accent  proved  him  to  be  a  Frenchman. 
Strange  rumours  flew  about  the  streets.  A  vague  uneasi- 
ness pervaded  the  whole  population  as  to  the  intention  of 
their  new  master,  but  nothing  was  definitely  known,  for  of 
course  there  was  entire  ignorance  of  the  events  which 
were  just  occurring  in  other  cities.  The  colonels  and  cap- 
tains of  the  burgher  guard  came  to  consult  the  Prince  of 
Orange.  He  avowed  the  most  entire  confidence  in  the 
Duke  of  Anjou,  but,  at  the  same  time,  recommended  that 
the  chains  should  be  drawn,  the  lanterns  hung  out,  and 
the  drawbridge  raised  an  hour  earlier  than  usual,  and  that 
other  precautions,  customary  in  the  expectation  of  an 
attack,  should  be  duly  taken.  He  likewise  sent  the  burgo- 
master of  the  interior,  Dr.  Alostanus,  to  the  Duke  of 
Anjou,  in  order  to  communicate  the  suspicions  created  in 
the  minds  of  the  city  authorities  by  the  recent  movements 
of  troops.2 

1  Bor,  xvii.  340.     Hoofd,  xix.  834. 

2  Corte  Verclaering,  ghedaen  by  Burgemeesteren,  Schepenen  ende  Raedt  der  Stadt 
Antwerpen,  nopende   den    aenslaeg  tegen  de  selve  stadt  aengerichtet   den   xvii   deser 
maendt,  Jan.  1583.— Antwerp,  Christ.  Plantin,  1583.     This  is  the  official  account— pub- 
lished by  authority  immediately  after  the  event— and  the  source  whence  Bor,  Meteren, 
and  other  contemporary  chroniclers  have  derived  the  details  of  this  important  transaction. 
—Compare  Bor,  xvii.  341,  sqq.  ;  Meteren,  xi.  201,  sqq.  ;  Hoofd,  xix.  838,  839,  sqq.  ; 
Reid.,  lii.  46. 


406  The  Rise  of  the 

Anjou,  thus  addressed,  protested  in  the  most  solemn 
manner  that  nothing  was  further  from  his  thoughts  than 
any  secret  enterprise  against  Antwerp.  He  was  willing, 
according  to  the  figure  of  speech  which  he  had  always 
ready  upon  every  emergency,  "  to  shed  every  drop  of  his 
blood  in  her  defence."  He  swore  that  he  would  signally 
punish  all  those  who  had  dared  to  invent  such  calumnies 
against  himself  and  his  faithful  Frenchmen,  declaring 
earnestly,  at  the  same  time,  that  the  troops  had  only  been 
assembled  in  the  regular  course  of  their  duty.  As  the 
Duke  was  so  loud  and  so  fervent ;  as  he,  moreover,  made 
no  objection  to  the  precautionary  measures  which  had 
been  taken;  as  the  burgomaster  thought,  moreover,  that 
the  public  attention  thus  aroused  would  render  all  evil 
designs  futile,  even  if  any  had  been  entertained ;  it  was 
thought  that  the  city  might  sleep  in  security  for  that  night 
at  least.1 

On  the  following  morning,  as  vague  suspicions  were  still 
entertained  by  many  influential  persons,  a  deputation  of 
magistrates  and  militia  officers  waited  upon  the  Duke,  the 
Prince  of  Orange — although  himself  still  feeling  a  confi- 
dence which  seems  now  almost  inexplicable — consenting 
to  accompany  them.  The  Duke  was  more  vehement  than 
ever  in  his  protestations  of  loyalty  to  his  recent  oaths,  as 
well  as  of  deep  affection  for  the  Netherlands — for  Brabant 
in  particular,  and  for  Antwerp  most  of  all,  and  he  made 
use  of  all  his  vivacity  to  persuade  the  Prince,  the  burgo- 
masters, and  the  colonels,  that  they  had  deeply  wronged 
him  by  such  unjust  suspicions.  His  assertions  were 
accepted  as  sincere,  and  the  deputation  withdrew,  Anjou 
having  first  solemnly  promised — at  the  suggestion  of 
Orange — not  to  leave  the  city  during  the  whole  day,  in 
order  that  unnecessary  suspicion  might  be  prevented.2 

This  pledge  the  Duke  proceeded  to  violate  almost  as 
soon  as  made.  Orange  returned  with  confidence  to  his 
own  house,  which  was  close  to  the  citadel,  and  therefore 
far  removed  from  the  proposed  point  of  attack,  but  he 
had  hardly  arrived  there  when  he  received  a  visit  from  the 
Duke's  private  secretary,  Quinsay,  who  invited  him  to 
accompany  his  Highness  on  a  visit  to  the  camp.  Orange 
declined  the  request,  and  sent  an  earnest  prayer  to  the 
Duke  not  to  leave  the  city  that  morning.  The  Duke  dined 

1  Corte  Verclaering.     Bor,  Hoofd,  Meteren,  ubi  sup.     Ev.  Reidani,  iii.  46.  47. 

2  Bor,  xvii.  342.     Corte  Verclaering,  etc. 


Dutch  Republic  407 

as  usual  at  noon.  While  at  dinner  he  received  a  letter, 
was  observed  to  turn  pale  on  reading  it,  and  to  conceal 
it  hastily  in  a  muff  which  he  wore  on  his  left  arm.  The 
repast  finished,  the  Duke  ordered  his  horse.  The  animal 
was  restive,  and  so  strenuously  resisted  being  mounted 
that,  although  it  was  his  usual  charger,  it  was  exchanged 
for  another.  This  second  horse  started  in  such  a  flurry 
that  the  Duke  lost  his  cloak,  and  almost  his  seat.  He 
maintained  his  self-possession,  however,  and,  placing  him- 
self at  the  head  of  his  body-guard  and  some  troopers, 
numbering  in  all  three  hundred  mounted  men,  rode  out 
of  the  palace-yard  towards  the  Kipdorp  gate.1 

This  portal  opened  on  the  road  towards  Borgerhout, 
where  his  troops  were  stationed,  and  at  the  present  day 
bears  the  name  of  that  village.  It  is  on  the  side  of  the  city 
farthest  removed  from  and  exactly  opposite  the  river.  The 
town  was  very  quiet,  the  streets  almost  deserted ;  for  it 
was  one  o'clock,  the  universal  dinner-hour,  and  all  sus- 
picion had  been  disarmed  by  the  energetic  protestations  of 
the  Duke.  The  guard  at  the  gate  looked  listlessly  upon 
the  cavalcade  as  it  approached,  but  as  soon  as  Anjou  had 
crossed  the  first  drawbridge,  he  rose  in  his  stirrups  and 
waved  his  hand.  "There  is  your  city,  my  lads,"  said 
he  to  the  troopers  behind  him ;  ' '  go  and  take  possession 
of  it!"  2 

At  the  same  time  he  set  spurs  to  his  horse  and  galloped 
off  towards  the  camp  at  Borgerhout.  Instantly  afterwards, 
a  gentleman  of  his  suite,  Count  Rochepot,3  affected  to 
have  broken  his  leg  through  the  plunging  of  his  horse, 
a  circumstance  by  which  he  had  been  violently  pressed 
against  the  wall  as  he  entered  the  gate.  Kaiser,  the  com- 
manding officer  at  the  guard-house,  stepped  kindly  for- 
ward to  render  him  assistance,  and  his  reward  was  a 
desperate  thrust  from  the  Frenchman's  rapier.  As  he 
wore  a  steel  cuirass,  he  fortunately  escaped  with  a  slight 
wound.4 

The  expression,  "  broken  leg,"  was  the  watch-word,  for 
at  one  and  the  same  instant,  the  troopers  and  guardsmen 
of  Anjou  set  upon  the  burgher  watch  at  the  gate,  and 

1  Hoofd,  xix.  839-843.     Meteren,  xi.  201.     Bor,  xvii.  342. 

2  Corte  Verclaering,  etc.     Bor,   Meteren,   Hoofd,   ubi  sup.     Strada,  2,  v.  249.     Ev. 
Reid.,  iii.  47. 

8  "  Dont  le  nom  est  enseveli  dan  1'oubli,"  says  De  Thou,  adding,  "  et  plflt  a  Dieu  que 
1'infamie  de  son  action  le  fut  aussi !  "—Tom.  ix.  liv.  77,  p.  37.  Reyd,  however,  says  it 
was  Count  Rochepot.— Ann.  Belg.,  347-  De  Weert's  MS.  Journal  also  gives  the  name 
and  the  incident.  *  De  Thou,  Reyd,  Bor.  Meteren.  Hoofd 


4o8 


The  Rise  of  the 


butchered  every  man.  A  sufficient  force  was  left  to  protect 
the  entrance  thus  easily  mastered,  while  the  rest  of  the 
Frenchmen  entered  the  town  at  full  gallop,  shrieking, 
'  '  Ville  gagnee,  ville  gagnee  I  vive  la  messe  I  vive  le  Due 
d'Anjou!"  They  were  followed  by  their  comrades  from 
the  camp  outside,  who  now  poured  into  the  town  at  the 
preconcerted  signal,  at  least  six  hundred  cavalry  and  three 
thousand  musketeers,  all  perfectly  appointed,  entering 
Antwerp  at  once.  Frqm  the  Kipdorp  gate  two  main 
arteries  —  the  streets  called  the  Kipdorp  and  the  Meer  — 
led  quite  through  the  heart  of  the  city,  towards  the  town- 
house  and  the  river  beyond.  Along  these  great  thorough- 
fares the  French  soldiers  advanced  at  a  rapid  pace;  the 
cavalry  clattering  furiously  in  the  van,  shouting,  "  Ville 
gagnde,  ville  gagnde  I  vive  la  messe,  vive  la  messe  !  tue, 
tue,  tue!"i 

The  burghers  coming  to  door  and  window  to  look  for 
the  cause  of  all  this  disturbance,  were  saluted  with  volleys 
of  musketry.  They  were  for  a  moment  astonished,  but 
not  appalled,  for  at  first  they  believed  it  to  be  merely  an 
accidental  tumult.  Observing,  however,  that  the  soldiers, 
meeting  with  but  little  effective  resistance,  were  dispersing. 
into  dwellings  and  warehouses,  particularly  into  the  shops 
of  the  goldsmiths  and  lapidaries,  the  citizens  remembered 
the  dark  suspicions  which  had  been  so  rife,  and  many 
recalled  to  mind  that  distinguished  French  officers  had 
during  the  last  few  days  been  carefully  examining  the 
treasures  of  the  jewellers,  under  pretext  of  purchasing, 
but,  as  it  now  appeared,  with  intent  to  rob  intelligently.2 

The  burghers,  taking  this  rapid  view  of  their  position, 
flew  instantly  to  arms.  Chains  and  barricades  were 
stretched  across  the  streets  ;  the  trumpets  sounded  through 
the  city;  the  municipal  guards  swarmed  to  the  rescue. 
An  effective  rally  was  made,  as  usual,  at  the  Bourse, 
whither  a  large  detachment  of  the  invaders  had  forced 
their  way.  Inhabitants  of  all  classes  and  conditions,  noble 
and  simple,  Catholic  and  Protestant,  gave  each  other  the 
hand,  and  swore  to  die  at  each  other's  side  in  defence  of 
the  city  against  the  treacherous  strangers.  The  gathering 
was  rapid  and  enthusiastic.  Gentlemen  came  with  lance 
and  cuirass,  burghers  with  musket  and  bandoleer,  artisans 
with  axe,  mallet,  and  other  implements  of  their  trade.  A 

1  Corte  Verclaering,  etc.     Bor,  xvii.  343.     Hoofd,  xix.  841,  sqq.     Meteren,  Reyd,  ubi 
sup.     Strada,  2,  v.  249,  sqq.  2  Strada,  2,  v.  252.     Ev.  Reidani,  ii.  53. 


Dutch  Republic  409 

bold  baker,  standing  by  his  oven — stark  naked,  according 
to  the  custom  of  bakers  at  that  day — rushed  to  the  street 
as  the  sound  of  the  tumult  reached  his  ear.  With  his 
heavy  bread  shovel,  which  he  still  held  in  his  hand,  he 
dealt  a  French  cavalry  officer,  just  riding-  and  screaming 
by,  such  a  hearty  blow  that  he  fell  dead  from  his  horse. 
The  baker  seized  the  officer's  sword,  sprang,  all  unattired 
as  he  was,  upon  his  steed,  and  careered  furiously  through 
the  streets,  encouraging  his  countrymen  everywhere  to 
the  attack,  and  dealing  dismay  through  the  ranks  of  the 
enemy.  His  services  in  that  eventful  hour  were  so  signal 
that  he  was  publicly  thanked  afterwards  by  the  magis- 
trates for  his  services,  and  rewarded  with  a  pension  of 
three  hundred  florins  for  life.1 

The  invaders  had  been  forced  from  the  Bourse,  while 
another  portion  of  them  had  penetrated  as  far  as  the 
Market-place.  The  resistance  which  they  encountered  be- 
came every  instant  more  formidable,  and  Fervacques,  a 
leading  French  officer,  who  was  captured  on  the  occasion, 
acknowledged  that  no  regular  troops  could  have  fought 
more  bravely  than  did  these  stalwart  burghers.2  Women 
and  children  mounted  to  roof  and  window,  whence  they 
hurled,  not  only  tiles  and  chimney-pots,  but  tables,  pon- 
derous chairs,  and  other  bulky  articles,  upon  the  heads  of 
the  assailants,3  while  such  citizens  as  had  used  all  their 
bullets,  loaded  their  pieces  with  the  silver  buttons  from 
their  doublets,  or  twisted  gold  and  silver  coins  with  their 
teeth  into  ammunition.  With  a  population  so  resolute, 
the  four  thousand  invaders,  however  audacious,  soon 
found  themselves  swallowed  up.  The  city  had  closed  over 
them  like  water,  and  within  an  hour  nearly  a  third  of  their 
whole  number  had  been  slain.  Very  few  of  the  burghers 
had  perished,  and  fresh  numbers  were  constantly  advanc- 
ing to  the  attack.  The  Frenchmen,  blinded,  staggering, 
beaten,  attempted  to  retreat.  Many  threw  themselves  from 
the  fortifications  into  the  moat.  The  rest  of  the  survivors 
struggled  through  the  streets — falling  in  large  numbers 
at  every  step — towards  the  point  at  which  they  had  so 
lately  entered  the  city.  Here  at  the  Kipdorp  gate  was  a 
ghastly  spectacle,  the  slain  being  piled  up  in  the  narrow 
passage  full  ten  feet  high,  while  some  of  the  heap,  not 

1  Corte  Verclaering.     Bor,  xvii.  343.     Meteren,  xi.  201.     Hoofd,  xix.  841,  842.     Strada, 
2,  v.  250.    Tassis,  vi.  435. 

2  Ev.  Reid.,  iii.  48.  8  Bor,  Hoofd,  Meteren,  Strada. 


4io  The  Rise  of  the 

quite  dead,  were  striving  to  extricate  a  hand  or  foot,  and 
others  feebly  thrust  forth  their  heads  to  gain  a  mouthful 
of  air.1 

From  the  outside,  some  of  Anjou 's  officers  were  attempt- 
ing to  climb  over  this  mass  of  bodies  in  order  to  enter  the 
city;  from  the  interior,  the  baffled  and  fugitive  remnant 
of  their  comrades  were  attempting  to  force  their  passage 
through  the  same  horrible  barrier;  while  many  dropped 
at  every  instant  upon  the  heap  of  slain,  under  the  blows 
of  the  unrelenting  burghers.2  On  the  other  hand,  Count 
Rochepot  himself,  to  whom  the  principal  command  of  the 
enterprise  had  been  entrusted  by  Anjou,  stood  directly  in 
the  path  of  his  fugitive  soldiers,  not  only  bitterly  upbraid- 
ing them  with  their  cowardice,  but  actually  slaying  ten  or 
twelve  of  them  with  his  own  hands,3  as  the  most  effectual 
mode  of  preventing-  their  retreat.  Hardly  an  hour  had 
elapsed  from  the  time  when  the  Duke  of  Anjou  first  rode 
out  of  the  Kipdorp  gate,  before  nearly  the  whole  of  the 
force  which  he  had  sent  to  accomplish  his  base  design  was 
either  dead  or  captive.  Two  hundred  and  fifty  nobles  of 
high  rank  and  illustrious  name  were  killed;  recognized 
at  once  as  they  lay  in  the  streets  by  their  magnificent 
costume.  A  larger  number  of  the  gallant  chivalry  of 
France  had  been  sacrificed — as  Anjou  confessed — in  this 
treacherous  and  most  shameful  enterprise,  than  had  often 
fallen  upon  noble  and  honourable  fields.  Nearly  two  thou- 
sand of  the  rank  and  file  had  perished,  and  the  rest  were 
prisoners.  It  was  at  first  asserted  that  exactly  fifteen 
hundred  and  eighty-three  Frenchmen  had  fallen,  but  this 
was  only  because  this  number  happened  to  be  the  date 
of  the  year,  to  which  the  lovers  of  marvellous  coinci- 
dences struggled  very  hard  to  make  the  returns  of  the 
dead  correspond.  Less  than  one  hundred  burghers  lost 
their  lives.4 

Anjou,  as  he  looked  on  at  a  distance,  was  bitterly 
reproached  for  his  treason  by  several  of  the  high-minded 
gentlemen  about  his  person,  to  whom  he  had  not  dared 
to  confide  his  plot.  The  Duke  of  Montpensier  protested 
vehemently  that  he  washed  his  hands  of  the  whole  trans- 

1  Bor,  xvii.  343,  344.     Meteren,  xi.  201.     Hoofd,  xix.  841,  842,^843.     Strada,  2,  v.  250. 
"  Ut  duorum  altitudinem  hominum  exaequaret  cadaverum  strues.' 

2  Meteren,  xi.  201,  sqq.,  who  had  his  information  from  eye-witnesses. — Compare  Hoofd, 
Bor,  Meteren,  Strada,  loc.  cit.  3  Hoofd,  xix.  843.     Reidani,  iii.  47. 

4  According  to  a  statement  made  by  a  French  prisoner,  more  than  fifty  gentlemen  had 
been  killed,  of  whom  the  poorest  had  six  thousand  livres  annual  income.  Bor,  xvii.  343. 
—Compare  Meteren,  xi.  202  ;  Ev.  Reid.,  iii.  48  ;  Strada,  2,  v.  252 ;  Hoofd,  xix.  843. 


Dutch  Republic  411 

action,  whatever  might  be  the  issue.1  He  was  responsible 
for  the  honour  of  an  illustrious  house,  which  should  never 
be  stained,  he  said,  if  he  could  prevent  it,  with  such  foul 
deeds.  The  same  language  was  held  by  Laval,  by  Roche- 
foucauld, and  by  the  Mare"chal  de  Biron,  the  last  gentle- 
man, whose  two  sons  were  engaged  in  the  vile  enterprise, 
bitterly  cursing  the  Duke  to  his  face,  as  he  rode  through 
the  gate  after  revealing  his  secret  undertaking.2 

Meanwhile,  Anjou,  in  addition  to  the  punishment  of 
hearing  these  reproaches  from  men  of  honour,  was  the 
victim  of  a  rapid  and  violent  fluctuation  of  feeling.  Hope, 
fear,  triumph,  doubt,  remorse,  alternately  swayed  him. 
As  he  saw  the  fugitives  leaping  from  the  walls,  he  shouted 
exultingly,  without  accurately  discerning  what  manner  of 
men  they  were,  that  the  city  was  his,  that  four  thousand 
of  his  brave  soldiers  were  there,  and  were  hurling  the 
burghers  from  the  battlements.  On  being  made  after- 
wards aware  of  his  error,  he  was  proportionably  de- 
pressed ;  and  when  it  was  obvious  at  last  that  the  result 
of  the  enterprise  was  an  absolute  and  disgraceful  failure, 
together  with  a  complete  exposure  of  his  treachery,  he 
fairly  mounted  his  horse,  and  fled  conscience-stricken 
from  the  scene.3 

The  attack  had  been  so  unexpected,  in  consequence  of 
the  credence  that  had  been  rendered  by  Orange  and  the 
magistracy  to  the  solemn  protestations  of  the  Duke,  that 
it  had  been  naturally  out  of  any  one's  power  to  prevent 
the  catastrophe.  The  Prince  was  lodged  in  a  part  of  the 
town  remote  from  the  original  scene  of  action,  and  it 
does  not  appear  that  information  had  reached  him  that 
anything  unusual  was  occurring,  until  the  affair  was 
approaching  its  termination.  Then  there  was  little  for 
him  to  do.  He  hastened,  however,  to  the  scene,  and 
mounting  the  ramparts,  persuaded  the  citizens  to  cease 
cannonading  the  discomfited  and  retiring  foe.  He  felt 
the  full  gravity  of  the  situation,  and  the  necessity  of 
diminishing  the  rancour  of  the  inhabitants  against  their 
treacherous  allies,  if  such  a  result  were  yet  possible.4  The 
burghers  had  done  their  duty,  and  it  certainly  would  have 
been  neither  in  his  power  nor  his  inclination  to  protect 
the  French  marauders  from  expulsion  and  castigation. 

1  De  Thou,  ix.  37,  and  xxvii.. 

2  Hoofd,  xix.  834.     Eentivoglio,  2,  ii.  268,  271.     De  Thou.  loc.  cit. 

3  Corte  Verclaering.     Meteren,  xi.  2oid.     Bor,  xvii.  343.     Hoofd,  xix.  842. 
*  Meteren,  xi.  2oid.     Hoofd,  xix.  843.— Compare  Bentivoglio,  2,  ii.  271. 


412  The  Rise  of  the 

Such  was  the  termination  of  the  French  Fury,  and  it 
seems  sufficiently  strange  that  it  should  have  been  so 
much  less  disastrous  to  Antwerp  than  was  the  Spanish 
Fury  of  1576,  to  which  men  could  still  scarcely  allude 
without  a  shudder.  One  would  have  thought  the  French 
more  likely  to  prove  successful  in  their  enterprise  than 
the  Spaniards  in  theirs.  The  Spaniards  were  enemies 
against  whom  the  city  had  long  been  on  its  guard.  The 
French  were  friends  in  whose  sincerity  a  somewhat  shaken 
confidence  had  just  been  restored.  When  the  Spanish 
attack  was  made,  a  large  force  of  defenders  was  drawn 
up  in  battle  array  behind  freshly-strengthened  fortifica- 
tions. When  the  French  entered  at  leisure  through  a 
scarcely-guarded  gate,  the  whole  population  and  garrison 
of  the  town  were  quietly  eating  their  dinners.  The 
numbers  of  the  invading  forces  on  the  two  occasions  did 
not  materially  differ;  but  at  the  time  of  the  French  Fury 
there  was  not  a  large  force  of  regular  troops  under 
veteran  generals  to  resist  the  attack.  Perhaps  this  was 
the  main  reason  for  the  result,  which  seems  at  first  almost 
inexplicable.  For  protection  against  the  Spanish  invasion, 
the  burghers  relied  on  mercenaries,  some  of  whom  proved 
treacherous,  while  the  rest  became  panic-struck.  On  the 
present  occasion  the  burghers  relied  on  themselves.  More- 
over, the  French  committed  the  great  error  of  despising 
their  enemy.  Recollecting  the  ease  with  which  the 
Spaniards  had  ravished  the  city,  they  believed  that  they 
had  nothing  to  do  but  to  enter  and  take  possession.  In- 
stead of  repressing  their  greediness,  as  the  Spaniards  had 
done,  until  they  had  overcome  resistance,  they  dispersed 
almost  immediately  into  by-streets,  and  entered  ware- 
houses to  search  for  plunder.  They  seemed  actuated  by 
a  fear  that  they  should  not  have  time  to  rifle  the  city 
before  additional  troops  should  be  sent  by  Anjou  to  share 
in  the  spoil.1  They  were  less  used  to  the  sacking  of 
Netherland  cities  than  were  the  Spaniards,  whom  long 
practice  had  made  perfect  in  the  art  of  methodically 
butchering  a  population  at  first,  before  attention  should  be 
diverted  to  plundering  and  supplementary  outrages.  At 
any  rate,  whatever  the  causes,  it  is  certain  that  the  panic, 
which  upon  such  occasions  generally  decides  the  fate  of 
the  day,  seized  upon  the  invaders  and  not  upon  the  in- 
vaded, almost  from  the  very  first.  As  soon  as  the 

1  Strada,  2,  v.  252.     Reidani,  ii.  53. 


Dutch  Republic  413 

marauders  faltered  in  their  purpose  and  wished  to  re- 
treat, it  was  all  over  with  them.  Returning  was  worse 
than  advance,  and  it  was  the  almost  inevitable  result  that 
hardly  a  man  escaped  death  or  capture. 

The  Duke  retreated  the  same  day  in  the  direction  of 
Denremonde,  and  on  his  way  met  with  another  misfor- 
tune, by  which  an  additional  number  of  his  troops  lost 
their  lives.  A  dyke  was  cut  by  the  Mechlin  citizens  to 
impede  his  march,  and  the  swollen  waters  of  the  Dill, 
liberated  and  flowing  across  the  country  which  he  was 
to  traverse,  produced  such  an  inundation,  that  at  least 
a  thousand  of  his  followers  were  drowned.1 

As  soon  as  he  had  established  himself  in  a  camp  near 
Berghem,  he  opened  a  correspondence  with  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  and  with  the  authorities  of  Antwerp.  His  lan- 
guage was  marked  by  wonderful  effrontery.  He  found 
himself  and  soldiers  suffering  from  want  of  food ;  he  re- 
membered that  he  had  left  much  plate  and  valuable  furni- 
ture in  Antwerp ;  and  he  was  therefore  desirous  that  the 
citizens,  whom  he  had  so  basely  outraged,  should  at 
once  send  him  supplies  and  restore  his  property.  He  also 
reclaimed  the  prisoners  who  still  remained  in  the  city,  and 
to  obtain  all  this  he  applied  to  the  man  whom  he  had 
bitterly  deceived,  and  whose  life  would  have  been  sacri- 
ficed by  the  Duke,  had  the  enterprise  succeeded.2 

It  had  been  his  intention  to  sack  the  city,  to  re-establish 
exclusively  the  Roman  Catholic  worship,  to  trample  upon 
the  constitution  which  he  had  so  recently  sworn  to  main- 
tain, to  deprive  Orange,  by  force,  of  the  Renversal  by 
which  the  Duke  recognized  the  Prince  as  sovereign  of 
Holland,  Zeland,  and  Utrecht,3  yet  notwithstanding  that 
his  treason  had  been  enacted  in  broad  daylight,  and  in  a 
most  deliberate  manner,  he  had  the  audacity  to  ascribe 
the  recent  tragic  occurrences  to  chance.  He  had  the 
further  originality  to  speak  of  himself  as  an  aggrieved 
person,  who  had  rendered  great  services  to  the  Nether- 
lands, and  who  had  only  met  with  ingratitude  in  return. 
His  envoys,  Messieurs  Landmater  and  Escolieres,  de- 
spatched on  the  very  day  of  the  French  Fury  to  the 
burgomasters  and  senate  of  Antwerp,  were  instructed  to 
remind  those  magistrates  that  the  Duke  had  repeatedly 
exposed  his  life  in  the  cause  of  the  Netherlands.  The 

1  Metcren,  xi.  2o2b.     Hoofd,  xx.  848.     Strada,  2,  v.  251. 
a  Hoofd,  xix.  844.— Compare  D«  Thou,  t.  ix.  1.  77.  »  Bor,  xvn.  344. 


The  Rise  of  the 

affronts,  they  were  to  add,  which  he  had  received,  and 
the  approaching  ruin  of  the  country,  which  he  foresaw, 
had  so  altered  his  excellent  nature,  as  to  engender  the 
present  calamity,  which  he  infinitely  regretted.  Neverthe- 
less, the  senate  was  to  be  assured  that  his  affection  for 
the  commonwealth  was  still  so  strong,  as  to  induce  a 
desire  on  his  part  to  be  informed  what  course  was  now 
to  be  pursued  with  regard  to  him.  Information  upon  that 
important  point  was  therefore  to  be  requested,  while  at 
the  same  time  the  liberation  of  the  prisoners  at  Antwerp, 
and  the  restoration  of  the  Duke's  furniture  and  papers, 
were  to  be  urgently  demanded.1 

Letters  of  similar  import  were  also  despatched  by  the 
Duke  to  the  states  of  the  Union,  while  to  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  his  application  was  brief  but  brazen.  ;<  You 
know  well,  my  cousin,"  said  he,  "  the  just  and  frequent 
causes  of  offence  which  this  people  has  given  me.  The 
insults  which  I  this  morning  experienced  cut  me  so  deeply 
to  the  heart,  that  they  are  the  only  reasons  of  the  mis- 
fortune which  has  happened  to-day.  Nevertheless,  to 
those  who  desire  my  friendship  I  shall  show  equal  friend- 
ship and  affection.  Herein  I  shall  follow  the  counsel  you 
have  uniformly  given  me,  since  I  know  it  comes  from 
one  who  has  always  loved  me.  Therefore  I  beg  that  you 
will  kindly  bring  it  to  pass,  that  I  may  obtain  some 
decision,  and  that  no  injury  may  be  inflicted  upon  my 
people.  Otherwise  the  land  shall  pay  for  it  dearly."2 

To  these  appeals,  neither  the  Prince  nor  the  authorities 
of  Antwerp  answered  immediately  in  their  own  names. 
A  general  consultation  was,  however,  immediately  held 
with  the  estates-general,  and  an  answer  forthwith  de- 
spatched to  the  Duke  by  the  hands  of  his  envoys.  It 
was  agreed  to  liberate  the  prisoners,  to  restore  the  furni- 
ture, and  to  send  a  special  deputation  for  the  purpose  of 
making  further  arrangements  with  the  Duke  by  word  of 
mouth,  and  for  this  deputation  his  Highness  was  requested 
to  furnish  a  safe  conduct.3 

Anjou  was  overjoyed  when  he  received  this  amicable 
communication.  Relieved  for  a  time  from  his  fears  as 
to  the  result  of  his  crime,  he  already  assumed  a  higher 
ground.  He  not  only  spoke  to  the  states  in  a  paternal 
tone,  which  was  sufficiently  ludicrous,  but  he  had  actually 

-  Bor  (xvii,  344.  sqq.)  gives  the  instruction*,  together  with  the  whole  correspondence. 
*  See  the  letter  fa  Bar,  xvil  HX*  '  Ibid.,  xrii.  34* 


Dutch  Republic  415 

the  coolness  to  assure  them  of  his  forgiveness.  "  He  felt 
hurt,"  he  said,  "  that  they  should  deem  a  safe  conduct 
necessary  for  the  deputation  which  they  proposed  to  send. 
If  they  thought  that  he  had  reason  on  account  of  the  past, 
to  feel  offended,  he  begged  them  to  believe  that  he  had 
forgotten  it  all,  and  that  he  had  buried  the  past  in  its 
ashes,  even  as  if  it  had  never  been."  He  furthermore 
begged  them — and  this  seemed  the  greatest  insult  of  all 
— in  future  to  trust  to  his  word,  and  to  believe  that,  if 
anything  should  be  attempted  to  their  disadvantage,  he 
would  be  the  very  first  to  offer  himself  for  their  pro- 
tection."! 

It  will  be  observed  that  in  his  first  letters  the  Duke  had 
not  affected  to  deny  his  agency  in  the  outrage — an  agency 
so  flagrant  that  all  subterfuge  seemed  superfluous.  He 
in  fact  avowed  that  the  attempt  had  been  made  by  his 
command,  but  sought  to  palliate  the  crime  on  the  ground 
that  it  had  been  the  result  of  the  ill-treatment  which  he 
had  experienced  from  the  states.  "  The  affronts  which 
I  have  received,"  said  he,  both  to  the  magistrates  of 
Antwerp  and  to  Orange,  "  have  engendered  the  present 
calamity."  So  also,  in  a  letter  written  at  the  same  time 
to  his  brother,  Henry  the  Third,  he  observed  that  "  the 
indignities  which  were  put  upon  him,  and  the  manifest 
intention  of  the  states  to  make  a  Matthias  of  him,  had 
been  the  cause  of  the  catastrophe. ' '  2 

He  now,  however,  ventured  a  step  farther.  Presuming 
upon  the  indulgence  which  he  had  already  experienced, 
and  bravely  assuming  the  tone  of  injured  innocence,  he 
ascribed  the  enterprise  partly  to  accident,  and  partly  to 
the  insubordination  of  his  troops.  This  was  the  ground 
which  he  adopted  in  his  interviews  with  the  states'  com- 
missioners. So  also,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  Van  der 
Tympel,  commandant  of  Brussels,  in  which  he  begged 
for  supplies  for  his  troops,  he  described  the  recent  inva- 
sion of  Antwerp  as  entirely  unexpected  by  himself,  and 
beyond  his  control.  He  had  been  intending,  he  said, 
to  leave  the  city  and  to  join  his  army.  A  tumult  had 
accidentally  arisen  between  his  soldiers  and  the  guard  at 
the  gate.  Other  troops  rushing  in  from  without,  had 
joined  in  the  affray,  so  that,  to  his  great  sorrow,  an 
extensive  disorder  had  arisen.  He  manifested  the  same 
Christian  inclination  to  forgive,  however,  which  he  had 


4i 6  The  Rise  of  the 

before  exhibited.  He  observed  that  ' '  good  men  would 
never  grow  cold  in  his  regard,  or  find  his  affection 
diminished."  He  assured  Van  der  Tympel  in  particular 
of  his  ancient  good-will,  as  he  knew  him  to  be  a  lover 
of  the  common  weal.1 

In  his  original  communications  he  had  been  both  cring- 
ing and  threatening — but,  at  least,  he  had  not  denied 
truths  which  were  plain  as  daylight.  His  new  position 
considerably  damaged  his  cause.  This  forgiving  spirit 
on  the  part  of  the  malefactor  was  a  little  more  than  the 
states  could  bear,  disposed  as  they  felt,  from  policy,  to 
be  indulgent,  and  to  smooth  over  the  crime  as  gently  as 
possible.  The  negotiations  were  interrupted,  and  the 
authorities  of  Antwerp  published  a  brief  and  spirited 
defence  of  their  own  conduct.  They  denied  that  any 
affront  or  want  of  respect  on  their  part  could  have  pro- 
voked the  outrage  of  which  the  Duke  had  been  guilty. 
They  severely  handled  his  self-contradiction,  in  ascribing 
originally  the  recent  attempt  to  his  just  vengeance  for 
past  injuries,  and  in  afterwards  imputing  it  to  accident  or 
sudden  mutiny,  while  they  cited  the  simultaneous  attempts 
at  Bruges,  Denremonde,  Alost,  Dixmuyde,  Niewport, 
Ostend,  Vilvoorde,  and  Dunkirk,  as  a  series  of  damning 
proofs  of  a  deliberate  design.2 

The  publication  of  such  plain  facts  did  not  advance  the 
negotiations  when  resumed.  High  and  harsh  words  were 
interchanged  between  his  Highness  and  the  commissioners, 
Anjou  complaining,  as  usual,  of  affronts  and  indignities, 
but,  when  pushed  home  for  particulars,  taking  refuge  in 
equivocation.  "  He  did  not  wish,"  he  said,  "  to  re-open 
wounds  which  had  been  partially  healed."  He  also 
affected  benignity,  and,  wishing  to  forgive  and  to  forget, 
he  offered  some  articles  as  the  basis  of  a  fresh  agreement. 
Of  these  it  is  sufficient  to  state  that  they  were  entirely 
different  from  the  terms  of  the  Bordeaux  Treaty,  and 
that  they  were  rejected  as  quite  inadmissible.3 

He  wrote  again  to  the  Prince  of  Orange,4  invoking-  his 
influence  to  bring  about  an  arrangement.  The  Prince, 
justly  indignant  at  the  recent  treachery  and  the  present 
insolence  of  the  man  whom  he  had  so  profoundly  trusted, 
but  feeling  certain  that  the  welfare  of  the  country  de- 
pended at  present  upon  avoiding,  if  possible,  a  political 

1  See  the  letter  to  V.  der  Tympel  in  Bor,  xvii.  345,  346.  2  Bor,  vii.  346,  347. 

'  Ibid.,  xvii.  347.  4  From  Vilvoorde,  Jan.  25,  1583.     Bor,  xvii.  347,  348. 


Dutch  Republic  417 

catastrophe,  answered  the  Duke  in  plain,  firm,  mournful, 
and  appropriate  language.  He  had  ever  manifested  to 
his  Highness,  he  said,  the  most  uniform  and  sincere  friend- 
ship. He  had,  therefore,  the  right  to  tell  him  that  affairs 
were  now  so  changed  that  his  greatness  and  glory  had 
departed.  Those  men  in  the  Netherlands,  who  but  yester- 
day had  been  willing  to  die  at  the  feet  of  his  Highness, 
were  now  so  exasperated  that  they  avowedly  preferred  an 
open  enemy  to  a  treacherous  protector.  He  had  hoped, 
he  said,  that  after  what  had  happened  in  so  many  cities 
at  the  same  moment,  his  Highness  would  have  been  pleased 
to  give  the  deputies  a  different  and  a  more  becoming 
answer.  He  had  hoped  for  some  response  which  might 
lead  to  an  arrangement.  He,  however,  stated  frankly,  that 
the  articles  transmitted  by  his  Highness  were  so  unreason- 
able that  no  man  in  the  land  would  dare  open  his  mouth 
to  recommend  them.  His  Highness,  by  this  proceeding, 
had  much  deepened  the  distrust.  He  warned  the  Duke 
accordingly,  that  he  was  not  taking  the  right  course  to 
reinstate  himself  in  a  position  of  honour  and  glory,  and 
he  begged  him,  therefore,  to  adopt  more  appropriate 
means.  Such  a  step  was  now  demanded  of  him,  not  only 
by  the  country,  but  by  all  Christendom.1 

This  moderate  but  heartfelt  appeal  to  the  better  nature 
of  the  Duke,  if  he  had  a  better  nature,  met  with  no  imme- 
diate response. 

While  matters  were  in  this  condition,  a  special  envoy 
arrived  out  of  France,  despatched  by  the  King  and  Queen- 
mother,  on  the  first  reception  of  the  recent  intelligence 
from  Antwerp.2  M.  de  Mirambeau,  the  ambassador, 
whose  son  had  been  killed  in  the  Fury,  brought  letters 
of  credence  to  the  states  of  the  Union  and  to  the  Prince 
of  Orange.3  He  delivered  also  a  short  confidential  note, 
written  in  her  own  hand,  from  Catherine  de  Medici  to  the 
Prince,  to  the  following  effect : — 

"  MY  COUSIN, — The  King,  my  son,  and  myself,  send 
you  Monsieur  de  Mirambeau,  to  prove  to  you  that  we  do 
not  believe — for  we  esteem  you  an  honourable  man — 
that  you  would  manifest  ingratitude  to  my  son,  and  to 
those  who  have  followed  him  for  the  welfare  of  your 
country.  We  feel  that  you  have  too  much  affection  for 

i  The  letter  is  given  in  Bor,  xvii.  348.  2  Bor,  xvii.  349.     Meteren,  xi.  zcxzd. 

3  Bor,  Meteren,  ubi  sup.     Hoofd,  xx.  849. 

VOL.  III.  p 


4i8 


The  Rise  of  the 


one  who  has  the  support  of  so  powerful  a  prince  as  the 
King  of  France,  as  to  play  him  so  base  a  trick.  Until  I 
learn  the  truth,  I  shall  not  renounce  the  good  hope  which 
I  have  always  indulged — that  you  would  never  have  in- 
vited my  son  to  your  country,  without  intending  to  serve 
him  faithfully.  As  long  as  you  do  this,  you  may  ever 
reckon  on  the  support  of  all  who  belong  to  him. 

'  Your  good  Cousin, 

' '  CATHERINE.  ' '  * 

It  would  have  been  very  difficult  to  extract  much  infor- 
mation or  much  comfort  from  this  wily  epistle.  The 
menace  was  sufficiently  plain,  the  promise  disagreeably 
vague.  Moreover,  a  letter  from  the  same  Catherine  de 
Medici  had  been  recently  found  in  a  casket  at  the  Duke's 
lodgings  in  Antwerp.  In  that  communication,  she  had 
distinctly  advised  her  son  to  re-establish  the  Roman 
Catholic  religion,  assuring  him  that,  by  so  doing,  he 
would  be  enabled  to  marry  the  Infanta  of  Spain.2  Never- 
theless, the  Prince,  convinced  that  it  was  his  duty  to 
bridge  over  the  deep  and  fatal  chasm  which  had  opened 
between  the  French  Prince  and  the  provinces,  if  an 
honourable  reconciliation  were  possible,  did  not  attach 
an  undue  importance  either  to  the  stimulating  or  to  the 
upbraiding  portion  of  the  communication  from  Catherine. 
He  was  most  anxious  to  avert  the  chaos  which  he  saw 
returning.  He  knew  that  while  the  tempers  of  Rudolph, 
of  the  English  Queen,  and  of  the  Protestant  princes  of 
Germany,  and  the  internal  condition  of  the  Netherlands 
remained  the  same,  it  were  madness  to  provoke  the 
government  of  France,  and  thus  gain  an  additional  enemy, 
while  losing  their  only  friend.  He  did  not  renounce  the 
hope  of  forming  all  the  Netherlands — excepting  of  course 
the  Walloon  provinces  already  reconciled  to  Philip — into 
one  independent  commonwealth,  freed  for  ever  from 
Spanish  tyranny.  A  dynasty  from  a  foreign  house  he  was 
willing  to  accept,  but  only  on  condition  that  the  new  royal 
line  should  become  naturalized  in  the  Netherlands,  should 
conform  itself  to  the  strict  constitutional  compact  estab- 


the 

258,  who  alludes  to  the  rumour  which  was  spread  either  by  Anjou  or  by  Orange,"  that 
a  marriage  between  the  Duke  and  the  Infanta  was  in  contemplation,  and  that  Parma  was 
privy  to  the  scheme. 


Dutch  Republic  419 

lished,  and  should  employ  only  natives  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  Netherland  affairs.  Notwithstanding,  there- 
fore, the  recent  treachery  of  Anjou,  he  was  willing  to  treat 
with  him  upon  the  ancient  basis.  The  dilemma  was  a 
very  desperate  one,  for  whatever  might  be  his  course,  it 
was  impossible  that  it  should  escape  censure.  Even  at 
this  day,  it  is  difficult  to  decide  what  might  have  been  the 
result  of  openly  braving  the  French  government,  and  ex- 
pelling Anjou.  The  Prince  of  Parma — subtle,  vigilant, 
prompt  with  word  and  blow — was  waiting  most  anxiously 
to  take  advantage  of  every  false  step  of  his  adversary. 
The  provinces  had  been  already  summoned  in  most  elo- 
quent language,  to  take  warning  by  the  recent  fate  of 
Antwerp,  and  to  learn  by  the  manifestation  just  made  by 
Anjou,  of  his  real  intentions,  that  their  only  salvation  lay 
in  a  return  to  the  King's  arms.1  Anjou  himself,  as  devoid 
of  shame  as  of  honour,  was  secretly  holding  interviews 
with  Parma's  agents,  Acosta  and  Flaminio  Carnero,2  at 
the  very  moment  when  he  was  alternately  expressing  to 
the  states  his  resentment  that  they  dared  to  doubt  his 
truth,  or  magnanimously  extending  them  his  pardon  for 
their  suspicions.  He  was  writing  letters  full  of  injured 
innocence  to  Orange  and  to  the  states,  while  secretly 
cavilling  over  the  terms  of  the  treaty  by  which  he  was 
to  sell  himself  to  Spain.  Scruples  as  to  enacting  so  base 
a  part  did  not  trouble  the  "  Son  of  France."  He  did  not 
hesitate  at  playing  this  doubly  and  trebly  false  game  with 
the  provinces,  but  he  was  anxious  to  drive  the  best  possible 
bargain  for  himself  with  Parma.  He  offered  to  restore 
Dunkirk,  Dixmuyde,  and  the  other  cities  which  he  had  so 
recently  niched  from  the  states,  and  to  enter  into  a  strict 
alliance  with  Philip ;  but  he  claimed  that  certain  Nether- 
land  cities  on  the  French  frontier,  should  be  made  over,  to 
him  in  exchange.  He  required,  likewise,  ample  protection 
for  his  retreat  from  a  country  which  was  likely  to  be 
sufficiently  exasperated.  Parma  and  his  agents  smiled, 
of  course,  at  such  exorbitant  terms.3  Nevertheless,  it  was 
necessary  to  deal  cautiously  with  a  man  who,  although  but 
a  poor  baffled  rogue  to-day,  might  to-morrow  be  seated  on 
the  throne  of  France.  While  they  were  all  secretly  hag- 
gling over  the  terms  of  the  bargain,  the  Prince  of  Orange 
discovered  the  intrigue.4  It  convinced  him  of  the  neces- 

1  EOT,  xvii.  348,  sqq.     Meteren,  xi.  2oad.     Hoofd,  xx.  849.  2  Strada,  ii.  257 

3  Ibid.,  255-257.  4  Ibid.,  257. 


42O  The  Rise  of  the 

sity  of  closing-  with  a  man  whose  baseness  was  so  pro- 
found, but  whose  position  made  his  enmity,  on  the  whole, 
more  dangerous  than  his  friendship.  Anjou,  backed  by 
so  astute  and  unscrupulous  a  politician  as  Parma,  was 
not  to  be  trifled  with.  The  feeling  of  doubt  and  anxiety 
was  spreading  daily  through  the  country :  many  men, 
hitherto  firm,  were  already  wavering,  while  at  the  same 
time  the  Prince  had  no  confidence  in  the  power  of  any 
of  the  states,  save  those  of  Holland  and  Utrecht,  to 
maintain  a  resolute  attitude  of  defiance,  if  not  assisted 
from  without. 

He  therefore  endeavoured  to  repair  the  breach,  if 
possible,  and  thus  save  the  Union.  Mirambeau,  in  his 
conferences  with  the  estates,  suggested,  on  his  part,  all 
that  words  could  effect.  He  expressed  the  hope  that  the 
estates  would  use  their  discretion  "  in  compounding  some 
sweet  and  friendly  medicine"  for  the  present  disorder; 
and  that  they  would  not  judge  the  Duke  too  harshly 
for  a  fault  which  he  assured  them  did  not  come  from  his 
natural  disposition.  He  warned  them  that  the  enemy 
would  be  quick  to  take  advantage  of  the  present  occasion 
to  bring  about,  if  possible,  their  destruction,  and  he  added 
that  he  was  commissioned  to  wait  upon  the  Duke  of  Anjou, 
in  order  to  assure  him  that,  however  alienated  he  might 
then  be  from  the  Netherlands,  his  Majesty  was  deter- 
mined to  effect  an  entire  reconciliation.1 

The  envoy  conferred  also  with  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
and  urged  him  most  earnestly  to  use  his  efforts  to  heal 
the  rupture.  The  Prince,  inspired  by  the  sentiments 
already  indicated,  spoke  with  perfect  sincerity.  His 
Highness,  he  said,  had  never  known  a  more  faithful  and 
zealous  friend  than  himself.  He  had  begun  to  lose  his 
own  credit  with  the  people  by  reason  of  the  earnestness 
with  which  he  had  ever  advocated  the  Duke's  cause,  and 
he  could  not  flatter  himself  that  his  recommendation  would 
now  be  of  any  advantage  to  his  Highness.  It  would  be 
more  injurious  than  his  silence.  Nevertheless,  he  was 
willing  to  make  use  of  all  the  influence  which  was  left  to 
him  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  about  a  reconciliation, 
provided  that  the  Duke  were  acting  in  good  faith.  If  his 
Highness  were  now  sincerely  desirous  of  conforming  to 
the  original  treaty,  and  willing  to  atone  for  the  faults 
committed  by  him  on  the  same  day  in  so  many  cities — 

*  Bor,  xvii.  349. — Compare  Meteren,  xi.  202,  203.     Hoofd,  xx.  850. 


Dutch  Republic  421 

offences  which  could  not  be  excused  upon  the  ground  of 
any  affronts  which  he  might  have  received  from  the 
citizens  of  Antwerp — it  might  even  now  be  possible  to 
find  a  remedy  for  the  past.  He  very  bluntly  told  the  en- 
voy, however,  that  the  frivolous  excuses  offered  by  the 
Duke  caused  more  bitterness  than  if  he  had  openly  ac- 
knowledged his  fault.  It  were  better,  he  said,  to  express 
contrition,  than  to  excuse  himself  by  laying  blame  on 
those  to  whom  no  blame  belonged,  but  who,  on  the  con- 
trary, had  ever  shown  themselves  faithful  servants  of  his 
Highness.1 

The  estates  of  the  Union,  being  in  great  perplexity  as 
to  their  proper  course,  now  applied  formally,  as  they 
always  did  in  times  of  danger  and  doubt,  to  the  Prince, 
for  a  public  expression  of  his  views.2  Somewhat  reluct- 
antly, he  complied  with  their  wishes  in  one  of  the  most 
admirable  of  his  state  papers.3 

He  told  the  states  that  he  felt  some  hesitation  in  ex- 
pressing his  views.  The  blame  of  the  general  ill-success 
was  always  laid  upon  his  shoulders ;  as  if  the  chances  of 
war  could  be  controlled  even  by  a  great  potentate  with 
ample  means  at  his  disposal.  As  for  himself,  with  so  little 
actual  power  that  he  could  never  have  a  single  city 
provided  with  what  he  thought  a  sufficient  garrison,  it 
could  not  be  expected  that  he  could  command  fortune. 
His  advice,  he  said,  was  always  asked,  but  ever  judged 
good  or  evil  according  to  the  result,  as  if  the  issue  were 
in  any  hands  but  God's.  It  did  not  seem  advisable  for 
a  man  of  his  condition  and  years,  who  had  so  often  felt 
the  barb  of  calumny's  tongue,  to  place  his  honour  again 
in  the  judgment  scale  of  mankind,  particularly  as  he  was 
likely  to  incur  fresh  censure  for  another  man's  crime.4 
Nevertheless,  he  was  willing,  for.  the  love  he  bore  the 
land,  once  more  to  encounter  this  danger. 

He  then  rapidly  reviewed  the  circumstances  which  had 
led  to  the  election  of  Anjou,  and  reminded  the  estates  that 
they  had  employed  sufficient  time  to  deliberate  concern- 
ing that  transaction.  He  recalled  to  their  remembrance 

1  Bor,  xvii.  349.  a  Ibid.     Meteren,  xi.  zo^b.     Hoofd,  xx.  851. 

3  It  is  given  in  full  by  Bor,  xvii.  349-354,  and  abridged  by  Meteren,  xL  203-205,  and  by 
Hoofd,  xx.  851-856. 


served,  in  a  remarkable  letter  to  his  brother,  at  this  period,  "  seems  quite  superfluous, 
since  never  did  such  vanity  move  me  to  so  much  labour,  so  many  losses,  and  to  confront 
such  dangerous  enmities."— Archives  et  Correspondance,  viii.  354,  355. 


422  The  Rise  of  the 

his  frequent  assurances  of  support  and  sympathy  if  they 
would  provide  any  other  means  of  self-protection  than  the 
treaty  with  the  French  Prince.  He  thought  it,  therefore, 
unjust,  now  that  the  calamity  had  sprung-  from  the 
measure,  to  ascribe  the  blame  entirely  to  him,  even  had 
the  injury  been  greater  than  the  one  actually  sustained. 
He  was  far  from  palliating  the  crime,  or  from  denying 
that  the  Duke's  rights  under  the  treaty  of  Bordeaux  had 
been  utterly  forfeited.  He  was  now  asked  what  was  to 
be  done.  Of  three  courses,  he  said,  one  must  be  taken  : 
they  must  make  their  peace  with  the  King,  or  consent  to 
a  reconciliation  with  Anjou,  or  use  all  the  strength  which 
God  had  given  them  to  resist,  single-handed,  the  enemy. 
With  regard  to  the  first  point,  he  resumed  the  argument 
as  to  the  hopelessness  of  a  satisfactory  arrangement  with 
the  monarch  of  Spain.  The  recent  reconciliation  of  the 
Walloon  provinces  and  its  shameful  infraction  by  Parma 
in  the  immediate  recall  of  large  masses  of  Spanish  and 
Italian  troops,  showed  too  plainly  the  value  of  all  solemn 
stipulations  with  his  Catholic  Majesty.  Moreover,  the 
time  was  unpropitious.  It  was  idle  to  look,  after  what 
had  recently  occurred,  for  even  fair  promises.  It  was 
madness,  then,  to  incur  the  enmity  of  two  such  powers 
at  once.  The  French  could  do  the  Netherlands  more  harm 
as  enemies  than  the  Spaniards.  The  Spaniards  would  be 
more  dangerous  as  friends,  for  in  cases  of  a  treaty  with 
Philip  the  inquisition  would  be  established  in  the  place  of 
a  religious  peace.  For  these  reasons  the  Prince  declared 
himself  entirely  opposed  to  any  negotiations  with  the 
Crown  of  Spain. 

As  to  the  second  point,  he  admitted  that  Anjou  had 
gained  little  honour  by  his  recent  course,  and  that  it  would 
be  a  mistake  on  their  part  to  stumble  a  second  time  over 
the  same  stone.  He  foresaw,  nevertheless,  that  the  Duke 
— irritated  as  he  was  by  the  loss  of  so  many  of  his  nobles, 
and  by  the  downfall  of  all  his  hopes  in  the  Netherlands — 
would  be  likely  to  inflict  great  injuries  upon  their  cause. 
Two  powerful  nations  like  France  and  Spain  would  be 
too  much  to  have  on  their  hands  at  once.  How  much 
danger,  too,  would  be  incurred  by  braving  at  once  the 
open  wrath  of  the  French  King  and  the  secret  displeasure 
of  the  English  Queen.  She  had  warmly  recommended  the 
Duke  of  Anjou.  She  had  said  that  honours  to  him  were 
rendered  to  herself,  and  she  was  now  entirely  opposed 


Dutch  Republic  423 

to  their  keeping  the  present  quarrel  alive.1  If  France 
became  their  enemy,  the  road  was  at  once  opened  through 
that  kingdom  for  Spain.  The  estates  were  to  ponder  well 
whether  they  possessed  the  means  to  carry  on  such  a 
double  war  without  assistance.  They  were  likewise  to 
remember  how  many  cities  still  remained  in  the  hands  of 
Anjou,  and  their  possible  fate  if  the  Duke  were  pushed 
to  extremity. 

The  third  point  was  then  handled  with  vigour.  He  re- 
minded the  states  of  the  perpetual  difficulty  of  raising 
armies,  of  collecting  money  to  pay  for  troops,  of  inducing 
cities  to  accept  proper  garrisons,  of  establishing  a  council 
which  could  make  itself  respected.  He  alluded  briefly  and 
bitterly  to  the  perpetual  quarrels  of  the  states  among  them- 
selves; to  their  mutual  jealousy;  to  their  obstinate  parsi- 
mony; to  their  jealousy  of  the  general  government;  to 
their  apathy  and  inertness  before  impending  ruin.  He 
would  not  calumniate  those,  he  said,  who  counselled  trust 
in  God.  That  was  his  sentiment  also.  To  attempt  great 
affairs,  however,  and,  through  avarice,  to  withhold  suffi- 
cient means,  was  not  trusting,  but  tempting  God.  On 
the  contrary,  it  was  trusting  God  to  use  the  means  which 
He  offered  to  their  hands. 

With  regard,  then,  to  the  three  points,  he  rejected  the 
first.  Reconciliation  with  the  King  of  Spain  was  impos- 
sible. For  his  own  part,  he  would  much  prefer  the  third 
course.  He  had  always  been  in  favour  of  their  maintain- 
ing independence  by  their  own  means  and  the  assistance 
of  the  Almighty.  He  was  obliged,  however,  in  sadness, 
to  confess  that  the  narrow  feeling  of  individual  state 
rights,  the  general  tendency  to  disunion,  and  the  constant 
wrangling,  had  made  this  course  a  hopeless  one.  There 
remained,  therefore,  only  the  second,  and  they  must  effect 
an  honourable  reconciliation  with  Anjou.  Whatever 
might  be  their  decision,  however,  it  was  meet  that  it 
should  be  a  speedy  one.  Not  an  hour  was  to  be  lost. 
Many  fair  churches  of  God,  in  Anjou's  power,  were 
trembling  on  the  issue,  and  religious  and  political  liberty 

1  Discourse  of  Orange,  apud  Bor,  loc  cit.— " Vous  conseiller  et  vous  admonestrer," 

wrote  Elizabeth  to  the  states-general,  "que  votis  donnez  bien  garde  d'offenser  un  Prince 

de  sa  qualit6 aijant  deja  par  le  mfpris  passl  refroidi  beaucovp  en  lui  la  prenntre 

affection  qu'il  vous  portoit.  (!)  Car  vous  pourriez  aisement  penser  que  s  il  est  si  a-vant 
irrite  par  te lies  f aeons  de  faire  qu'il  en  devienne  votre  ennemi.  Celui  sera  chose  assez 
facile  de  se  venger  sur  vous  avec  les  moyens  et  la  force  que  son  frere  lui  pourra  mettre  en 
main,"  etc.— Lettre  de  la  Seren.  Reine  d'Anglet.  MS.,2oAP;,  1583-.  Ord.  Dep.  Boek 
der  St.-g1.,  An.  1182-1583,  f.  557vo.—  Compare  Elizabeths  instructions  to  Sir  John 
Somers/special  envoy  to  the  Duke  of  Anjou  ;  Meteren,  xi.  203. 


424  The  Rise  of  the 

was  more  at  stake  than  ever.  In  conclusion  the  Prince 
again  expressed  his  determination,  whatever  migiit  be 
their  decision,  to  devote  the  rest  of  his  days  to  the 
services  of  his  country.1 

The  result  of  these  representations  by  the  Prince — of 
frequent  letters  from  Queen  Elizabeth,2  urging-  a  recon- 
ciliation— and  of  the  professions  made  by  the  Duke  and 
the  French  envoys,  was  a  provisional  arrangement,  signed 
on  the  26th  and  28th  of  March.  According  to  the  terms 
of  this  accord,  the  Duke  was  to  receive  thirty  thousand 
florins  for  his  troops,  and  to  surrender  the  cities  still  in 
his  power.  The  French  prisoners  were  to  be  liberated, 
the  Duke's  property  at  Antwerp  was  to  be  restored,  and 
the  Duke  himself  was  to  await  at  Dunkirk  the  arrival  of 
plenipotentiaries  to  treat  with  him  as  to  a  new  and 
perpetual  arrangement.3 

The  negotiations,  however,  were  languid.  The  quarrel 
was  healed  on  the  surface,  but  confidence  so  recently  and 
violently  uprooted  was  slow  to  revive.  On  -the  28th  of 
June,  the  Duke  of  Anjou  left  Dunkirk  for  Paris,  never  to 
return  to  the  Netherlands,  but  he  exchanged  on  his  depar- 
ture affectionate  letters  with  the  Prince  and  the  estates. 
M.  des  Pruneaux  remained  as  his  representative,  and  it 
was  understood  that  the  arrangements  for  re-installing 
him  as  soon  as  possible  in  the  sovereignty  which  he  had 
so  basely  forfeited,  were  to  be  pushed  forward  with 
earnestness.4 

In  the  spring  of  the  same  year,  Gerard  Truchses,  Arch- 
bishop of  Cologne,  who  had  lost  his  see  for  the  love  of 
Agnes  Mansfeld,  whom  he  had  espoused  in  defiance  of  the 
Pope,  took  refuge  with  the  Prince  of  Orange  at  Delft.5 
A  civil  war  in  Germany  broke  forth,  the  Protestant  princes 
undertaking  to  support  the  Archbishop,  in  opposition  to 
Ernest  of  Bavaria,  who  had  been  appointed  in  his  place. 
The  Palatine,  John  Casimir,  thought  it  necessary  to  mount 
and  ride  as  usual.  Making  his  appearance  at  the  head  of 
a  hastily-collected  force,  and  prepared  for  another  plunge 
into  chaos,  he  suddenly  heard,  however,  of  his  elder 
brother's  death  at  Heidelberg.  Leaving  his  men,  as  was 
his  habit,  to  shift  for  themselves,  and  Baron  Truchses,  the 
Archbishop's  brother,  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
he  disappeared  from  the  scene  with  great  rapidity,  in 

1  Discourse  of  Orange,  etc.  2  Meteren,  xi.  203. 

3  Pee  the  Accord,  in  twenty-one  articles,  in  Bor,  xvii.  355-357. 

4  Bor,  xviii.  371,  372,  sqq.     Meteren,  xi.  2060.  5  Bor,  xviii.  360,  361. 


Dutch  Republic  425 

order  that  his  own  interests  in  the  palatinate  and  in  the 
guardianship  of  the  young-  palatines  might  not  suffer  by 
his  absence.1 

At  this  time,  too,  on  the  i2th  of  April,  the  Prince  of 
Orange  was  married,  for  the  fourth  time,  to  Louisa,  widow 
of  the  Seigneur  de  Teligny,  and  daughter  of  the  illustrious 
Coligny.2 

In  the  course  of  the  summer,  the  states  of  Holland  and 
Zeland,  always  bitterly  opposed  to  the  connexion  with 
Anjou,  and  more  than  ever  dissatisfied  with  the  resump- 
tion of  negotiations  since  the  Antwerp  catastrophe,  sent 
a  committee  to  the  Prince  in  order  to  persuade  him  to  set 
his  face  against  the  whole  proceedings.  They  delivered 
at  the  same  time  a  formal  remonstrance,  in  writing  (25th 
of  August,  1583),  in  which  they  explained  how  odious 
the  arrangement  with  the  Duke  had  ever  been  to  them. 
They  expressed  the  opinion  that  even  the  wisest  might  be 
sometimes  mistaken,  and  that  the  Prince  had  been  bitterly 
deceived  by  Anjou  and  by  the  French  court.  They  be- 
sought him  to  rely  upon  the  assistance  of  the  Almighty, 
and  upon  the  exertions  of  the  nation,  and  they  again 
hinted  at  the  propriety  of  his  accepting  that  supreme 
sovereignty  over  all  the  united  provinces  which  would  be 
so  gladly  conferred,  while,  for  their  own  parts,  they 
voluntarily  offered  largely  to  increase  the  sums  annually 
contributed  to  the  common  defence.3 

Very  soon  afterwards,  in  August,  1583,  the  states  of 
the  united  provinces  assembled  at  Middelburg  formally 
offered  the  general  government — which  under  the  cir- 
cumstances was  the  general  sovereignty — to  the  Prince, 
warmly  urging  his  acceptance  of  the  dignity.  He  mani- 
fested, however,  the  same  reluctance  which  he  had  always 
expressed,  demanding  that  the  project  should  beforehand 
be  laid  before  the  councils  of  all  the  large  cities,  and 
before  the  estates  of  certain  provinces  which  had  not 
been  represented  at  the  Middelburg  diet.  He  also  made 
use  of  the  occasion  to  urge  the  necessity  of  providing  more 
generously  for  the  army  expenses  and  other  general  dis- 
bursements. As  to  ambitious  views,  he  was  a  stranger 
to  them,  and  his  language  at  this  moment  was  as  patriotic 
and  self-denying  as  at  any  previous  period.  He  expressed 
his  thanks  to  the  estates  for  this  renewed  proof  of  their 

1  Kor,  ubi  sup.  2  Bor,  xviii.  366.     Meteren,  xi.  205.     Hoofd,  xx.  864. 

3  Bor,  xviii.  397,  398. 

P  2 


426  The  Rise  of  the 

confidence  in  his  character,  and  this  additional  approba- 
tion of  his  course — a  sentiment  which  he  was  always  ready 
"  as  a  good  patriot  to  justify  by  his  most  faithful  service." 
He  reminded  them,  however,  that  he  was  no  great 
monarch,  having  in  his  own  hands  the  means  to  help  and 
the  power  to  liberate  them ;  and  that  even  were  he  in 
possession  of  all  which  God  had  once  given  him,  he  should 
be  far  from  strong  enough  to  resist,  single-handed,  their 
powerful  enemy.  All  that  was  left  to  him,  he  said,  was 
an  "honest  and  moderate  experience  in  affairs."  With 
this  he  was  ever  ready  to  serve  them  to  the  utmost ;  but 
they  knew  very  well  that  the  means  to  make  that  ex- 
perience available  were  to  be  drawn  from  the  country 
itself.  With  modest  simplicity,  he  observed  that  he  had 
been  at  work  fifteen  or  sixteen  years,  doing  his  best,  with 
the  grace  of  God,  to  secure  the  freedom  of  the  fatherland 
and  to  resist  tyranny  of  conscience;  that  he  alone — 
assisted  by  his  brothers  and  some  friends  and  relatives — 
had  borne  the  whole  burthen  in  the  beginning,  and  that 
he  had  afterwards  been  helped  by  the  states  of  Holland 
and  Zeland,  so  that  he  could  not  but  render  thanks  to 
God  for  his  great  mercy  in  thus  granting  his  blessing  to 
so  humble  an  instrument,  and  thus  restoring  so  many 
beautiful  provinces  to  their  ancient  freedom  and  to  the 
true  religion.  The  Prince  protested  that  this  result  was 
already  a  sufficient  reward  for  his  labours — a  great  con- 
solation in  his  sufferings.  He  had  hoped,  he  said,  that 
the  estates,  "  taking  into  consideration  his  long-continued 
labours,  would  have  been  willing  to  excuse  him  from  a 
new  load  of  cares,  and  would  have  granted  him  some 
little  rest  in  his  already  advanced  age;"  that  they  would 
have  selected  "  some  other  person  more  fitted  for  the 
labour,  whom  he  would  himself  faithfully  promise  to 
assist  to  the  best  of  his  abilities,  rendering  him  willing 
obedience  proportionate  to  the  authority  conferred  upon 
him."* 

Like  all  other  attempts  to  induce  the  acceptance,  by 
the  Prince,  of  supreme  authority,  this  effort  proved  in- 
effectual, from  the  obstinate  unwillingness  of  his  hand  to 
receive  the  proffered  sceptre. 

In   connexion   with   this   movement,    and   at   about   the 

1  Message  of  Orange  to  the  states-general,  MS. — "  Ghe  exhibeert  by  sijne  Exc.  den  vi. 
Sept.  1583."  Ordinaris  Depechen  Boek  der  St.-gl.,  An.  1583,  1584,  f.  21,  22,  Hague 
Archives.  This  very  important  and  characteristic  document  has  never  been  published. 


Dutch  Republic  427 

same  epoch,  Jacob  Swerius,  member  of  the  Brabant 
Council,  with  other  deputies,  waited  upon  Orange,  and 
formally  tendered  him  the  sovereign  dukedom  of  Bra- 
bant,1 forfeited  and  vacant  by  the  late  crime  of  Anjou. 
The  Prince,  however,  resolutely  refused  to  accept  the 
dignity,  assuring  the  committee  that  he  had  not  the 
means  to  afford  the  country  as  much  protection  as  they 
had  a  right  to  expect  from  their  sovereign.  He  added 
that  "he  would  never  give  the  King  of  Spain  the  right 
to  say  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  had  been  actuated  by 
no  other  motives  in  his  career  than  the  hope  of  self- 
aggrandizement,  and  the  desire  to  deprive  his  Majesty 
of  the  provinces  in  order  to  appropriate  them  to  himself."2 

Accordingly,  firmly  refusing  to  heed  the  overtures  of 
the  united  states,  and  of  Holland  in  particular,  he  con- 
tinued to  further  the  re-establishment  of  Anjou — a  measure 
in  which,  as  he  deliberately  believed,  lay  the  only  chance 
of  union  and  independence. 

The  Prince  of  Parma,  meantime,  had  not  been  idle. 
He  had  been  unable  to  induce  the  provinces  to  listen  to 
his  wiles,  and  to  rush  to  the  embrace  of  the  monarch 
whose  arms  he  described  as  ever  open  to  the  repentant. 
He  had,  however,  been  busily  occupied  in  the  course  of  the 
summer  in  taking  up  many  of  the  towns  which  the  treason 
of  Anjou  had  laid  open  to  his  attacks.3 

Eindhoven,  Diest,  Dunkirk,  Niewport,  and  other  places, 
were  successively  surrendered  to  royalist  generals.4  On 
the  22nd  of  September,  1583,  the  city  of  Zutphen,  too, 
was  surprised  by  Colonel  Tassis,  on  the  fall  of  which 
most  important  place,  the  treason  of  Orange's  brother- 
in-law,  Count  van  den  Berg,  Governor  of  Gueldres,  was 
revealed.  His  fidelity  had  been  long  suspected,  particu- 
larly by  Count  John  of  Nassau,  but  always  earnestly 
vouched  for  by  his  wife  and  by  his  sons.5  On  the  capture 
of  Zutphen,  however,  a  document  was  found  and  made 
public,  by  which  Van  den  Berg  bound  himself  to  deliver 
the  principal  cities  of  Gueldres  and  Zutphen,  beginning 

1  Bor,  xix.  45sb,  who  had   his  information  from  Jacob  Swerius   himself. — Compare 
Wagenaer,  vii.  484. 

2  "  Maer  dat  het  syne  Excellence  afsloeg  seggende  den  middel  van  sich  selven  niet  te 
hebben  om  dat  te  beschermen  en  dat  hy  ook  de  Koning  van  Spangien  geen  orsake  wilde 
geven  te  seggen  dat  hy  anders  niet  hadde  gesocht  dan  hem  alle  sijne  landen  of  te  nemen." 
—Bor,  loc.  cit.  3  Strada,  2,  v.  259,  sqq. 

4  Bor,  xviii.  366,  367,  371,  372.     Strada,  2,  v.  259-266.     Meteren,  xi.  206,  207.     Hoofd, 
xx.  866-872.     Tassis,  vi.  436,  437,  44°- 

5  See  the  letters  of  the  various  members  of  the  family  in  Archives  et  Correspondance, 
vii.  passim. 


428 


The  Rise  of  the 


with  Zutphen  itself,  into  the  hands  of  Parma,  on  con- 
dition of  receiving  the  pardon  and  friendship  of  the  King.1 

Not  much  better  could  have  been  expected  of  Van  den 
Berg.  His  pusillanimous  retreat  from  his  post  in  Alva's 
time  will  be  recollected ;  and  it  is  certain  that  the  Prince 
had  never  placed  implicit  confidence  in  his  character. 
Nevertheless,  it  was  the  fate  of  this  great  man  to  be  often 
deceived  by  the  friends  whom  he  trusted,  although  never 
to  be  outwitted  by  his  enemies.  Van  den  Berg  was 
arrested,  on  the  i5th  of  November,  carried  to  the  Hague, 
examined  and  imprisoned  for  a  time  in  Delfshaven.  After 
a  time  he  was,  however,  liberated,  when  he  instantly, 
with  all  his  sons,  took  service  under  the  King.2 

While  treason  was  thus  favouring  the  royal  arms  in 
the  north,  the  same  powerful  element,  to  which  so  much 
of  the  Netherland  misfortunes  had  always  been  owing, 
was  busy  in  Flanders. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  year  1583,  the  Prince  of 
Chimay,  eldest  son  of  the  Duke  of  Aerschot,  had  been 
elected  governor  of  that  province.3  This  noble  was  as 
unstable  in  character,  as  vain,  as  unscrupulous,  and  as 
ambitious  as  his  father  and  uncle.  He  had  been  originally 
desirous  of  espousing  the  eldest  daughter  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  afterwards  the  Countess  of  Hohenlo,  but  the 
Duchess  of  Aerschot  was  too  strict  a  Catholic  to  consent 
to  the  marriage,4  and  her  son  was  afterwards  united  to 
the  Countess  of  Meghem,  widow  of  Lancelot  Berlaymont.5 

As  affairs  seemed  going  on  prosperously  for  the  states 
in  the  beginning  of  this  year,  the  Prince  of  Chimay  had 
affected  a  strong  inclination  for  the  reformed  religion, 
and  as  governor  of  Bruges,  he  had  appointed  many  mem- 
bers of  that  Church  to  important  offices,  to  the  exclusion 
of  Catholics.  By  so  decided  a  course,  he  acquired  the 
confidence  of  the  patriot  party,  and  at  the  end  of  the 
year  he  became  governor  of  Flanders.  No  sooner  was  he 
installed  in  this  post,  than  he  opened  a  private  correspond- 

1  See  the  agreement  (signed  and  sealed  upon  the  25th  of  August,  1581),  apud  Bor,  3, 
xviii.  402.     He  had  succeeded  Count  John  in  the  stadholderate  of  Gueldres  in  1581,  but 
the  appointment  had  never  been  particularly  agreeable  to  the  Prince  of  Orange.     When 
applied  to  by  Van  den  Berg  for  a  recommendation,  he  had  thus  addressed  the  estates  of 
Gueldres,  "  My  brother-in-law,  desirous  of  obtaining  the  government  of  your  province, 
has  asked  for  my  recommendation.     He  professes  the  greatest  enthusiasm  for  the  service 
and  the  just  cause  of  the  fatherland.     I  could  wish  that  he  had  shown  it  sooner.     Never- 
theless, 'tis  better  late  than  never." — Ev.  Reid.,  37.     Hoofd,  xx.  875. 

2  Bor,  xviii.  402.     Hoofd,  xx.  875.     Archives  et  Corresp.,  viii.  288,  sqq. 

3  Bor,  xviii.  406,  sqq.     Meteren,  xi.  206,  207.  4  Meteren,  xii.  209. 

6  The  same  lady  whose  charms  and  whose  dower  bad  so  fatal  an  influence  upoti  the 
career  of  Count  Renneberg. 


Dutch  Republic  429 

ence  with  Parma,  for  it  was  his  intention  to  make  his 
peace  with  the  King,  and  to  purchase  pardon  and  ad- 
vancement by  the  brilliant  service  which  he  now  under- 
took, of  restoring-  this  important  province  to  the  royal 
authority.  In  the  arrangement  of  his  plans  he  was  assisted 
by  Champagny,  who,  as  will  be  recollected,  had  long 
been  a  prisoner  in  Ghent,  but  whose  confinement  was  not 
so  strict  as  to  prevent  frequent  intercourse  with  his  friends 
without.1  Champagny  was  indeed  believed  to  be  the 
life  of  the  whole  intrigue.  The  plot  was,  however,  for- 
warded by  Imbize,  the  roaring  demagogue  whose  repub- 
licanism could  never  reconcile  itself  with  what  he  esteemed 
the  aristocratic  policy  of  Orange,  and  whose  stern  puri- 
tanism  could  be  satisfied  with  nothing  short  of  a  general 
extermination  of  Catholics.  This  man,  after  having  been 
allowed  to  depart,  infamous  and  contemptible,  from  the 
city  which  he  had  endangered,  now  ventured,  after  six 
years,  to  return,  and  to  engage  in  fresh  schemes  which 
were  even  more  criminal  than  his  previous  enterprises. 
The  uncompromising  foe  to  Romanism,  the  advocate  of 
Grecian  and  Genevan  democracy,  now  allied  himself  with 
Champagny  and  with  Chimay,  to  effect  a  surrender  of 
Flanders  to  Philip  and  to  the  inquisition.  He  succeeded 
in  getting  himself  elected  chief  senator  in  Ghent,  and 
forthwith  began  to  use  all  his  influence  to  further  the 
secret  plot.2  The  joint  efforts  and  intrigues  of  Parma, 
Champagny,  Chimay,  and  Imbize,  were  near  being  suc- 
cessful. Early  in  the  spring  of  1584  a  formal  resolution 
was  passed  by  the  government  of  Ghent,  to  open  negotia- 
tions with  Parma.  Hostages  were  accordingly  exchanged, 
and  a  truce  of  three  weeks  was  agreed  upon,  during  which 
an  animated  correspondence  was  maintained  between  the 
authorities  of  Ghent  and  the  Prince  of  Chimay  on  the 
one  side,  and  the  united  states-general,  the  magistracy  of 
Antwerp,  the  states  of  Brabant,  and  other  important 
bodies  on  the  other. 

The  friends  of  the  Union  and  of  liberty  used  all  their 
eloquence  to  arrest  the  city  of  Ghent  in  its  course,  and 
to  save  the  province  of  Flanders  from  accepting  the  pro- 
posed arrangement  with  Parma.  The  people  of  Ghent 
were  reminded  that  the  chief  promoter  of  this  new 

1  Bor,  xviii.  406.     Meteren,  xii.  211.     Ev.  Reidani,  iii.  55- 

2  Bor,  xviii.  407.     Meteren,  xii.  an,  212.     Hoofcl,  xx.  885,  886.     Van  cler  Vynckt,  UL 


430  The  Rise  of  the 

negotiation  was  Champagny,1  a  man  who  owed  a  deep 
debt  of  hatred  to  their  city,  for  the  long,  and,  as  he 
believed,  the  unjust  confinement  which  he  had  endured 
within  its  walls.  Moreover,  he  was  the  brother  of  Gran- 
velle,  source  of  all  their  woes.  To  take  counsel  with 
Champagny  was  to  come  within  reach  of  a  deadly  foe, 
for  "  he  who  confesses  himself  to  a  wolf,"  said  the 
burgomasters  of  Antwerp,  "will  get  wolf's  absolution." 
The  Flemings  were  warned  by  all  their  correspondents 
that  it  was  puerile  to  hope  for  faith  in  Philip ;  a  monarch 
whose  first  principle  was,  that  promises  to  heretics  were 
void.  They  were  entreated  to  pay  no  heed  to  the  "  sweet 
singing  of  the  royalists,"  who  just  then  affected  to  dis- 
approve of  the  practice  adopted  by  the  Spanish  inquisition, 
that  they  might  more  surely  separate  them  from  their 
friends.  "  Imitate  not,"  said  the  magistrates  of  Brus- 
sels, "  the  foolish  sheep  who  made  with  the  wolves  a 
treaty  of  perpetual  amity,  from  which  the  faithful  dogs 
were  to  be  excluded."  It  was  affirmed — and  the  truth 
was  certainly  beyond  peradventure — that  religious  liberty 
was  dead  at  the  moment  when  the  treaty  with  Parma 
should  be  signed.  '  *  To  look  for  political  privilege  or 
evangelical  liberty,"  said  the  Antwerp  authorities,  "  in 
any  arrangement  with  the  Spaniards,  is  to  look  for  light 
in  darkness,  for  fire  in  water."  "Philip  is  himself  the 
slave  of  the  inquisition,"  said  the  states-general,  "and 
has  but  one  great  purpose  in  life — to  cherish  the  institution 
everywhere,  and  particularly  in  the  Netherlands.  Before 
Margaret  of  Parma's  time,  one  hundred  thousand  Nether- 
landers  had  been  burned  or  strangled,  and  Alva  had 
spent  seven  years  in  butchering  and  torturing  many  thou- 
sands more."  The  magistrates  of  Brussels  used  similar 
expressions.2  "The  King  of  Spain,"  said  they  to  their 
brethren  of  Ghent,  "  is  fastened  to  the  inquisition.  Yea, 
he  is  so  much  in  its  power,  that  even  if  he  desired,  he  is 
unable  to  maintain  his  promises. "  3  The  Prince  of  Orange, 

1  Bor,  xviii.   407,  410-419.     "  There  is  a  report,     wrote  the  Prince  of  Orange  to  the 
magistracy  of  Ghent,    "  that   a  passport  has   been   given   to  one  of  our   most  especial 
enemies  (eenen  van  onse  partiaelste  vyandem)  to  come  within  the  city  of  Ghent  in  order 
to  converse  with  Champagny  by  word  of  mouth  (mondelinge  met  Champigny  te  spreeck- 
en)." — Letter  of  sist  May,   in  de  Jonge,   Onuitgegevene  Stukken.  's  Gravenhage  und 
Amsterdam,  1827.     "  'Tis  Champagny  who  is  at  the  bottom  of  all  these  proceedings," 
wrote  the  states  of  Brabant  to  the  magistrates  of  Ghent. — Letter  of  March  14,  in  Bor, 
xviii.  415,  416. 

2  Letter  of  the  burgomasters  of  Antwerp  to  the  authorities  of  Ghent,  in  Bor,  xviii.  417. 
Letter  from  the  magistrates  of  Brussels  to  those  of  Ghent,  March  16,  1584. — Bor,  xviii. 
414.     Letter  of  states-general  to  Prince  of  Chimay  and  the  bailiffs  of  Bruges,  March  17, 
1584. — Bor,  3,  xviii.  4iob.  3  Letter  of  magistrates  of  Brussels. — Bor,  xviii.  414. 


Dutch  Republic  431 

too,  was  indefatigable  in  public  and  private  efforts  to 
counteract  the  machinations  of  Parma  and  the  Spanish 
party  in  Ghent.  He  saw  with  horror  the  progress  which 
the  political  decomposition  of  that  most  important  com- 
monwealth was  making,  for  he  considered  the  city  the 
keystone  to  the  union  of  the  provinces,  for  he  felt  with 
a  prophetic  instinct  that  its  loss  would  entail  that  of  all 
the  southern  provinces,  and  make  a  united  and  indepen- 
dent Netherland  state  impossible.  Already  in  the  summer 
of  1583,  he  addressed  a  letter  full  of  wisdom  and  of 
warning  to  the  authorities  of  Ghent,  a  letter  in  which 
he  set  fully  before  them  the  iniquity  and  stupidity  of 
their  proceeding,  while  at  the  same  time  he  expressed 
himself  with  so  much  dexterity  and  caution  as  to  avoid 
giving  offence,  by  accusations  which  he  made,  as  it  were, 
hypothetically,  when,  in  truth,  they  were  real  ones.1 

These  remonstrances  were  not  fruitless,  and  the  autho- 
rities and  citizens  of  Ghent  once  more  paused  ere  they 
stepped  from  the  precipice.  While  they  were  thus  waver- 
ing, the  whole  negotiation  with  Parma  was  abruptly 
brought  to  a  close  by  a  new  incident,  the  demagogue 
Imbize  having  been  discovered  in  a  secret  attempt  to 
obtain  possession  of  the  city  of  Denremonde,  and  deliver 
it  to  Parma.2  The  old  acquaintance,  ally,  and  enemy  of 
Imbize,  the  Seigneur  de  Ryhove,  was  commandant  of  the 
city,  and  information  was  privately  conveyed  to  him  of 
the  design,  before  there  had  been  time  for  its  accomplish- 
ment. Ryhove,  being  thoroughly  on  his  guard,  arrested 
his  old  comrade,  who  was  shortly  afterwards  brought  to 
trial  and  executed  at  Ghent.3  John  van  Imbize  had  re- 
turned to  the  city  from  which  the  contemptuous  mercy  of 
Orange  had  permitted  him  formerly  to  depart,  only  to 
expiate  fresh  turbulence  and  fresh  treason  by  a  felon's 
death.  Meanwhile  the  citizens  of  Ghent,  thus  warned 
by  word  and  deed,  passed  an  earnest  resolution  to  have 
no  more  intercourse  with  Parma,  but  to  abide  faithfully 
by  the  union.4  Their  example  was  followed  by  the  other 
Flemish  cities,  excepting,  unfortunately,  Bruges,  for  that 
important  town,  being  entirely  in  the  power  of  Chimay, 
was  now  surrendered  by  him  to  the  royal  government. 

1  The  letter  is  published,  together  with  others  of  great  interest,  by  De  Jonge,  Onuitge- 
gevene  Stukken.,  84-92. 

2  Bor,  xviii.  420,     Meteren,  xi.  212.     Hoofd,  xx.  886.     Van  der  Vynckt,  in.  105-110. 

3  Van  der  Vynckt,  iii.  no.     Meteren,  xii.  2130.     In  the  month  of  August,  1584. 

4  Bor,  xviii.  420. 


432  The  Rise  of  the 

On  the  20th  of  May,  1584,  Baron  Montigny,  on  the  part' 
of  Parma,  signed  an  accord  with  the  Prince  of  Chimay, 
by  which  the  city  was  restored  to  his  Majesty,  and  by 
which  all  inhabitants  not  willing-  to  abide  by  the  Roman 
Catholic  religion  were  permitted  to  leave  the  land.  The 
Prince  was  received  with  favour  by  Parma,  on  conclusion 
of  the  transaction,  and  subsequently  met  with  advance- 
ment from  the  King,  while  the  Princess,  who  had  em- 
braced the  reformed  religion,  retired  to  Holland.1 

The  only  other  city  of  importance  gained  on  this  occa- 
sion by  the  government  was  Ypres,  which  had  been  long 
besieged,  and  was  soon  afterwards  forced  to  yield.  The 
new  bishop,  on  taking  possession,  resorted  to  instant 
measures  for  cleansing  a  place  which  had  been  so  long 
in  the  hands  of  the  infidels,  and  as  the  first  step  in  this 
purification,  the  bodies  of  many  heretics  who  had  been 
buried  for  years  were  taken  from  their  graves,  and 
publicly  hanged  in  their  coffins.  All  living  adherents  to 
the  reformed  religion  were  instantly  expelled  from  the 
place.2 

Ghent  and  the  rest  of  Flanders  were,  for  the  time, 
saved  from  the  power  of  Spain,  the  inhabitants  being 
confirmed  in  their  resolution  of  sustaining  their  union  with 
the  other  provinces  by  the  news  from  France.  Early  in 
the  spring  the  negotiations  between  Anjou  and  the  states- 
general  had  been  earnestly  renewed,  and  Junius,  Mouillerie, 
and  Asseliers  had  been  despatched  on  a  special  mission  to 
France,  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  a  treaty  with  the 
Duke.  On  the  igih  of  April,  1584,  they  arrived  in  Delft, 
on  their  return,  bringing  warm  letters  from  the  French 
court,  full  of  promises  to  assist  the  Netherlands;  and 
it  was  understood  that  a  constitution,  upon  the  basis  of 
the  original  arrangement  of  Bordeaux,  would  be  accepted 
by  the  Duke.3  These  arrangements  were,  however,  for 
ever  terminated  by  the  death  of  Anjou,  who  had  been  ill 
during  the  whole  course  of  the  negotiations.  On  the 
loth  of  June,  1584,  he  expired  at  Chateau  Thierry,  in 
great  torture,  sweating  blood  from  every  pore,  and  under 
circumstances  which,  as  usual,  suggested  strong  sus- 
picions of  poison.4 

1  Bor,  xviii.  420-423.  2  Ibid.,  425.     Hoofd,  xx.  887.  3  Bor,  xyiii.  423. 

4  Ibid.,  xviii.  426.     Meteren,  xii.  214.     Hoofd,  xx.  890,  891.     Ev.  Reidani,  iii.  54.     De 
Thou,  ix.  181-184. 


Dutch  Republic  433 


CHAPTER    VII 

Various  attempts  upon  the  life  of  Orange;— Delft— Mansion  of  the  Prince  described- 
Francis  Guion  or  Balthazar  Gdrard — His  antecedents — His  correspondence  and  inter- 
views with  Parma  and  with  D'Assonleville— His  employment  in  France— His  return 
to  Delft  and  interview  with  Orange — The  crime — The  confession — The  punishment — 
The  consequences — Concluding  remarks. 

IT  has  been  seen  that  the  ban  against  the  Prince  of 
Orange  had  not  been  hitherto  without  fruits,  for,  although 
unsuccessful,  the  efforts  to  take  his  life,  and  earn  the 
promised  guerdon,  had  been  incessant.  The  attempt  of 
Jaureguy,  at  Antwerp,  of  Salseda  and  Baza  at  Bruges, 
have  been  related,  and  in  March,  1583,  moreover,  one 
Pietro  Dordogno  was  executed  in  Antwerp  for  endeavour- 
ing to  assassinate  the  Prince.  Before  his  death,  he  con- 
fessed that  he  had  come  from  Spain  solely  for  the  pur- 
pose, and  that  he  had  conferred  with  La  Motte,  governor 
of  Gravelines,  as  to  the  best  means  of  accomplishing  his 
design.1  In  April,  1584,  Hans  Hanzoon,  a  merchant  of 
Flushing,  had  been  executed  for  attempting  to  destroy 
the  Prince  by  means  of  gunpowder,  concealed  under  his 
house  in  that  city,  and  under  his  seat  in  the  church.  He 
confessed  that  he  had  deliberately  formed  the  intention 
of  performing  the  deed,  and  that  he  had  discussed  the 
details  of  the  enterprise  with  the  Spanish  ambassador  in 
Paris.2  At  about  the  same  time,  one  Le  Goth,  a  captive 
French  officer,  had  been  applied  to  by  the  Marquis  de 
Richebourg,  on  the  part  of  Alexander  of  Parma,  to  at- 
tempt the  murder  of  the  Prince.  Le  Goth  had  consented, 
saying  that  nothing  could  be  more  easily  done;  and  that 
he  would  undertake  to  poison  him  in  a  dish  of  eels,  of 
which  he  knew  him  to  be  particularly  fond.  The  French- 
man was  liberated  with  this  understanding;  but  being- 
very  much  the  friend  of  Orange,  straightway  told  him 
the  whole  story,  and  remained  ever  afterwards  a  faithful 
servant  of  the  states.3  It  is  to  be  presumed  that  he 
excused  the  treachery  to  which  he  owed  his  escape  from 
prison  on  the  ground  that  faith  was  no  more  to  be  kept 
with  murderers  than  with  heretics.  Thus  within  two 
years  there  had  been  five  distinct  attempts  to  assassinate 
the  Prince,  all  of  them  with  the  privity  of  the  Spanish 
government.  A  sixth  was  soon  to  follow. 

1  Meteren,  xi.  2osd.  2  Ibid.     Bor,  xviii.  423.     Hoofd,  xx.  892. 

3  Meteren,  xi.  205,  206.     Hoofd,  xx.  891,  892.     He  is  sometimes  called  Gott. 


434  The  Rise  of  the 

In  the  summer  of  1584,  William  of  Orange  was  re- 
siding at  Delft,1  where  his  wife,  Louisa  de  Coligny,  had 
given  birth,  in  the  preceding  winter,  to  a  son,  afterwards 
the  celebrated  stadholder,  Frederic  Henry.  The  child 
had  received  these  names  from  his  two  godfathers,  the 
Kings  of  Denmark  and  of  Navarre,  and  his  baptism  had 
been  celebrated  with  much  rejoicing  on  the  i2th  of  June, 
in  the  place  of  his  birth.2 

It  was  a  quiet,  cheerful,  yet  somewhat  drowsy  little 
city,  that  ancient  burgh  of  Delft.  The  placid  canals  by 
which  it  was  intersected  in  every  direction  were  all  planted 
with  whispering,  umbrageous  rows  of  limes  and  poplars, 
and  along  these  watery  highways  the  traffic  of  the  place 
glided  so  noiselessly  that  the  town  seemed  the  abode  of 
silence  and  tranquillity.  The  streets  were  clean  and  airy, 
the  houses  well  built,  the  whole  aspect  of  the  place 
thriving. 

One  of  the  principal  thoroughfares  was  called  the  old 
Delft-street.  It  was  shaded  on  both  sides  by  lime-trees, 
which  in  that  midsummer  season  covered  the  surface  of 
the  canal  which  flowed  between  them  with  their  light  and 
fragrant  blossoms.  On  one  side  of  this  street  was  the 
"old  kirk,"  a  plain,  antique  structure  of  brick,  with 
lancet  windows,  and  with  a  tall,  slender  tower,  which 
inclined,  at  a  very  considerable  angle,  towards  a  house 
upon  the  other  side  of  the  canal.  That  house  was  the 
mansion  of  William  the  Silent.  It  stood  directly  opposite 
the  church,  being  separated  by  a  spacious  courtyard  from 
the  street,  while  the  stables  and  other  offices  in  the 
rear  extended  to  the  city  wall.  A  narrow  lane,  opening 
out  of  Delft-street,  ran  along  the  side  of  the  house  and 
court,  in  the  direction  of  the  ramparts.  The  house  was 
a  plain,  two-storied  edifice  of  brick,  with  red-tiled  roof, 
and  had  formerly  been  a  cloister  dedicated  to  Saint 
Agatha,  the  last  prior  of  which  had  been  hanged  by  the 
furious  Lumey  de  la  Marck. 

The  news  of  Anjou's  death  had  been  brought  to  Delft 
by  a  special  messenger  from  the  French  court.  On 

1  He  had  removed  thither  from  Antwerp  on  the  22nd  July,  1583.  His  departure  from 
the  commercial  metropolis  had  been  hastened  by  an  indignity  offered  to  him  by  a  portion 
of  the  populace,  on  the  occasion  of  some  building  which  had  been  undertaken  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  citadel.  A  senseless  rumour  had  been  circulated  that  the  Prince 
had  filled  the  castle  with  French  troops,  and  was  about  to  surrender  it  to  Anjou.  Although 
the  falsehood  of  the  report  had  been  publicly  demonstrated,  and  although  the  better  por- 
tion of  the  citizens  felt  indignant  at  its  existence,  yet  the  calumniators  had  not  beep 
punished.  The  Prince,  justly  aggrieved,  retired  accordingly  from  the  city. — Meteren,  xi. 
207,  208.  2  Bor,  xviii.  407^  Hoofd,  xx.  883. 


Dutch  Republic  435 

Sunday  morning,  the  8th  of  July,  1584,  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  having  read  the  despatches  before  leaving  his 
bed,  caused  the  man  who  had  brought  them  to  be  sum- 
moned, that  he  might  give  some  particular  details  by 
word  of  mouth  concerning  the  last  illness  of  the  Duke.1 
The  courier  was  accordingly  admitted  to  the  Prince's 
bed-chamber,  and  proved  to  be  one  Francis  Guion,  as  he 
called  himself.  This  man  had,  early  in  the  spring, 
claimed  and  received  the  protection  of  Orange,  on  the 
ground  of  being  the  son  of  a  Protestant  at  Besan9on, 
who  had  suffered  death  for  his  religion,  and  of  his  own 
ardent  attachment  to  the  reformed  faith.2  A  pious, 
psalm-singing,  thoroughly  Calvinistic  youth  he  seemed 
to  be,  having  a  Bible  or  a  hymn-book  under  his  arm 
whenever  he  walked  the  street,  and  most  exemplary  in 
his  attendance  at  sermon  and  lecture.  For  the  rest,  a 
singularly  unobtrusive  personage,  twenty-seven  years  of 
age,  low  of  stature,  meagre,  mean-visaged,  muddy  com- 
plexioned,  and  altogether  a  man  of  no  account  —  quite 
insignificant  in  the  eyes  of  all  who  looked  upon  him.  If 
there  were  one  opinion  in  which  the  few  who  had  taken 
the  trouble  to  think  of  the  puny,  somewhat  shambling 
stranger  from  Burgundy  at  all  coincided,  it  was  that  he 
was  inoffensive,  but  quite  incapable  of  any  important  busi- 
ness. He  seemed  well  educated,  claimed  to  be  of  respect- 


1  Bor,  xviii.  427,  sqq.     Meteren,  xii.   214,  sqq.     Hoofd,  xx.  892-894,  sqq.     Wagenaer, 
vii.  529,  sqq.     Le  Petit,  Grande  Chronique  des  P.  B.,  liv.  v. 

2  The  main  source  from  which  the  historians  cited  in  the  last  note,  and  all  other  writers, 
have  derived  their  account  of  Balthazar  Gerard,  his  crime  and  pun 

statement  drawn  up  by  order  of  the  states-general,  entitled,  " 
ghedaen  aen  den  personne  des  doorluchtigen  fursten  ende  heeren 
Oraengien,"  etc.,  etc.,  Delft,  An.  1584,  of  which  a  copy  may  be 
collection  in  the  Royal  Library  at  the  Hague.     The  basis  of  this 


have  derived  their  account  of  Balthazar  Gerard,  his  crime  and  punishment,  is  the  official 
statement  drawn  up  by  order  of  the  states-general,  entitled,  "  Verhaal  van  de  moort 
ghedaen  aen  den  personne  des  doorluchtigen  fursten  ende  heeren  Wilhelms  Prince  van 
"  found  in  the  Duncan 

account  was  the  con- 

fession of  Balthazar,  written  in  the  convent  of  Saint  Agatha  (or  Prinzen  Hof,  the  residence 
of  Orange)  immediately  after  his  arrest,  together  with  his  answers  to  the  interrogatories 
between  the  xoth  and  i4th  of  July.  The  confession  has  been  recently  published  by  M. 
Gachard  (Acad.  Roy.  de  Belg.  ,  t.  xx.  No.  9,  Bulletins)  from  an  old  and  probably  contem- 
poraneous MS.  copy.  A  very  curious  pamphlet  —  a  copy  of  which  also  may  be  found  in 
the  Duncan  collection  —  should  also  be  consulted,  called,  "  Historic  Balthazars  Geraert, 
alias  Serach,  die  den  Tyran  van  't  Nederlandt  den  Princen  van  Orangie  doorschoten 
heeft  :  ende  is  darom  duer  grouwelijcke  ende  vele  tormenten  binnen  de  stadt  van  Delft 
openbaerlijck  ghedoodt,  1584  "  (with  no  name  of  place  or  publisher).  This  account,  by  a 
very  bitter  royalist  and  Papist  —  perhaps  a  personal  acquaintance  of  Gerard  —  extols  the 
deed  to  the  skies,  and  depicts  the  horrible  sufferings  of  the  malefactor  as  those  of  a 
blessed  martyr.  A  manuscript  in  the  Bibliotheque  de  Bourgogne  (now  the  MS.  section 
of  the  Royal  Library  at  Brussels),  entitled  "  Particularites  touchant  Belthazar  Gdrard," 
No.  17,386,  contains  many  important  documents,  letters  of  Parma,  Gerard,  and  of  Cor- 
nelius Aertsens.  The  fifth  volume  of  the  MS.  history  of  Renom  de  France  has  a  chapter 
devoted  to  the  subject,  important  because  he  wrote  from  the  papers  of  D'Assonleville, 
who  was  Parma's  agent  in  the  preliminary  negotiations  with  Gerard.  _  Part  of  these 
documents  have  been  published  by  Dewez  (Hist.  Gen.  de  la  Belgr.,  torn,  vi.),  by  Reiffen- 
berg,  and  still  more  recently  by  Professor  Arent  ("Recherches  Critiques  et  Historiques 
sur  la  Confession  de  B.  Gerard,  Bruxelles,  1854  ")>  who  has  ably  demonstrated  the 
authenticity  of  the  "Confession"  published  by  It.  Gachard. 


436 


The  Rise  of  the 


able  parentage,  and  had  considerable  facility  of  speech, 
when  any  person  could  be  found  who  thought  it  worth 
while  to  listen  to  him;  but  on  the  whole  he  attracted 
little  attention. 

Nevertheless,  this  insignificant  frame  locked  up  a  despe- 
rate and  daring  character;  this  mild  and  inoffensive 
nature  had  gone  pregnant  seven  years  with  a  terrible 
crime,  whose  birth  could  not  much  longer  be  retarded. 
Francis  Guion,  the  Calvinist,  son  of  a  martyred  Calvinist, 
was  in  reality  Balthazar  Gerard,  a  fanatical  Catholic, 
whose  father  and  mother  were  still  living  at  Vellefans  in 
Burgundy.  Before  reaching  man's  estate,  he  had  formed 
the  design  of  murdering  the  Prince  of  Orange,  "  who,  so 
long  as  he  lived,  seemed  like  to  remain  a  rebel  against 
the  Catholic  King,  and  to  make  every  effort  to  disturb 
the  repose  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Apostolic  religion." 

When  but  twenty  years  of  age,  he  had  struck  his 
dagger  with  all  his  might  into  a  door,  exclaiming,  as  he 
did  so,  "  would  that  the  blow  had  been  in  the  heart  of 
Orange!"  For  this  he  was  rebuked  by  a  bystander, 
who  told  him  it  was  not  for  him  to  kill  princes,  and  that 
it  was  not  desirable  to  destroy  so  good  a  captain  as  the 
Prince,  who,  after  all,  might  one  day  reconcile  himself 
with  the  King.1 

As  soon  as  the  ban  against  Orange  was  published, 
Balthazar,  more  anxious  than  ever  to  execute  his  long- 
cherished  design,  left  Dole  and  came  to  Luxemburg. 
Here  he  learned  that  the  deed  had  already  been  done  by 
John  Jaureguy.  He  received  this  intelligence  at  first  with 
a  sensation  of  relief,  was  glad  to  be  excused  from  putting 
himself  in  danger,2  and  believing  the  Prince  dead,  took 
service  as  clerk  with  one  John  Duprel,  secretary  to  Count 
Mansfeld,  governor  of  Luxemburg.  Ere  long,  the  ill 
success  of  Jaureguy 's  attempt  becoming  known,  the  "  in- 
veterate determination  "  of  Gerard  aroused  itself  more 
fiercely  than  ever.  He  accordingly  took  models  of  Mans- 
feld's  official  seals  in  wax,  in  order  that  he  might  make 
use  of  them  as  an  acceptable  offering  to  the  Orange  party, 
whose  confidence  he  meant  to  gain. 

Various  circumstances  detained  him,  however.  A  sum 
of  money  was  stolen,  and  he  was  forced  to  stay  till  it 

1  Confession  de  B.  GeYard.— Bpr,  Meteren,  Hoofd,  Le  Petit,  ubi  sup,  et  al. 

2  «« Des  quelles  nouvelles  je  fus  fort  aise,  tant  pour  estre  (comme  j'estimois)  la  justice 

faite,  que  pour  avoir  excuse  de  me  mettre  en  danger." — Conf.  de  Gerard. 


Dutch  Republic  437 

was  found,  for  fear  of  being  arrested  as  the  thief.  Then 
his  cousin  and  employer  fell  sick,  and  Gerard  was  obliged 
to  wait  for  his  recovery.  At  last,  in  March,  1584,  "  the 
weather,"  as  he  said,  "  appearing  to  be  fine,"  Balthazar  left 
Luxemburg  and  came  to  Tr6ves.  While  there,  he  con- 
fided his  scheme  to  the  regent  of  the  Jesuit  college — a 
"  red-haired  man  "  whose  name  has  not  been  preserved.1 
That  dignitary  expressed  high  approbation  of  the  plan, 
gave  Gerard  his  blessing,  and  promised  him  that,  if  his 
life  should  be  sacrificed  in  achieving  his  purpose,  he 
should  be  enrolled  among  the  martyrs.2  Another  Jesuit, 
however,  in  the  same  college,  with  whom  he  likewise 
communicated,  held  very  different  language,  making  great 
efforts  to  turn  the  young  man  from  his  design,  on  the 
ground  of  the  inconveniences  which  might  arise  from  the 
forging  of  Mansfeld's  seals — adding,  that  neither  he  nor 
any  of  the  Jesuits  liked  to  meddle  with  such  affairs,  but 
advising  that  the  whole  matter  should  be  laid  before  the 
Prince  of  Parma.3  It  does  not  appear  that  this  person- 
age, "  an  excellent  man  and  a  learned,"  attempted  to 
dissuade  the  young  man  from  his  project  by  arguments 
drawn  from  any  supposed  criminality  in  the  assassination 
itself,  or  from  any  danger,  temporal  or  eternal,  to  which 
the  perpetrator  might  expose  himself. 

Not  influenced,  as  it  appears,  except  on  one  point,  by 
the  advice  of  this  second  ghostly  confessor,  Balthazar 
came  to  Tournay,  and  held  counsel  with  a  third — the 
celebrated  Franciscan,  Father  Ge'ry — by  whom  he  was 
much  comforted  and  strengthened  in  his  determination  4 
His  next  step  was  to  lay  the  project  before  Parma,  as  the 
"  excellent  and  learned  "  Jesuit  at  TreVes  had  advised. 
This  he  did  by  a  letter,  drawn  up  with  much  care,  and 
which  he  evidently  thought  well  of  as  a  composition. 
One  copy  of  this  letter  he  deposited  with  the  guardian  of 
the  Franciscan  convent  at  Tournay;  the  other  he  pre- 
sented with  his  own  hand  to  the  Prince  of  Parma.5 

1  Verhaal  van  de  Moordt,  etc. — Compare  Bor,  ubi  sup. 

2  Ibid.— Compare  Meteren,  Le  Petit,  ubi  sup. 

3  This  curious  fact  was  disingenuously  suppressed  in  the  official  account,      Verhaal  van 
de  Moordt,"  etc. ,  and  is  consequently  not  mentioned  by  the  previously-cited  authors.     The 

statement  appears  in  the  copy  of  the  Confession  published  by  M.  Gachard ;  " et 

s'efforca  le  dit  pere  de  m'oster  de  teste  ceste  mienne  deliberation,  pour  les  dangers  et 
inconveniens  qu'il  m'allegoit  en  pourroient  survenir,  au  prejudice  de  Dieu  et  du  Roy,  par 
le  moyen  des  cachets  vollans ;  disant,  au  reste,  qu'il  ne  se  mesloit  pas  volontiers  de  telz 
affaires,  ny  pareillement  tous  ceulx  de  leur  dicte  compagnie." 

4  Verhaal  van  de  Moordt,  etc.     Bor,  Meteren,  Le  Petit,  ubi  sup. 

5  This  letter,  with  several  others  relative  to  the  subject,  is  contained  in  a  manuscript  of 
the  Bib.  de  Bourgogne,  No.  17,386,  entitled  "  Particulantes  toucbant  Balthazar  Gerard." 


438 


The  Rise  of  the 


"The  vassal,"  said  he,  "ought  always  to  prefer  justice 
and  the  will  of  the  king  to  his  own  life."  That  being 
the  case,  he  expressed  his  astonishment  that  no  man  had  yet 
been  found  to  execute  the  sentence  against  William  of 
Nassau,  "except  the  gentle  Biscayan,  since  defunct."1 
To  accomplish  the  task,  Balthazar  observed,  very  judici- 
ously, that  it  was  necessary  to  have  access  to  the  person 
of  the  Prince — wherein  consisted  the  difficulty.  Those 
who  had  that  advantage,  he  continued,  were  therefore 
bound  to  extirpate  the  pest  at  once,  without  obliging  his 
Majesty  to  send  to  Rome  for  a  chevalier,  because  not  one 
of  them  was  willing  to  precipitate  himself  into  the  venom- 
ous gulf,  which  by  its  contagion  infected  and  killed  the 
souls  and  bodies  of  all  poor  abused  subjects,  exposed  to 
its  influence.  Gerard  avowed  himself  to  have  been  so 
long  goaded  and  stimulated  by  these  considerations — so 
extremely  nettled  with  displeasure  and  bitterness  at  seeing 
the  obstinate  wretch  still  escaping  his  just  judgment — as 
to  have  formed  the  design  of  baiting  a  trap  for  the  fox, 
hoping  thus  to  gain  access  to  him,  and  to  take  him  un- 
awares.2 He  added — without  explaining  the  nature  of 
the  trap  and  the  bait — that  he  deemed  it  his  duty  to  lay 
the  subject  before  the  most  serene  Prince  of  Parma,  pro- 
testing at  the  same  time  that  he  did  not  contemplate  the 
exploit  for  the  sake  of  the  reward  mentioned  in  the 
sentence,  and  that  he  preferred  trusting  in  that  regard  to 
the  immense  liberality  of  his  Majesty.3 

Parma  had  long  been  looking  for  a  good  man  to  murder 
Orange,4  feeling — as  Philip,  Granvelle,  and  all  former 
governors  of  the  Netherlands  had  felt — that  this  was  the 
only  means  of  saving  the  royal  authority  in  any  part  of 
the  provinces.  Many  unsatisfactory  assassins  had  pre- 
sented themselves  from  time  to  time,  and  Alexander  had 
paid  money  in  hand  to  various  individuals — Italians, 
Spaniards,  Lorrainers,  Scotchmen,  Englishmen — who  had 
generally  spent  the  sums  received  without  attempting  the 
job.  Others  were  supposed  to  be  still  engaged  in  the 

1  "  Hormis  le  gen  til  Biscayen  defunct/ 

"  Estant  de  long  temps  durement  pique  et  stimule  par  ces  deux  points  et  poingonne 
extremement  de  deplaisir  et  amertume  — -  si  finalement  me  suis  advise  de  donner  une 
amorce  a  ce  renard  pour  avoir  acces  chez-lui,  afin  de  le  prendre  au  trebuchet  en  momens 
opportuns,  et  si  proprement  qu'il  n'en  puisse  echapper." 

3  " et  moms  encore  etre  vue  si  presomptueux  que  de  preTerer  la  liberalite"  immense 

de  S.  M.,"  etc. 

4  "Y  porque  tal  enemigo  tuviese  castigo,   audava  el  Principe  de  Parma  buscando 
maneras  como  quitarle  del  mundo." — Herrera,  Hist,  del  Mundo  en  el  Reynado  del  Rey 
D.  Phelipe  II.,  xiv.  10,  torn.  ii.  550. 


Dutch  Republic  439 

enterprise,  and  at  that  moment  there  were  four  persons — 
each  unknown  to  the  others,  and  of  different  nations — 
in  the  city  of  Delft,  seeking  to  compass  the  death  of 
William  the  Silent.1  Shag-eared,  military,  hirsute 
ruffians — ex-captains  of  free  companies  and  such  marau- 
ders— were  daily  offering  their  services ;  there  was  no 
lack  of  them,  and  they  had  done  but  little.  How  should 
Parma,  seeing  this  obscure,  under-sized,  thin-bearded, 
run-away  clerk  before  him,  expect  pith  and  energy  from 
him?  He  thought  him  quite  unfit  for  an  enterprise  of 
moment,  and  declared  as  much  to  his  secret  councillors 
and  to  the  King.2  He  soon  dismissed  him,  after  receiv- 
ing his  letter,  and  it  may  be  supposed  that  the  bombastic 
style  of  that  epistle  would  not  efface  the  unfavourable 
impression  produced  by  Balthazar's  exterior.  The  repre- 
sentations of  Haultepenne  and  others  induced  him  so  far 
to  modify  his  views  as  to  send  his  confidential  councillor, 
D' Assonleville,  to  the  stranger,  in  order  to  learn  the  details 
of  the  scheme.3  Assonleville  had  accordingly  an  inter- 
view with  Gerard,  in  which  he  requested  the  young  man 
to  draw  up  a  statement  of  his  plan  in  writing,  and  this 
was  done  upon  the  nth  of  April,  1584. 

In  this  letter  Gerard  explained  his  plan  of  introducing 
himself  to  the  notice  of  Orange,  at  Delft,  as  the  son  of  an 
executed  Calvinist;  as  himself  warmly,  though  secretly, 
devoted  to  the  reformed  faith,  and  as  desirous,  therefore,- 
of  placing  himself  in  the  Prince's  service,  in  order  to  avoid 
the  insolence  of  the  Papists.  Having  gained  the  confid- 
ence of  those  about  the  Prince,  he  would  suggest  to  them 
the  great  use  which  might  be  made  of  Mansf  eld's  signet 
in  forging  passports  for  spies  and  other  persons  whom 
it  might  be  desirous  to  send  into  the  territory  of  the 
royalists.  "  With  these  or  similar  feints  and  frivolities," 
continued  Gerard,  "he  should  soon  obtain  access  to  the 
person  of  the  said  Nassau,"  repeating  his  protestation 
that  nothing  had  moved  him  to  his  enterprise  "  save  the 

1  " Aulcuns   Italiens  et  soldats  avoient  paravant   obtenu  certaines  sommes  au 

mesme  effet  sans  avoir  rien  attend."— Renom  de  France  MS.,  torn.  v.  c.  26.— Compare 
Strada,  2,  v.  287. 

2  " Le  dit  jeune  homme,    wrote  Parma  to  the  King,     m  avait  communique  sa 

resolution  de  la  quelle  pour  dire  la  verit£  je  tenpis/tew  de  comptel  pour  ce  que  la  disposi- 
tion du  personnage  ne  sembloit  promettre  emprinse  de  si  grande  importance.     Touttefois 
je  le  laisaye  aller,  apres  1'avoir  fait  exorter  par  quelques  ungz  de  ceux  qui  servent  ici."— 
Relation  du  Due  de  Parme  au  Roy  Phil.  II.  ;  in  the  manuscript  entitled  "Particularities 
touchant  B.  Gerard."     Bib.  de  Bourgogne,  No.  17^386. 

3  Renom  de  France  MS.,  loc,  cit.,  who  wrote  his  history  from  the  papers  of  Councillor 
d' Assonleville." 


440  The  Rise  of  the 

good  zeal  which  he  bore  to  the  faith  and  true  religion 
guarded  by  the  Holy  Mother  Church  Catholic,  Apostolic, 
and  Roman,  and  to  the  service  of  his  Majesty."  He 
begged  pardon  for  having  purloined  the  impressions  of 
the  seals — a  turpitude  which  he  would  never  have  com- 
mitted, but  would  sooner  have  suffered  a  thousand  deaths, 
except  for  the  great  end  in  view.  He  particularly  wished 
forgiveness  for  that  crime  before  going  to  his  task,  "  in 
order  that  he  might  confess,  and  receive  the  holy  com- 
munion at  the  coming  Easter,  without  scruples  of  consci- 
ence."  He  likewise  begged  the  Prince  of  Parma  to  ob- 
tain for  him  absolution  from  his  Holiness  for  this  crime 
of  pilfering — the  more  so  "as  he  was  about  to  keep  com- 
pany for  some  time  with  heretics  and  atheists,  and  in 
some  sort  to  conform  himself  to  their  customs."1 

From  the  general  tone  of  the  letters  of  GeYard,  he  might 
be  set  down  at  once  as  a  simple,  religious  fanatic,  who 
felt  sure  that,  in  executing  the  command  of  Philip  pub- 
licly issued  to  all  the  murderers  of  Europe,  he  was  merit- 
ing well  of  God  and  his  King.  There  is  no  doubt  that  he 
was  an  exalted  enthusiast,  but  not  purely  an  enthusiast. 
The  man's  character  offers  more  than  one  point  of  inter- 
est, as  a  psychological  phenomenon.  He  had  convinced 
himself  that  the  work  which  he  had  in  hand  was  eminently 
meritorious,  and  he  was  utterly  without  fear  of  conse- 
quences. He  was,  however,  by  no  means  so  disinterested 
as  he  chose  to  represent  himself  in  letters  which,  as  he 
instinctively  felt,  were  to  be  of  perennial  interest.  On 
the  contrary,  in  his  interviews  with  Assonleville,  he  urged 
that  he  was  a  poor  fellow,  and  that  he  had  undertaken 
this  enterprise  in  order  to  acquire  property — to  make 
himself  rich  2 — and  that  he  depended  upon  the  Prince  of 
Parma's  influence  in  obtaining  the  reward  promised  by 
the  ban  to  the  individual  who  should  put  Orange  to  death. 

This  second  letter  decided  Parma  so  far  that  he  author- 
ized Assonleville  to  encourage  the  young  man  in  his 
attempt,  and  to  promise  that  the  reward  should  be  given 
to  him  in  case  of  success,  and  to  his  heirs  in  the  event  of 
his  death.3  Assonleville,  in  the  second  interview,  accord- 

1  The  letter  is  contained  in  the  MS.  before  cited,  "  Particularity's  touchant  B.  Gdrard." 

2  "  Estant  povre  compagnon,"  etc. — Verhaal  van  de  Moordt,  etc.     Le  Petit.     Bor,  loc. 
cit. 

3  " qu'on  pjocureroit  en  sa  Javeur  ou  de  ses  prpches  he'ritiers  les  mercedes  et 

recompenses  promises  par  re" diet,  qui  fut  toute  la  consolation  qu'il  receut,  plus  propre  pour 
le  retirer  et  divertir  que  pour  1'encourager  k  une  emprinse  si  hazardeuse." — Renom  de 
France  MS.,  loc.  cit. 


Dutch  Republic  441 

ingly  made  known  these  assurances  in  the  strongest  man- 
ner to  Gerard,  warning-  him  at  the  same  time,  on  no 
account,  if  arrested,  to  inculpate  the  Prince  of  Parma. 
The  councillor,  while  thus  exhorting  the  stranger,  accord- 
ing to  Alexander's  commands,  confined  himself,  however, 
to  generalities,  refusing  even  to  advance  fifty  crowns, 
which  Balthazar  had  begged  from  the  Governor-General  in 
order  to  provide  for  the  necessary  expenses  of  his  project.1 
Parma  had  made  similar  advances  too  often  to  men  who 
had  promised  to  assassinate  the  Prince  and  had  then  done 
little,  and  he  was  resolute  in  his  refusal  to  this  new  ad- 
venturer, of  whom  he  expected  absolutely  nothing.  Gerard, 
notwithstanding  this  rebuff,  was  not  disheartened.  "  I 
will  provide  myself  out  of  my  own  purse,"  said  he  to 
Assonleville,  "  and  within  six  weeks  you  will  hear  of  me." 
"  Go  forth,  my  son,"  said  Assonleville,  paternally,  upon 
this  spirited  reply,  "  and  if  you  succeed  in  your  enterprise, 
the  King  will  fulfil  all  his  promises,  and  you  will  gain  an 
immortal  name  beside."  2 

The  "  inveterate  deliberation,"  thus  thoroughly  ma- 
tured, Gerard  now  proceeded  to  carry  into  effect.  He  came 
to  Delft,  obtained  a  hearing  of  Villers,  the  clergyman  and 
intimate  friend  of  Orange,  showed  him  the  Mansfeld  seals, 
and  was,  somewhat  against  his  will,  sent  to  France,  to 
exhibit  them  to  Marechal  Biron,  who,  it  was  thought, 
was  soon  to  be  appointed  Governor  of  Cambray.  Through 
Orange's  recommendation,  the  Burgundian  was  received 
into  the  suite  of  Noel  de  Caron,  Seigneur  de  Schoneval, 
then  setting  forth  on  a  special  mission  to  the  Duke  of 
Anjou.3  While  in  France,  Gerard  could  rest  neither  by 
day  nor  night,  so  tormented  was  he  by  the  desire  of  accom- 
plishing his  project,4  and  at  length  he  obtained  permission, 
upon  the  death  of  the  Duke,  to  carry  this  important  in- 
telligence to  the  Prince  of  Orange.  The  despatches  having 
been  entrusted  to  him,  he  travelled  post  haste  to  Delft,  and, 
to  his  astonishment,  the  letters  had  hardly  been  delivered 
before  he  was  summoned  in  person  to  the  chamber  of  the 
Prince.  Here  was  an  opportunity  such  as  he  had  never 
dared  to  hope  for.  The  arch-enemy  to  the  Church  and  to 
the  human  race,  whose  death  would  confer  upon  his 

1  " et  aianct  D'Assonleville  traictd  la  dessus  avec  le  Prince  de  Parme  fut  conclud 

que  on  n'avanceroit  rien  a  Balthazar  Gerard,  non  pas  les  50  escus  auxquels  il  se  restrain- 
doit,"  etc. — Renom  de  France  MS.,  loc.  cit. 

2  Ibid.     Verhaal  van  de  Moordt.     Bor,  Meteren,  Le  Petit. 

3  Confession  de  Gerard.     Verhaal  van  de  Moordt.     Bor,  Meteren,  Le  Petit,  Hoofd, 
ubi  sup.  4  Verhaal  van  de  Moordt. 


442  The  Rise  of  the 

destroyer  wealth  and  nobility  in  this  world,  besides  a 
crown  of  glory  in  the  next,  lay  unarmed,  alone,  in  bed, 
before  the  man  who  had  thirsted  seven  long  years  for  his 
blood. 

Balthazar  could  scarcely  control  his  emotions  sufficiently 
to  answer  the  questions  which  the  Prince  addressed  to 
him  concerning  the  death  of  Anjou,1  but  Orange,  deeply 
engaged  with  the  despatches,  and  with  the  reflections 
which  their  deeply-important  contents  suggested,  did  not 
observe  the  countenance  of  the  humble  Calvinist  exile,  who 
had  been  recently  recommended  to  his  patronage  by  Villers. 
Gerard  had,  moreover,  made  no  preparation  for  an  inter- 
view so  entirely  unexpected,  had  come  unarmed,  and  had 
formed  no  plan  for  escape.  He  was  obliged  to  forego  his 
prey  when  most  within  his  reach,  and,  after  communicat- 
ing all  the  information  which  the  Prince  required,  he  was 
dismissed  from  the  chamber. 

It  was  Sunday  morning,  and  the  bells  were  tolling  for 
church.  Upon  leaving  the  house  he  loitered  about  the 
court-yard,  furtively  examining  the  premises,  so  that  a 
sergeant  of  halberdiers  asked  him  why  he  was  waiting 
there.  Balthazar  meekly  replied  that  he  was  desirous  of 
attending  divine  worship  in  the  church  opposite,  but  added, 
pointing  to  his  shabby  and  travel-stained  attire,  that,  with- 
out at  least  a  new  pair  of  shoes  and  stockings,  he  was 
unfit  to  join  the  congregation.  Insignificant  as  ever,  the 
small,  pious,  dusty  stranger  excited  no  suspicion  in  the 
mind  of  the  good-natured  sergeant.  He  forthwith  spoke 
of  the  wants  of  Gerard  to  an  officer,  by  whom  they  were 
communicated  to  Orange  himself,  and  the  Prince  instantly 
ordered  a  sum  of  money  to  be  given  him.2  Thus  Balthazar 
obtained  from  William's  charity  what  Parma's  thrift  had 
denied — a  fund  for  carrying  out  his  purpose  ! 

Next  morning,  with  the  money  thus  procured,  he  pur- 
chased a  pair  of  pistols,  or  small  carabines,  from  a  soldier, 
chaffering  long  about  the  price  because  the  vender  could 
not  supply  a  particular  kind  of  chopped  bullets  or  slugs 
which  he  desired.  Before  the  sunset  of  the  following  day 
that  soldier  had  stabbed  himself  to  the  heart,  and  died 
despairing,  on  hearing  for  what  purpose  the  pistols  had 
been  bought.3 

1  Verhaal,  etc.     Bor,  Meteren,  Le  Petit. 

2  Verhaal  van  de  Moordt.     Bor,  Meteren,  Hoofd,  loc.  cit. 

3  " zig  op  't  hooren  van  't  grunwzaam  gebruik,  't  geen  er  de  Booswigt  van  gemacht 

hadt,  uit  wanhoop,  met  twee  of  drie  poignaard  sleeken  om  't  leven  bragt." — Van  Wyn  op 
Wagenaer,  vii.  116. 


Dutch  Republic  443 

On  Tuesday,  the  loth  of  July,  1584,  at  about  half-past 
twelve,  the  Prince,  with  his  wife  on  his  arm,  and  followed 
by  the  ladies  and  gentlemen  of  his  family,  was  going  to 
the  dining-room.  William  the  Silent  was  dressed  upon 
that  day,  according  to  his  usual  custom,  in  very  plain 
fashion.  He  wore  a  wide-leaved,  loosely-shaped  hat  of 
dark  felt,  with  a  silken  cord  round  the  crown — such  as 
had  been  worn  by  the  Beggars  in  the  early  days  of  the 
revolt.  A  high  ruff  encircled  his  neck,  from  which  also 
depended  one  of  the  Beggars'  medals,  with  the  motto, 
"  Fideles  au  roy  jusqu'a  la  besace,"  while  a  loose  surcoat 
of  grey  frieze  cloth,  over  a  tawny  leather  doublet,  with 
wide,  slashed  underclothes,  completed  his  costume.1 
Gerard  presented  himself  at  the  doorway,  and  demanded 
a  passport.  The  Princess,  struck  with  the  pale  and  agi- 
tated countenance  of  the  man,  anxiously  questioned  her 
husband  concerning  the  stranger.  The  Prince  carelessly 
observed  that  "  it  was  merely  a  person  who  came  for  a 
passport,"  ordering,  at  the  same  time,  a  secretary  forth- 
with to  prepare  one.  The  Princess,  still  not  relieved, 
observed  in  an  under-tone  that  "  she  had  never  seen  so 
villanous  a  countenance."2  Orange,  however,  not  at  all 
impressed  with  the  appearance  of  Gerard,  conducted  him- 
self at  table  with  his  usual  cheerfulness,  conversing  much 
with  the  burgomaster  of  Leewarden,  the  only  guest  present 
at  the  family  dinner,  concerning  the  political  and  religious 
aspects  of  Friesland.3  At  two  o'clock  the  company  rose 
from  table.  The  Prince  led  the  way,  intending  to  pass 
to  his  private  apartments  above.  The  dining-room,  which 
was  on  the  ground  floor,  opened  into  a  little  square  vesti- 
bule, which  communicated,  through  an  arched  passage- 
way, with  the  main  entrance  into  the  court-yard.  This 
vestibule  was  also  directly  at  the  foot  of  the  wooden  stair- 
case leading  to  the  next  floor,  and  was  scarcely  six  feet 
in  width.4  Upon  its  left  side,  as  one  approached  the  stair- 
way, was  an  obscure  arch,  sunk  deep  in  the  wall,  and 
completely  in  the  shadow  of  the  door.  Behind  this  arch 
a  portal  opened  to  the  narrow  lane  at  the  side  of  the 
house.  The  stairs  themselves  were  completely  lighted  by 
a  large  window,  half  way  up  the  flight.  The  Prince  came 

1  The  whole  dress  worn  by  the  Prince  on  this  tragical  occasion  is  still  to  be  seen  at  the 
Hao^ie  in  the  National  Museum. 

2  Bor,  Meteren,  Hoofd,  ubi  sup.  3  Historic  Balth.  Geraerts  alias  Serach,  etc. 

4  The  house  (now  called  the  Prinsen  Hof,  but  used  as  a  barrack)  still  presents  nearly 
the  same  appearance  as  it  did  in  1584. 


444  The  Rise  of  the 

from  the  dining-room,  and  began  leisurely  to  ascend. 
He  had  only  reached  the  second  stair,  when  a  man 
emerged  from  the  sunken  arch,  and  standing  within  a 
foot  or  two  of  him,  discharged  a  pistol  full  at  his  heart. 
Three  balls  entered  his  body,  one  of  which,  passing  quite 
through  him,  struck  with  violence  against  the  wall  beyond. 
The  Prince  exclaimed  in  French,  as  he  felt  the  wound, 
44  O  my  God,  have  mercy  upon  my  soul !  O  my  God, 
have  mercy  upon  this  poor  people  ! ' '  1 

These  were  the  last  words  he  ever  spoke,  save  that  when 
his  sister,  Catherine  of  Schwartzburg,  immediately  after- 
wards asked  him  if  he  commended  his  soul  to  Jesus  Christ, 
he  faintly  answered,  "  Yes."  His  master  of  the  horse, 
Jacob  van  Maldere,  had  caught  him  in  his  arms  as  the 
fatal  shot  was  fired.  The  Prince  was  then  placed  on  the 
stairs  for  an  instant,  when  he  immediately  began  to  swoon. 
He  was  afterwards  laid  upon  a  couch  in  the  dining-room, 
where  in  a  few  minutes  he  breathed  his  last  in  the  arms 
of  his  wife  and  sister.2 

The  murderer  succeeded  in  making  his  escape  through 
the  side  door,  and  sped  swiftly  up  the  narrow  lane.  He 
had  almost  reached  the  ramparts,  from  which  he  intended 
to  spring  into  the  moat,  when  he  stumbled  over  a  heap  of 
rubbish.  As  he  rose,  he  was  seized  by  several  pages  and 
halberdiers,  who  had  pursued  him  from  the  house.  He  had 
dropped  his  pistols  upon  the  spot  where  he  had  committed 
the  crime,  and  upon  his  person  were  found  a  couple  of 
bladders,  provided  with  a  piece  of  pipe,  with  which  he  had 
intended  to  assist  himself  across  the  moat,  beyond  which 
a  horse  was  waiting  for  him.  He  made  no  effort  to  deny 
his  identity,  but  boldly  avowed  himself  and  his  deed.  He 

1  Korte  Verhaal  van  de  Moordt,  etc. — Bor,  Meteren,  Hoofd.  Doubts  have  been  ex- 
pressed by  some  writers  as  to  the  probability  of  the  Prince,  thus  mortally  wounded,  having 
been  able  to  speak  so  many  words  distinctly.  (See  Wagenaer,  Vad.  Hist.,  vii.  532,  and 
note.)  There  can,  however,  be  no  doubt  on  the  subject.  The  circular  letter  of  the  states- 
general  to  the  respective  provinces,  dated  Delft,  July  12,  1584,  has  this  passage  :  "  Die 
corts  daervan  t'onser  grooten  leedwesen  ende  verdriete  overleden,  segghende  deselve  ont 
faen  hebbende,  Mon  Dieu,  ayez  pitie  de  mon  ame  !  Mon  Dieu,  ayez  pitie  de  ce  pauvre 
peuple  !"  (Brieven  van  de  Gen.-staten.,  etc.,  nopende  de  dood  van  hcere  P.  van  Oran- 
gien.  Ordinaris  Dep.  Boek,  MS.,  1584,  f.  162,  Hague  Archives.)  This  is  conclusive 
evidence.  See  also  a  letter  from  young  Maurice  of  Nassau  to  the  magistracy  of  Ghent, 


ziele,  mynCjoqt!  ontiermt  uwer  gnemeente.  (LJe  Jonge,  Unuitg.  btukkcn.,  100-103. — 
Compare  Regist.  der  Resolut.  Holl.,  July  10,  1584;  Bor,  Auth.  Stukk.,  ii.  58.)  The 
Greffier  Cornelius  Aertsens,  writing  to  Brussels  on  the  nth  of  July  from  Delft,  uses  pre- 
cisely the  same  language  :  "  Son  Exc.  est  trespasse  et  fini  en  Dieu,  n'aiant  parle  autre 
chose  que  ces  mots  bien  hauts — Mon  Dieu,  ayez  pitie  de  mon  ame  ;  et  apres,  Ayez  piti£ 
de  ce  pauvre  peuple,  demeurans  les  deux  derniers  mots  quasi  en  sa  bouche." — Relation  au 
Mag.  de  Brux.,  No.  17,386,  Bib.  de  Bourg.,  MS. 
2  Bor,  Meteren,  Hoofd,  ubi  sup.  Historic  B.  Geraerts  alias  Serach. 


Dutch  Republic  445 

was  brought  back  to  the  house,  where  he  immediately 
underwent  a  preliminary  examination  before  the  city 
magistrates.  He  was  afterwards  subjected  to  excruciating 
tortures ;  for  the  fury  against  the  wretch  who  had  de- 
stroyed the  Father  of  the  country  was  uncontrollable,  and 
William  the  Silent  was  no  longer  alive  to  intercede — as  he 
had  often  done  before — in  behalf  of  those  who  assailed  his 
life. 

The  organization  of  Balthazar  Gerard  would  furnish  a 
subject  of  profound  study,  both  for  the  physiologist  and 
the  metaphysician.  Neither  wholly  a  fanatic,  nor  entirely 
a  ruffian,  he  combined  the  most  dangerous  elements  oi 
both  characters.  In  his  puny  body  and  mean  exterior  were 
enclosed  considerable  mental  powers  and  accomplishments, 
a  daring  ambition,  and  a  courage  almost  superhuman. 
Yet  those  qualities  led  him  only  to  form  upon  the  threshold 
of  life  a  deliberate  determination  to  achieve  greatness  by 
the  assassin's  trade.  The  rewards  held  out  by  the  ban, 
combining  with  his  religious  bigotry  and  his  passion  for 
distinction,  fixed  all  his  energies  with  patient  concentra- 
tion upon  the  one  great  purpose  for  which  he  seemed  to 
have  been  born,  and  after  seven  years'  preparation,  he 
had  at  last  fulfilled  his  design. 

Upon  being  interrogated  by  the  magistrates,  he  mani- 
fested neither  despair  nor  contrition,  but  rather  a  quiet 
exultation.  "  Like  David,"  he  said,  "  he  had  slain  Goliath 
of  Gath. M1  When  falsely  informed  that  his  victim  was 
not  dead,  he  showed  no  credulity  or  disappointment.  He 
had  discharged  three  poisoned  balls  into  the  Prince's 
stomach,  and  he  knew  that  death  must  have  already 
ensued.2  He  expressed  regret,  however,  that  the  resist- 
ance of  the  halberdiers  had  prevented  him  from  using  his 
second  pistol,  and  averred  that  if  he  were  a  thousand 
leagues  away  he  would  return  in  order  to  do  the  deed 
again,  if  possible.  He  deliberately  wrote  a  detailed  confes- 
sion of  his  crime,  and  of  the  motives  and  manner  of  its 
commission,  taking  care,  however,  not  to  implicate  Parma 
in  the  transaction.  After  sustaining  day  after  day  the 
most  horrible  tortures,  he  subsequently  related  his  inter- 
views with  Assonleville  and  with  the  president  of  the  Jesuit 

1  Haraei  Annales,  iii.  363. 

2  " J'ai  ce  jourd'hui  tir6  et  debende  celle  portant  les  trois  balles  centre  1'estomach 

du  diet  Prince  d'Orange,"  etc. — Confession  de  Gerard.     " en  heeft  hem  also  met  een 

pistolet  onder  zijne  mantel  met  drij   fenijnige  ende  geketende  looten  aen  een  gehecht 
geladen  zijnde  aen  die  treppen  vander  eetplatsen  verwacht,"  etc. — Historic  B.  Geraerts 
alias  Serach. 


446 


The  Rise  of  the 


college  at  Troves,  adding  that  he  had  been  influenced  in 
his  work  by  the  assurance  of  obtaining  the  rewards  pro- 
mised by  the  ban.1  During  the  intervals  of  repose  from 
the  rack  he  conversed  with  ease,  and  even  eloquence, 
answering  all  questions  addressed  to  him  with  apparent 
sincerity.  His  constancy  in  suffering  so  astounded  his 
judges  that  they  believed  him  supported  by  witchcraft. 
"  Ecce  homo!"  he  exclaimed,  from  time  to  time,  with 
insane  blasphemy,  as  he  raised  his  blood-streaming  head 
from  the  bench.  In  order  to  destroy  the  charm  which 
seemed  to  render  him  insensible  to  pain,  they  sent  for  the 
shirt  of  a  hospital  patient,  supposed  to  be  a  sorcerer. 
When  clothed  in  this  garment,  however,  Balthazar  was 
none  the  less  superior  to  the  arts  of  the  tormentors, 
enduring  all  their  inflictions,  according  to  an  eye-witness, 
"without  once  exclaiming,  Ah  me!"  and  avowing  that 
he  would  repeat  his  enterprise,  if  possible,  were  he  to  die 
a  thousand  deaths  in  consequence.  Some  of  those  present 
refused  to  believe  that  he  was  a  man  at  all.  Others  asked 
him  how  long  since  he  had  sold  himself  to  the  devil?  to 
which  questions  he  replied,  mildly,  that  he  had  no  ac- 
quaintance whatever  with  the  devil.  He  thanked  the 
judges  politely  for  the  food  which  he  received  in  prison, 
and  promised  to  recompense  them  for  the  favour.  Upon 
being  asked  how  that  was  possible,  he  replied,  that  he 
would  serve  as  their  advocate  in  Paradise.2 

The  sentence  pronounced  against  the  assassin  was  exe- 
crable— a  crime  against  the  memory  of  the  great  man 
whom  it  professed  to  avenge.  It  was  decreed  that  the 
right  hand  of  GeVard  should  be  burned  off  with  a  red-hot 
iron,  that  his  flesh  should  be  torn  from  his  bones  with 
pincers  in  six  different  places,  that  he  should  be  quartered 
and  disembowelled  alive,  that  his  heart  should  be  torn 
from  his  bosom  and  flung  in  his  face,  and  that,  finally,  his 
head  should  be  taken  off.  Not  even  his  horrible  crime, 
with  its  endless  consequences,  nor  the  natural  frenzy  of 
indignation  which  it  had  excited,  could  justify  this  savage 
decree,  to  rebuke  which  the  murdered  hero  might  have 

1  Verhaal  van  de  Moordt,  Bor,  Meteren. 

2  Verhaal  van  de  Moordt,  Bor,  Meteren. — " mais  je  n'ay  ouy  de  ma  vie  une  plus 

grande  resolution  d'hpmme  ny  Constance,  51  n'a  oncques  dit  '  Ay  my,'  mais  en  tous  tour- 
mens  s'est  tenu  sans  dire  mot,  et  sur  tous  interrogatoires  a  repondu  bien  apropos  et  avec 
bonne  suite,  quelquefois  que  voulez-vous  faire  de  moy?  je  suis  resolu  de  mourir  aussy 
d'une  mort  cruelle  que  je   n'eusse  laisse  mon   entreprinse  ni  encore  si  j'etois  libre  la 
laisseroie,  comme  que  je  deusse  mourir  mille  morts,"  etc. — Extrait  d'une  Relation  faite  k 
ceux  du  Magistral  de  Bruxelles,  par  Corneille  Aertsens,  alors  leur  Greffier,  n  Juillet, 
1584.     Bib.  de  Bourg.  MS.,  No.  17,386,  Historic  B.  Geraerts  alias  Serach. 


Dutch  Republic  447 

almost  risen  from  the  sleep  of  death.  The  sentence  was 
literally  executed  on  the  i4th  of  July,  the  criminal  sup- 
porting1 its  horrors  with  the  same  astonishing  fortitude. 
So  calm  were  his  nerves,  crippled  and  half  roasted  as  he 
was  ere  he  mounted  the  scaffold,  that  when  one  of  the 
executioners  was  slightly  injured  in  the  ear  by  the  flying 
from  the  handle  of  the  hammer  with  which  he  was  break- 
ing the  fatal  pistol  in  pieces,  as  the  first  step  in  the  execu- 
tion— a  circumstance  which  produced  a  general  laugh  in 
the  crowd — a  smile  was  observed  upon  Balthazar's  face 
in  sympathy  with  the  general  hilarity.  His  lips  were  seen 
to  move  up  to  the  moment  when  his  heart  was  thrown  in 
his  face — "Then,"  said  a  looker-on,  "he  gave  up  the 
ghost."1 

The  reward  promised  by  Philip  to  the  man  who  should 
murder  Orange  was  paid  to  the  heirs  of  Gerard.  Parma 
informed  his  sovereign  that  the  "  poor  man  "  had  been 
executed,  but  that  his  father  and  mother  were  still  living, 
to  whom  he  recommended  the  payment  of  that  "  merced  " 
which  "  the  laudable  and  generous  deed  had  so  well  de- 
served."2 This  was  accordingly  done,  and  the  excellent 
parents,  ennobled  and  enriched  by  the  crime  of  their  son, 
received,  instead  of  the  twenty-five  thousand  crowns  pro- 
mised in  the  ban,  the  three  seignories  of  Lievremont, 
Hostal,  and  Dampmartin,  in  the  Franche  Comt6,  and  took 
their  place  at  once  among  the  landed  aristocracy.3  Thus 
the  bounty  of  the  Prince  had  furnished  the  weapon  by 
which  his  life  was  destroyed,  and  his  estates  supplied  the 
fund  out  of  which  the  assassin's  family  received  the  price 
of  blood.  At  a  later  day,  when  the  unfortunate  eldest  son 
of  Orange  returned  from  Spain  after  twenty-seven  years' 
absence,  a  changeling  and  a  Spaniard,  the  restoration  of 
those  very  estates  was  offered  to  him  by  Philip  the  Second, 
provided  he  would  continue  to  pay  a  fixed  proportion  of 
their  rents  to  the  family  of  his  father's  murderer.  The 
education  which  Philip  William  had  received,  under  the 
King's  auspices,  had,  however,  not  entirely  destroyed  all 
his  human  feelings,  and  he  rejected  the  proposal  with 

1  Extrait  d'une  Relation  de  Corneille  Aertsens  (14  Juillet,  1584).     He  was  present  at  all 
the  tortures  and  at  the  execution,  and  drew  up  his  report  the  same  day.     Manuscript  before 
cited. — Compare  Meteren,  Bor,  Le  Petit,  Historic  B.  Geraerts  alias  Serach. 

2  Relation  du  Due  de  Parme  au  Roy  Phil.  II.,  12  Aout,  1584.—"  Le  pauvre  homme  est 
demeure  prisonnier.     L'acte  est  tel  qu'il  mdrite  grande  louange,  et  je  me  vais  informant 
des  parens  du  deffunt,  duquel  j'entends  le  pere  et  la  mere  etre  encoires  vivans,  pour  apres 
supplier  V   M.  leur  faire  le  mercede  qu'une  si  genereuse  resolution  merite." — MS.  before 
cited.  3  MS.  before  cited. 


448  The  Rise  of  the 

scorn.1  The  estates  remained  with  the  Gerard  family,  and 
the  patents  of  nobility  which  they  had  received  were  used 
to  justify  their  exemption  from  certain  taxes,  until  the 
union  of  Franche  Comt6  with  France,  when  a  French 
governor  tore  the  documents  in  pieces  and  trampled  them 
under  foot.2 

William  of  Orange,  at  the  period  of  his  death,  was  aged 
fifty-one  years  and  sixteen  days.  He  left  twelve  children. 
By  his  first  wife,  Anne  of  Egmont,  he  had  one  son,  Philip, 
and  one  daughter,  Mary,  afterwards  married  to  Count 
Hohenlo.  By  his  second  wife,  Anna  of  Saxony,  he  had  one 
son,  the  celebrated  Maurice  of  Nassau,  and  two  daughters, 
Anna,  married  afterwards  to  her  cousin,  Count  William 
Louis,  and  Emilie,  who  espoused  Emanuel,  son  of  the 
Pretender  of  Portugal.  By  Charlotte  of  Bourbon,  his  third 
wife,  he  had  six  daughters ;  and  by  his  fourth,  Louisa  de 
Coligny,  one  son,  Frederic  William,  afterwards  stadholder 
of  the  republic  in  her  most  palmy  days.3  The  Prince  was 
entombed  on  the  3rd  of  August,  at  Delft,  amid  the  tears 
of  a  whole  nation.4  Never  was  a  more  extensive,  un- 
affected, and  legitimate  sorrow  felt  at  the  death  of  any 
human  being. 


THE  life  and  labours  of  Orange  had  established  the 
emancipated  commonwealth  upon  a  secure  foundation,  but 
his  death  rendered  the  union  of  all  the  Netherlands  into 
one  republic  hopeless.  The  efforts  of  the  Malcontent 
nobles,  the  religious  discord,  the  consummate  ability,  both 
political  and  military,  of  Parma,  all  combined  with  the 
lamentable  loss  of  William  the  Silent  to  separate  for  ever 
the  southern  and  Catholic  provinces  from  the  northern  con- 
federacy. So  long  as  the  Prince  remained  alive,  he  was  the 
Father  of  the  whole  country;  the  Netherlands — saving 
only  the  two  Walloon  provinces — constituting  a  whole. 
Notwithstanding  the  spirit  of  faction  and  the  blight  of  the 
long  civil  war,  there  was  at  least  one  country,  or  the 
hope  of  a  country,  one  strong  heart,  one  guiding  head, 
for  the  patriotic  party  throughout  the  land.  Philip  and 
Granvelle  were  right  in  their  estimate  of  the  advantage  to 
be  derived  from  the  Prince's  death;  in  believing  that  an 

1  Van  Kampen,  i.  545.^  2  Van  d.  Vynckt,  Hi.— Notes  of  Tarte  and  Reiflenberg. 

3  Bor,  ubi  sup.     Archives,  ubi  sup.     Meteren,  xii.  216. 

4  Bor,  xviii.  433.     Meteren,  xii.  215.     Hoofd,  xx.  896. 


Dutch  Republic  449 

assassin's  hand  could  achieve  more  than  all  the  wiles 
which  Spanish  or  Italian  statesmanship  could  teach,  or 
all  the  armies  which  Spain  or  Italy  could  muster.  The 
pistol  of  the  insignificant  Gerard  destroyed  the  possibility 
of  a  united  Netherland  state,  while  during-  the  life  of 
William  there  was  union  in  the  policy,  unity  in  the  history 
of  the  country. 

In  the  following  year,  Antwerp,  hitherto  the  centre 
around  which  all  the  national  interests  and  historical 
events  group  themselves,  fell  before  the  scientific  efforts 
of  Parma.  The  city  which  had  so  long  been  the  freest,  as 
well  as  the  most  opulent,  capital  in  Europe,  sank  for  ever 
to  the  position  of  a  provincial  town.  With  its  fall,  com- 
bined with  other  circumstances,  which  it  is  not  necessary 
to  narrate  in  anticipation,  the  final  separation  of  the 
Netherlands  was  completed.  On  the  other  hand,  at  the 
death  of  Orange,  whose  formal  inauguration  as  sovereign 
Count  had  not  yet  taken  place,  the  states  of  Holland  and 
Zeland  reassumed  the  sovereignty.  The  commonwealth 
which  William  had  liberated  for  ever  from  Spanish  tyranny 
continued  to  exist  as  a  great  and  flourishing  republic 
during  more  than  two  centuries,  under  the  successive 
stadholderates  of  his  sons  and  descendants. 

His  life  gave  existence  to  an  independent  country — his 
death  defined  its  limits.  Had  he  lived  twenty  years  longer, 
it  is  probable  that  the  seven  provinces  would  have  been 
seventeen;  and  that  the  Spanish  title  would  have  been 
for  ever  extinguished  both  in  Nether  Germany  and  Celtic 
Gaul.  Although  there  was  to  be  the  length  of  two  human 
generations  more  of  warfare  ere  Spain  acknowledged  the 
new  government,  yet  before  the  termination  of  that  period 
the  united  states  had  become  the  first  naval  power  and 
one  of  the  most  considerable  commonwealths  in  the  world ; 
while  the  civil  and  religious  liberty,  the  political  independ- 
ence of  the  land,  together  with  the  total  expulsion  of  the 
ancient  foreign  tyranny  from  the  soil,  had  been  achieved 
ere  the  eyes  of  William  were  closed.  The  republic 
existed,  in  fact,  from  the  moment  of  the  abjuration  in 
1581. 

The  history  of  the  rise  of  the  Netherland  Republic  has 
been  at  the  same  time  the  biography  of  William  the 
Silent.  This,  while  it  gives  unity  to  the  narrative,  renders 
an  elaborate  description  of  his  character  superfluous. 
That  life  was  a  noble  Christian  epic ;  inspired  with  one 
VOL.  III.  Q 


450  The  Rise  of  the 

great  purpose  from  its  commencement  to  its  close;  the 
stream  flowing  ever  from  one  fountain  with  expanding 
fulness,  but  retaining  all  its  original  purity.  A  few  general 
observations  are  all  which  are  necessary  by  way  of 
conclusion. 

In  person,  Orange  was  above  the  middle  height,  per- 
fectly well  made  and  sinewy,  but  rather  spare  than  stout. 
His  eyes,  hair,  beard,  and  complexion  were  brown.  His 
head  was  small,  symmetrically  shaped,  combining  the 
alertness  and  compactness  characteristic  of  the  soldier, 
with  the  capacious  brow  furrowed  prematurely  with  the 
horizontal  lines  of  thought,  denoting  the  statesman  and 
the  sage.  His  physical  appearance  was,  therefore,  in  har- 
mony with  his  organization,  which  was  of  antique  model. 
Of  his  moral  qualities,  the  most  prominent  was  his  piety. 
He  was  more  than  anything  else  a  religious  man.  From 
his  trust  in  God,  he  ever  derived  support  and  consolation 
in  the  darkest  hours.  Implicitly  relying  upon  Almighty 
wisdom  and  goodness,  he  looked  danger  in  the  face  with 
a  constant  smile,  and  endured  incessant  labours  and  trials 
with  a  serenity  which  seemed  more  than  human.  While, 
however,  his  soul  was  full  of  piety,  it  was  tolerant  of 
error.  •  Sincerely  and  deliberately  himself  a  convert  to  the 
Reformed  Church,  he  was  ready  to  extend  freedom  of 
worship  to  Catholics  on  the  one  hand,  and  to  Anabaptists 
on  the  other,  for  no  man  ever  felt  more  keenly  than  he, 
that  the  reformer  who  becomes  in  his  turn  a  bigot  is 
doubly  odious. 

His  firmness  was  allied  to  his  piety.  His  constancy  in 
bearing  the  whole  weight  of  as  unequal  a  struggle  as  men 
have  ever  undertaken,  was  the  theme  of  admiration  even 
to  his  enemies.  The  rock  in  the  ocean,  "  tranquil  amid 
raging  billows,"  was  the  favourite  emblem  by  which  his 
friends  expressed  their  sense  of  his  firmness.  A  prince  of 
high  rank  and  with  royal  revenues,  he  stripped  himself 
of  station,  wealth,  almost  at  times  of  the  common  neces- 
saries of  life,  and  became,  in  his  country's  cause,  nearly  a 
beggar  as  well  as  an  outlaw.  Ten  years  after  his  death, 
the  account  between  his  executors  and  his  brother  John 
amounted  to  one  million  four  hundred  thousand  florins  1 
due  to  the  Count,  secured  by  various  pledges  of  real  and 
personal  property,  and  it  was  finally  settled  upon  this 
basis.  He  was  besides  largely  indebted  to  every  one  of 

}  Bor,  xviii.  438, 


Dutch  Republic  451 

his  powerful  relatives,  so  that  the  payment  of  the  encum- 
brances upon  his  estate  very  nearly  justified  the  fears  of 
his  children.  While  on  the  one  hand,  therefore,  he  poured 
'out  these  enormous  sums  like  water,  and  firmly  refused  a 
hearing  to  the  tempting  offers  of  the  royal  government, 
upon  the  other  hand  he  proved  the  disinterested  nature  of 
his  services  by  declining,  year  after  year,  the  sovereignty 
over  the  provinces ;  and  by  only  accepting,  in  the  last 
days  of  his  life,  when  refusal  had  become  almost  impos- 
sible, the  limited,  constitutional  supremacy  over  that  por- 
tion of  them  which  now  makes  the  realm  of  his  descendants. 
He  lived  and  died,  not  for  himself,  but  for  his  country  : 
44  God  pity  this  poor  people  !"  were  his  dying  words. 

His  intellectual  faculties  were  various  and  of  the  highest 
*order.  He  had  the  exact,  practical,  and  combining  quali- 
ties which  make  the  great  commander,  and  his  friends 
-claimed  that,  in  military  genius,  he  was  second  to  no  cap- 
tain in  Europe.1  This  was,  no  doubt,  an  exaggeration  of 
partial  attachment,  but  it  is  certain  that  the  Emperor 
Charles  had  an  exalted  opinion  of  his  capacity  for  the 
field.  His  fortification  of  Philippeville  and  Charlemont,  in 
the  face  of  the  enemy — his  passage  of  the  Meuse  in  Alva's 
sight — his  unfortunate  but  well-ordered  campaign  against 
that  general — his  sublime  plan  of  relief,  projected  and  suc- 
cessfully directed  at  last  from  his  sick  bed,  for  the  be- 
sieged city  of  Leyden — will  always  remain  monuments  of 
his  practical  military  skill. 

Of  the  soldier's  great  virtues — constancy  in  disaster,  de- 
votion to  duty,  hopefulness  in  defeat — no  man  ever  pos- 
sessed a  larger  share.  He  arrived,  through  a  series  of 
reverses,  at  a  perfect  victory.  He  planted  a  free  common- 
wealth under  the  very  battery  of  the  inquisition  in  defiance 
of  the  most  powerful  empire  existing.  He  was,  therefore, 
.-a  conqueror  in  the  loftiest  sense,  for  he  conquered  liberty 
and  a  national  existence  for  a  whole  people.  The  contest 
was  long,  and  he  fell  in  the  struggle,  but  the  victory  was 
to  the  dead  hero,  not  to  the  living  monarch.  It  is  to  be 
remembered,  too,  that  he  always  wrought  with  inferior 
instruments.  His  troops  were  usually  mercenaries,  who 
were  but  too  apt  to  mutiny  upon  the  eve  of  battle,  while 
he  was  opposed  by  the  most  formidable  veterans  of  Europe, 
commanded  successively  by  the  first  captains  of  the  age. 
That,  with  no  lieutenant  of  eminent  valour  or  experience, 

l  "  Belli  artibus  neminem  suo  tempore  parem  habuit,"  says  Ev.  Reyd.,  Ann.  iii.  59 
III 


452  The  Rise  of  the 

save  only  his  brother  Louis,  and  with  none  at  all  after  that 
chieftain's  death,  William  of  Orange  should  succeed  in 
baffling  the  efforts  of  Alva,  Requesens,  Don  John  of 
Austria,  and  Alexander  Farnese — men  whose  names  are 
among-  the  most  brilliant  in  the  military  annals  of  the 
world — is  in  itself  sufficient  evidence  of  his  warlike  ability. 
At  the  period  of  his  death  he  had  reduced  the  number  of 
obedient  provinces  to  two ;  only  Artois  and  Hainault  ac- 
knowledging Philip,  while  the  other  fifteen  were  in  open 
revolt,  the  greater  part  having  solemnly  forsworn  their 
sovereign. 

The  supremacy  of  his  political  genius  was  entirely  be- 
yond question.  He  was  the  first  statesman  of  the  age. 
The  quickness  of  his  perception  was  only  equalled  by  the 
caution  which  enabled  him  to  mature  the  results  of  his 
observations.  His  knowledge  of  human  nature  was  pro- 
found. He  governed  the  passions  and  sentiments  of  a 
great  nation  as  if  they  had  been  but  the  keys  and  chords 
of  one  vast  instrument;  and  his  hand  rarely  failed  to 
evoke  harmony  even  out  of  the  wildest  storms.  The  tur- 
bulent city  of  Ghent,  which  could  obey  no  other  master, 
which  even  the  haughty  Emperor  could  only  crush  without 
controlling,  was  ever  responsive  to  the  master  hand  of 
Orange.  His  presence  scared  away  Imbize  and  his  bat- 
like  crew,  confounded  the  schemes  of  John  Casimir,  frus- 
trated the  wiles  of  Prince  Chimay,  and  while  he  lived, 
Ghent  was  what  it  ought  always  to  have  remained,  the 
bulwark,  as  it  had  been  the  cradle,  of  popular  liberty. 
After  his  death  it  became  its  tomb. 

His  power  of  dealing  with  his  fellow-men  he  manifested 
in  the  various  ways  in  which  it  has  been  usually  exhibited 
by  statesmen.  He  possessed  a  ready  eloquence — some- 
times impassioned,  oftener  argumentative,  always  rational. 
His  influence  over  his  audience  was  unexampled  in  the 
annals  of  that  country  or  age;  yet  he  never  condescended 
to  flatter  the  people.  He  never  followed  the  nation,  but 
always  led  her  in  the  path  of  duty  and  of  honour,  and 
was  much  more  prone  to  rebuke  the  vices  than  to  pander 
to  the  passions  of  his  hearers.  He  never  failed  to  ad- 
minister ample  chastisement  to  parsimony,  to  jealousy,  to 
insubordination,  to  intolerance,  to  infidelity,  wherever  it 
was  due,  nor  feared  to  confront  the  states  or  the  people  in 
their  most  angry  hours,  and  to  tell  them  the  truth  to  their 
faces.  While,  therefore,  he  was  ever  ready  to  rebuke,  and 


Dutch  Republic  453 

always  too  honest  to  flatter,  he  at  the  same  time  possessed 
the  eloquence  which  could  convince  or  persuade.  He  knew 
how  to  reach  both  the  mind  and  the  heart  of  his  hearers. 
His  orations,  whether  extemporaneous  or  prepared — his 
written  messages  to  the  states-general,  to  the  provincial 
authorities,  to  the  municipal  bodies — his  private  corre- 
spondence with  men  of  all  ranks,  from  Emperors  and 
Kings  down  to  secretaries  and  even  children — all  show  an 
easy  flow  of  language,  a  fulness  of  thought,  a  power  of 
expression  rare  in  that  age,  a  fund  of  historical  allusion, 
a  considerable  power  of  imagination,  a  warmth  of  senti- 
ment, a  breadth  of  view,  a  directness  of  purpose — a  range 
of  qualities,  in  short,  which  would  in  themselves  have 
stamped  him  as  one  of  the  master-minds  of  his  century, 
had  there  been  no  other  monument  to  his  memory  than  the 
remains  of  his  spoken  or  written  eloquence.  The  bulk  of 
his  performances  in  this  department  was  prodigious.  Not 
even  Philip  was  more  industrious  in  the  cabinet.  Not 
even  Granvelle  held  a  more  facile  pen.  He  wrote  and 
spoke  equally  well  in  French,  German,  or  Flemish;  and 
he  possessed,  besides,  Spanish,  Italian,  Latin.  The  weight 
of  his  correspondence  alone  would  have  almost  sufficed  for 
the  common  industry  of  a  lifetime,  and  although  many 
volumes  of  his  speeches  and  letters  have  been  published, 
there  remain  in  the  various  archives  of  the  Netherlands 
and  Germany  many  documents  from  his  hand  which  will 
probably  never  see  the  light.  The  efforts  made  to  destroy 
the  Netherlands  by  the  most  laborious  and  painstaking 
of  tyrants  were  counteracted  by  the  industry  of  the  most 
indefatigable  of  patriots. 

It  is  difficult  to  find  many  characteristics  deserving  of 
grave  censure,  but  his  enemies  have  adopted  a  simpler 
process.  They  have  been  able  to  detect  few  flaws  in  his 
nature,  and  therefore  have  denounced  it  in  gross.  If  is 
not  that  his  character  was  here  and  there  defective,  but 
that  the  eternal  jewel  was  false.  The  patriotism  was 
counterfeit ;  the  self-abnegation  and  the  generosity  were 
counterfeit.  He  was  governed  only  by  ambition — by  a 
desire  of  personal  advancement.  They  never  attempted  to 
deny  his  talents,  his  industry,  his  vast  sacrifices  of  wealth 
and  station ;  but  they  ridiculed  the  idea  that  he  could  have 
been  inspired  by  any  but  unworthy  motives.1  God  alone 

1  "  A  man  born  to  the  greatest  fame,"  says  Bentivoglio,  "if,  content  with  his  fortunes, 
he  had  not  sought  amid  precipices  for  a  still  greater  one."  While  paying  homage  to  the 
extraordinary  genius  of  the  Prince,  to  his  energy,  eloquence,  perspicacity  in  all  kinds  of 


454  The  Rise  of  the 

knows  the  heart  of  man.  He  alone  can  unweave  the 
tangled  skein  of  human  motives,  and  detect  the  hiddeni 
springs  of  human  action,  but  as  far  as  can  be  judged  by 
a  careful  observation  of  undisputed  facts,  and  by  a  diligent, 
collation  of  public  and  private  documents,  it  would  seem> 
that  no  man — not  even  Washington — has  ever  been  in- 
spired by  a  purer  patriotism.  At  any  rate,  the  charge  of 
ambition  and  self-seeking  can  only  be  answered  by  a 
reference  to  the  whole  picture  which  these  volumes  have 
attempted  to  portray.  The  words,  the  deeds  of  the  man 
are  there.  As  much  as  possible,  his  inmost  soul  is  re- 
vealed in  his  confidential  letters,  and  he  who  looks  in  a 
right  spirit  will  hardly  fail  to  find  what  he  desires. 

Whether  originally  of  a  timid  temperament  or  not,  he 
was  certainly  possessed  of  perfect  courage  at  last.  In 
siege  and  battle — in  the  deadly  air  of  pestilential  cities — in 
the  long  exhaustion  of  mind  and  body  which  comes  from 
unduly  protracted  labour  and  anxiety — amid  the  countless 
conspiracies  of  assassins — he  was  daily  exposed  to  death 
in  every  shape.  Within  two  years,  five  different  attempts 
against  his  life  had  been  discovered.  Rank  and  fortune 

affairs,  his  absolute  dominion  over  the  minds  and  hearts  of  men,  and  his  consummate  skill 
in  improving  his  own  position  and  taking  advantage  of  the  false  moves  of  his  adversary, 
the  Cardinal  proceeds  to  accuse  him  of  "ambition,  fraud,  audacity,  and  rapacity."  The 
last  qualification  seems  sufficiently  absurd  to  those  who  have  even  superficially  studied  the 
life  of  William  the  Silent.  Of  course,  the  successive  changes  of  religion  by  the  Prince  are: 
ascribed  to  motives  of  interest — "  Videsi  variare  di  Religione  secondoche  vario  d'interessi. 
Da  fanciullo  in  Germania  fii  Luterano.  Passato  in  Fiandra  mostrossi  Cattolico.  Al  prin- 
cipio  della  rivolte  si  dichiara  fautore  delle  nuove  sette  ma  non  prpfessore  manifesto- 
d'alcuna;  sinche  finalmente  gli  parve  di  seguitar  quella  de'  Calvinisti,  come  la  piu  con- 
traria  di  tutte  alia  Religione  Cattolica  sostenuta  dal  Re"  di  Spagna." — (Guerra  di  Fiandra,. 
p.  2,  L  ii.  276.)  The  Cardinal  does  not  add  that  the  conversion  of  the  Prince  to  the- 
reformed  religion  was  at  the  blackest  hour  of  the  Reformation.  Cabrera  is  cooler  and 
coarser.  According  to  him  the  Prince  was  a  mere  impostor.  The  Emperor  even  had  been 
often  cautioned  as  to  his  favourite's  arrogance,  deceit,  and  ingratitude,  and  warned  that 
the  Prince  was  "a  fox  who  would  eat  up  all  his  Majesty's  chickens."  While  acknow- 
ledging that  he  "could  talk  well  of  public  affairs,"  and  that  he  "entertained  the  am- 
bassadors and  nobility  with  spiendour  and  magnificence,"  the  historian  proclaims  him, 
however,  "  faithless  and  mendacious,  a  flatterer  and  a  cheat." — (Cabrera,  v.  233.)  We  have 
seen  lhat  Tassis  accused  the  Prince  of  poisoning  Count  Bossu  with  oysters,  and  that 
Strada  had  a  long  story  of  his  attending  the  deathbed  of  that  nobleman  in  order  to  sneer 
at  the  viaticum.  We  have  also  seen  the  simple  and  heartfelt  regret  which  the  Prince  ex- 
pressed in  his  private  letters  for  Bossu's  death  and  the  solid  service  which  he  rendered  to 
him  in  life.  Of  false  accusations  of  this  nature  there  was  no  end.  One  of  the  most 
atrocious  has  been  recently  resuscitated.  A  certain  Christophe  de  Holstein  accused  the 
Prince  in  1578  of  having  inst'gated  him  to  murder  Duke  Eric  of  Brunswick.  The  assassin 
undertook  the  job,  but  seems  to  have  been  deterred  by  a  mysterious  bleeding  at  his  nose 
from  proceeding  with  the  business.  As  this  respectable  witness,  by  his  own  confession, 
had  murdered  his  own  brother,  for  money,  and  two  merchants  besides,  had  moreover  been 
concerned  in  the  killing  or  plundering  of  a  "  curate,  a  monk,  and  two  hermits,"  and  had 
been  all  his  life  a  professional  highwayman  and  assassin,  it  seems  hardly  worth  while  to 
discuss  his  statements.  Probably  a  thousand  such  calumnies  were  circulated  at  different 
times  against  the  Prince.  Yet  the  testimony  of  this  wretched  malefactor  is  gravely  repro- 
duced, at  the  expiration  of  near  three  centuries,  as  if  it  were  admissible  in  any  healthy 
court  of  historical  justice.  Truly  says  the  adage:  "calomniez  toujours,  il  en  restera 
quelque  chose." — See  Compte  Rendu  de  la  Com.  Roy  d'Hist.,  torn,  xi.,  Bruxelles,  1846. 
Notice  sur  les  aveux  de  Chr.  de  Holstein,  etc.,  etc.,  par  le  Dr.  Coremans,  pp.  10-18. 


Dutch  Republic  455 

were  offered  to  any  malefactor  who  would  compass  the 
murder.  He  had  already  been  shot  through  the  head,  and 
almost  mortally  wounded.  Under  such  circumstances  even 
a  brave  man  might  have  seen  a  pitfall  at  every  step,  a 
dagger  in  every  hand,  and  poison  in  every  cup.  On  the 
contrary  he  was  ever  cheerful,  and  hardly  took  more  pre- 
caution than  usual.  "God  in  his  mercy,"  said  he,  with 
unaffected  simplicity,  "  will  maintain  my  innocence  and 
my  honour  during  my  life  and  in  future  ages.  As  to  my 
fortune  and  my  life,  I  have  dedicated  both,  long  since,  to 
his  service.  He  will  do  therewith  what  pleases  Him  for 
his  glory  and  my  salvation."1  Thus  his  suspicions  were 
not  even  excited  by  the  ominous  face  of  Gerard,  when  he 
first  presented  himself  at  the  dining-room  door.  The 
Prince  laughed  off  his  wife's  prophetic  apprehension  at 
the  sight  of  his  murderer,  and  was  as  cheerful  as  usual 
to  the  last. 

He  possessed,  too,  that  which  to  the  heathen  philosopher 
seemed  the  greatest  good — the  sound  mind  in  the  sound 
body.  His  physical  frame  was  after  death  found  so  perfect 
that  a  long  life  might  have  been  in  store  for  him,  notwith- 
standing all  which  he  had  endured.  The  desperate  illness 
of  1574,  the  frightful  gunshot  wound  inflicted  by  Jaureguy 
in  1582,  had  left  no  traces.  The  physicians  pronounced 
that  his  body  presented  an  aspect  of  perfect  health.2  His 
temperament  was  cheerful.  At  table,  the  pleasures  of 
which,  in  moderation,  were  his  only  relaxation,  he  was 
always  animated  and  merry,  and  this  jocoseness  was  partly 
natural,  partly  intentional.  In  the  darkest  hours  of  his 
country's  trial,  he  affected  a  serenity  which  he  was  far  from 
feeling,  so  that  his  apparent  gaiety  at  momentous  epochs 
was  even  censured  by  dullards,  who  could  not  comprehend 
its  philosophy,  nor  applaud  the  flippancy  of  William  the 
Silent.3 

He  went  through  life  bearing  the  load  of  a  people's 
sorrows  upon  his  shoulders  with  a  smiling  face.  Their 
name  was  the  last  word  upon  his  lips,  save  the  simple 
affirmative,  with  which  the  soldier  who  had  been  battling 
for  the  right  all  his  lifetime,  commended  his  soul  in  dying 
"  to  his  great  captain,  Christ."  The  people  were  grateful 

1  Apologie,  p.  133.  2  Reydani,  iii.  59. 

3  "  Imprimis  inter  cibos  hilaris  et  velut  omnium  securus :  quS  re  et  tetricos  atque 
arrogantiores  nonnullos  offendit,  qui  simultatam  saepe  et  coactam  earn  faetitiam  baud 
capiebant :  cum  iliius  aspectu  cuncti  refoverentur,  illius  ex  vultu  spei  quisque  aut  des- 
perationis  caussam  sumeret." — Ev.  Reyd.,  ubi  sup. 


456       The  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic 

and  affectionate,  for  they  trusted  the  character  of  their 
"  Father  William,"  and  not  all  the  clouds  which  calumny 
could  collect  ever  dimmed  to  their  eyes  the  radiance  of  that 
lofty  mind  to  which  they  were  accustomed,  in  their  darkest 
calamities,  to  look  for  light.  As  long  as  he  lived,  he  was 
the  guiding-star  of  a  brave  nation,  and  when  he  died  the 
little  children  cried  in  the  streets.1 


Literal  expression  in  the  official  report  made  by  the  Greffier  Corneille  Aertsens  : 

ieuil  tellement  que  les  petits  enfans  en 
Magistral  de  Bruxelles,  11  Juillet,  1584 


"  Dont  par  toute  la  ville  Ton  est  en  si  grand  deuil  tellement  que  les  petits  enfans  en 
pleurent  par  les  rues."— Relation  faite  a  ceux  du  " 


MS.,  Bib.  de  Bourg.,  No.  17,386. 


INDEX 


ADOLPHUS  of  Nassau,  II.  160 
Adrian  VI.,  Pope,  I.  78 
Aerschot,  Duke  of,  I.  96,  423  ;  II.  61 ;  III.  89 
Alava,  Don  Francis  of,  II.  27,  280,  425 
Alencon,  Due  <T,  II.  498  ;  III.  138, 182,  248 
Alexander  of  Parma,  I.  402  ;  III.  248 
Alkmaar,  II.  378 
Alost,  III.  16 
Alva,  Duke  of,  II.  67,  81 
Amsterdam,  II.  236,  348;  III.  216 
Anabaptists,  I.  79 
Anastro,  Caspar,  III.  389 
Andelot,  I.  161 

Anjou,  Duke  of,  III.  255,  266,  345,  369,  402 
Anne  of  Saxony,  I.  756;  II.  480 
Antwerp,  I.  82,  446 ;  II.  434  ;  III.  33,  144, 
158,  405 

Cathedral,  I.  459 

Citadel,  II.  123 

Aremburg,  Count,  I.  323  ;  II.  60,  123,  154 
Arras,  Bishop  of.  I.  96,  172,  186 
Arsens,  Pierre,  II.  147. 
Augustus,  Elector,  I.  261 
Autos-da-fe  in  Spain,  I.  296 
Avila,  Sancho  d',  II.  151 

BAILLEUL,  Philip  de,  I.  425 

Bargain  of  Flanders,  the,  I.  64 

Batavians,  the,  I.  13 

Batenburg,  II.  355,  366 

"  Beggars,"  the,  I.  432 

"Beggars  of  the  Sea,"  the,  II.  264 

Berghen,  Marquis,  I.  96;  II.  i,  78,  109 

Berlaymont,   Baron,  I.  202,  323,  427;  II. 

104,  114;  III.  30 
Berty,  II.  70 

Blood  Council,  the,  II.  no,  118,  464 
Bloomberg,  Barbara,  III.  60 
Boisot,  Louis,  II.  419,  438,  473;  III.  12 
Bossu,  Count,  II.  290,  364,  400;  III.  268 
Bourgoyne,  Anthony  of,  II.  293 
Brabant,  I.  235  ;  II.  232 
Braccamonte,  II.  159,  425 
Brand,  Martin,  II.  364 
Breda,  II.  47,  474 
Brederode,  I.  430;  II.  43,  48,  77 
Brill   capture  of,  II.  289 
Bruges,  I.  41  ;  III.  404 
Brussels,  I.  93;  III.  260. 
Buren,  II.  126 
Buys,  Paul,  II.  309,  473,  499. 

CALBERG,  Thomas,  I.  288 
"  Calf-skin,"  the,  I.  63 
Cambray,  I.  233,  378  ;  III.  374 
Caraffa,  Cardinal,  I.  145 
Casimir,  John,  III.  224,  255,  262 
Cateau  Cambresis,  treaty  of,  I.  181 
Catherine  de  Medici,  I.  182 
Cercamp,  negotiations  at,  I.  180 
Champagny,  III.  1 8,  36 
Charlemagne,  I.  28 


Charles  the  Bold,  I.  50 

the  Simple,  I.  29 

V.,  I.  59,  98,  105,  183 

Charlotte  of  Bourbon,  II.  480;  III.  392 
Charter  granted,  I.  39 
Chimay,  III.  143,  428 
Christianity  established,  I.  27 
Civilis,  Claudius,  I.  20 
Cocqueville,  II.  51 
Coligny,  I.  152,  170;  II.  262 
Cologne,  Archbishop  of,  II.  324 

conferences,  III.  314 

Compromise,  the,  I.  407 
Cosse,  Marechal  de,  II.  151 
Council  of  Trouble,  II,  no 
Courteville,  Secretary,  II.  125 
Culemberg,  II.  117,  125 

DATHENUS,  Peter,  I.  442 ;  II.  311 

De  Bours,  III.  156,  321 

De  la  Noue,  II.  303,  307 ;  III.  224 

Delft,  III.  434 

Del  Rio,  II.  114,  125,  131 ;  III.  30 

Dendermonde,  II.  26 

De  Roda,  Jerome,  III.  22,  52 

De  Ruyter,  II.  260 

De  Selles,  III.  216 

Dirks,  the,  I.  30,  44 

Dirkzoon,  Admiral,  II.  400 

Dolhain,  II.  265 

Don  Carlos,  II.  185 

Don  John  of  Austria,  III.  27,  61 

Duffel,  I.  454 

Dunkirk,  III.  403 

EBERSTEIN,  II.  151 
Edict  of  Worms,  I.  78 

of  1550,  I.  228 

of  1566,  I.  87 

Egmont,  Lamoral  of,  I.  88,  155,  178,  245, 

328,  375,  389 :  I*-  10,  29,  61,  96,  xoi,  131, 

163 

Philip,  III.  36,  52,  295 

Emigration,  I.  426;  II.  78 
Enkhuizen,  II.  298 
Entes,  Barthold,  III.  338 
Erasmus  of  Rotterdam,  I.  74 
Eric  of  Brunswick,  III.  3 
Escovedp,  III.  99,  103,  145 
Espes,  Gueran  de,  II.  274 
Espinosa,  II.  95 
Espinoy,  Princess  of,  III.  375 
Esquerdes,  1.  430 

FAVEAU,  I.  296 
Ferdinando  dc  Toledo,  II.  97 
Feudalism,  I.  33 
Field  Preaching,  I.  442 
Fiennes,  Gillain  de,  II.  265 
Flushing,  1 1.  293 
Foolscap  livery,  I.  345 
France,  civil  war  in,  II.  121 


457 


458 


Index 


Francis  I.,  I.  65 
Frederick  of  Alva,  II.  340 
"  French  Fury,"  the,  III.  407 
Frisians,  the,  I.  13 

GABRIEL,  Peter,  I.  445 
Gemblours,  III.  209 
General  Amnesty,  II.  242 

Condemnation,  II.  129 

Genlis,  II.  212,  303,  314 

Gerard,  Balthazar,  III.  436 

Gertruidenberg  conferences,  III.  124 

Geta,  II.  210 

Ghent,  I.  62  ;  III.  27,  31,  57,  191,  263,  310 

Gomez,  Ruy,  I.  97,  134 ;  II.  2,  82 

Gonzago,  Ottavio,  III.  141 

Gosson,  III.  273 

Grandfort,  Dr.,  I.  73 

Granvelle,  Cardinal,  I.  216,  238,  252,  299, 

312,  322,  361  ;  II.  105 
Gravehnes,  I.  175 
Groningen,  II.  178;  III.  333,  338 
"Groot  Privilegie,"  I.  53 
Guion,  Francis,  III.  435 
Guise,  Duke  of,  I.  148,  171 
Guy  I.  of  Flanders,  I.  42 

HAINAULT,  Counts  of,  I.  44 

Hammes,  Nicholas  de,  I.  405,  411 

Hardenberg  Heath,  battle  of,  III.  341 

Haring,  John,  II.  360,  401 

Harlem,  I.  445  ;  II.  347 

Havr6,  Marquis  of,  III.  10,  36 

Heigliger  Lee,  battle  of,  II.  156 

Henry  II.  of  France,  I.  182 

Herlin,  II.  64 

Herpt,  II.  293 

Hessels,  II.  115 ;  III.  188,  257 

Hierges,  II.  489 

Hohenlo,  III.  340 

Hoogstraaten,  Count,  I.  380;  II.  125,  211 

Hopper.  Joachim,  I.  377;  II.  2;  III.  2 

Horn,  Count  of,  I.  96,  186,  250,  439 ;  II. 

14,  30,  101,  131,  163,  173 
Huss,  I.  72 

IMAGE-BREAKING,  I.  465 
Imbizi,  III.  187,  257,  310,  428 
Independence,  Declaration  of,  III.  357 
Inquisition  described,  I.  278 

introduced,  I.  109 

Inquisitors,  names  of,  I.  284 
Invention  of  printing,  I.  49 
Inundation  of  country,  II.  258 

JACQT-ELINE,  I,  45 
Jarnac,  battle  of,  II.  262 

femmingham,  II.  180 

erome  of  Prague,  I.  72 

'ohn  of  Celderland,  III.  237,  341 

ohn  of  Leyden,  I.  80 

unius,  Francis,  I.  408 

'unius  de  Jonge,  II.  466 

KAFFER,  Walter,  I.  288 
"  Kalf-vel,"  I.  93 

LA   GRANGE,  Peregrine  de,  I    443 ;    II. 
36,65 


Lammen,  II.  457 

La  Motte,  III.  269 

"  Land  Council,"  the,  III.  354 

Lannoy,  II.  39,  50 

La  Torre,  II.  76 

Le  Bias,  Bertrand,  I.  289 

Le  Catelet  taken,  I.  170 

Lens  sacked,  I.  153 

Leoninus,  Dr.  Elbertus,  II.  467  ;  III.  93. 

Lepanto,  battle  of,  II.  277;  III.  65 

Leyden,  II.  423,  439,  452,  459 

Leyden  University,  II.  462 

Lodrono,  II.  151 

Louisa  of  Coligny,  III.  425 

Louis  of  Nassau,  I.  411,  463 ;  II.  125,  i4Oy 

152,  262,  301,  430 
Louraine,  Cardinal  de,  I.  172 
Louvain,  II.  316 
Lowestein  Castle,  II.  260 
Luther,  Martin,  I.  76 
Luxemburg,  III.  77 

MAALZON,  Dr.  Francis,  II.  499 
Maestricht,  II.  425;  III.  32,  299 
Mallart,  I.  296 
Mansfield,  Count,  I.  360,  410;    II.  104  ; 

III.  i,  30 

Marche  en  Famine,  III.  87 
Marck,  Robert  de  la,  I.  305 
Marck,  William  de  la,  II.  285,  311,  388 
Margaret  of  Parma,  I.  185,  199 
Margaret  of  Valois,  III.  138 
Maria  of  Portugal,  I.  403 
Martell,  Charles,  I.  27 
Mary,  Queen  of  Hungary,  I.  137 
Mary  Tudor,  I.  233 
Masonic  Brotherhoods,  I.  86 
Matthias,  Archduke,  III.  179,  344 
Maurice,  Elector,  I.  260 
Maximilian,  Emperor,  I.  56  ;  II.  315,  471-- 
Mechlin,  I.  233;  II.  316,  334  ;  III.  321 
Medina  Coeli,  Duke  of,  II.   278,  306,  324, 

Meghem,  I.  417 ;  II.  60,  154 

Mendoza,  Bernardino  de,  II.  425 

Middelburg,  II.  419 

Mierop,  Cornelius  van,  II.  447 

"  Moderation,"  the,  I.  437 

Modet,  Hermann,  I.  442 

Moncontour,  II.  263 

Mondoucet,  II.  320 

Mondragon,  II.  338,  417,  465 

Mons,  I.  476  ;  II.  301,  305,  338 

Montgomery,  Count,  II.  304 

Montigny,  I.  311,  336,  402  ;  II.  i,  125,  247 

Montmorency,  I.  158,  164 

Mook  Heath,  battle  of,  II.  427 

Morillon,  Prevot,  I.  302 

Mornay,  II.  264 

Moublais,  Governor,  II.  18 

Mount  St.  Eloi,  III.  279 

Muler,  Geleyn  de,  I.  285 

Mutiny  of  Spaniards,  III.  14 

NAARDEN,  II.  342 

Namur,  III.  137 

Negotiations  with  England,  II.  498;  III.  . 

8,  326  _ 
Negotiations  with  France,  III.  9 


Index 


459 


Nevers,  Due  de,  I.  162 
Ninove,  III.  399 

Noircarmes,  I.  97  J  II.  20,  38,  63,  100,  114, 
176,  33°,  4" 

OGIER,  Robert,  I.  290 
Oliver,  Anthony,  II.  301,  361 
Ommerang,  ceremony  of,  I.  262 
Orange,  William  of : — 

-  "Apology,"  his,  III.  348 

—  assassination  of,  III.  443 
assembles  Congress,  II.  307 

—  at  Amsterdam,  II.  43 

—  at  Antwerp,  I.  4*49  ;  II.  12,  53 
at  Brussels,  III.  171 

at  Dresden,  I.  265 

—  at  Willebrock,  II.  71 

—  attempt    upon  life  of,  III.  385,   401, 

• attitude  to  "  Compromise,"  I.  421 

•         ban  against,  III.  347 

—  calumny  against,  III.  269,  309 

—  death  of,  III.  446 

espionage  over  King,  I.  424  ;  II.  33 

illness  of,  II.  446 

—  inquisition,  and,  I.  413 

—  letter   to   King,  I.  249,  314,  321 ;  II. 

—  marriages  of,   I.   256  ;  II.  485  ;   III. 
425 

—  negotiations  with  England,  II.  498 

—  negotiations  with  France,  II.  213,  316, 
389 

overtures  to,  III.  121,  316 

—  pamphlets  by,  II.  35,   201,   280,  398; 
III.  178 

policy  of,  I.  362  ;  III.  183 

—  portrait  of,  I.  204 

relations  with  Alen£on,  III.  239,  326 

relations  with  Egniont,  II.  71 

relations  with  Granville,  I.  246 

—  religious  peace  attempted,  III.  236, 
259,  295 

reply  to  Blood  Council,  II.  148 

sovereignty  offered  to,  III.  425 

summoned  by  Blood  Council,  II.  125 

Ostend,  III.  404 
Ostrawell,  II.  49 
Oudenarde,  III.  398 
Oudewatie,  II.  489 
Outreman,  II.  37 

PACHECO,  II.  295 

Pacification,  the,  III.  57 

Panis,  Peter,  III.  132 

Passau,  Peace  of,  I.  109 

Paul  IV.,  Pope,  I.  144 

Pepin  of  Heristal,  I.  26 

Perez,  Antonio,  II.  32  ;  III.  105,  148 

Perpetual  Edict,  III.  87 

Philip  the  Fair,  I.  58 

Philip  the  Good,  I.  45 

Philip  II.,  I.  96,  123,  188,  278,  388  ;  II.  4, 

96,  220,  272  ;  III.  146,  337 
Pius  V.,  Pope,  II.  5 
Plomaert,  II.  338 

RASSINGHAM,  II.  39,  473 
Reconciliation,  Treaty  of,  III.  292 


Recreations,  I.  88 

Reformation,  the,  I.  72 

Renard,  Simon,  I.  301 

Renneberg,  III.  81,  321,  332 

Renty,  Prior  of,  III.,  269 

Requesens,  II.  5,  404,  409 

Rhetorical  demonstrations,  I.  86,  299  ;  III. 

194,  294 

Ridolphi,  Roberto,  II.  272 
Rijnemants,  III.  225 
Ripperda,  II.  371,  350 
Roermonde,  II.  151,  314 
Roeulx,  II.  151,  176 
Romeo  Julian,  II.  99,  325,  343  430 
Rotterdam,  II.  292 
Rudolph  II.,  Emperor,  III.  86 
Ruward,  office  of,  III.  183 
Ryhove,  III.  187,  257 
Rythovius,  Dr.,  I.  452 

ST.  ALUEGONDE,  I.  407 ;  II.  309,  465,  473 

III.  220,  270 

St.  Bartholomew,  massacre  of,  II.  317 

St.  Quentin,  battle  of,  I.  163 

St.  Trond,  I.  453 

St.  Vaast,  III.  271 

Sambre,  battle  of,  I.  19 

Sasbout,  Arnold,  II.  473 

Savoy,  Duke  of,  I.  137,  iSr 

Schwendi,  Lazarus,  I.  342 

Segovia,  debates  at,  II.  2 

Serbelloni,  Gabriel  de,  II.  97 

Sessa,  Carlos  de,  I.  197 

Smith,  Christopher,  I.  371 

Sonnius,  Dr.  Francis,  I.  233 

Sonoy,  Dietrich,  II.  280,  300,  360,  380,  486 

Sorrento,  I.  441 

Spanish  Fury,  the,  III.  50 

Steenwyk,  III.  351 

Stochem,  II.  205 

Strasburg,  II.  215 

Strozzi,  Marshal,  I.  173 

Suis,  Charles,  II.  473 

TAFFIN,  Nicholas,  II.  16 

Tanchelyn,  I.  69 

Teligny,  I.  159 

Tergoes,  II.  337 

'1  hermes,  Paul  de,  I.  171 

Thionville,  I.  173 

Tholouse,  Marnix  de,  II.  49 

Tiskaen,  Hans,  I.  447 

Tisnacq,  Charles  de,  I.  323,  398  ;  II-  a 

Titelman,  Peter,  I.  281,  371  ;  II.  105 

Torquemada,  Dominican,  I.  279 

Tournay,  I.  107,  435  ;  II.  20;  III.  374 

Treslong,  II.  287,  292  ;  III.  143 

Troussart,  Pierre,  I.  283 

UITENHOOVE,  II.  403 

Union  of  all  the  States,  III.  56 

Union  of  Brussels,  III.  80,  196 

Union  of  Holland  and  Zeland,   II.   478  ; 

III.  5 

Union  of  Utrecht,  III.  280 
Utrecht,  I.  233  ;  II.  236 

VALDEZ,  II.  439,  453 
Valenciennes,  I.  472  ;  II.  36,  64 


460 


Index 


Vancelles,  truce  of,  I.  140 

Van  den  Berg,  I.  424  ;    II.  125,  341  ;   III. 

427 

Van  der  Hulst,  I.  140 
Van  der  Werf,  II.  454 
Van  Diemen,  vrow,  II.  185 
Van  Ende,  Colonel,  III.  35,  144,  156 
Van  Straalen,  Anthony,  I.  313  ;    II.   101 

197 

Van  Trier,  II.  353 
Van  't  Zeraerts,  II.  297,  337 
Vargas,  II.  114,  131 
Ven-sro,  III.  388 
Viglius,   President,   I.   93,   186,  202,  303, 

366;  II.  112,  235,  403;  III.  29,  123 


Villars,  II.  151 
Visch,  III.  259 
Vitelli,  Chiappin,  II.  97,  176,  313,  495 

WATRELOTS,  II.,  39 
Wickliff,  I.  72 
Wille,  Ambrose,  I.  443 
Willebrock,  II.  71 

YPRES,  Bishop  of,  II.  163 

ZERBY,  I.  242 

Zierickzee,  II.  490  ;  III.  12 


Zutphen,  II.  340 
Zuyder  Zee,  I.  42 


Richard  Clay  &  Sons,  Limited  London  and  Bungay. 


EVSR.YA\AN; 


•THEE. 
&BETHYGV1DE 
•JN-THY-MQST-NEED 
ITOGOBYTHYJJDE 


DH 
186 
.5 
M7 
1906 
v.3 
cop. 2 


Motley,    John  Lothrop 

The  rise  of  the  Dutch 
Republic 


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